1 12 37 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/798de76337270199e5bda0bec7b94548.pdf 9b2b74f48df861d733b9e82dffc058f8 PDF Text Text A BYAYALA NE S JOURNAL OF THE SOUTH AND MESO AMERICAN INDIAN RIGHTS CENTER (SAIIC) VOLUME 9, NUMBER 1, SPRING 1995 PRICE $4.00 •• ,.,. fp • �c ONTENTS Editorial In Brief . . . .......3 . . ... . .. .4 Borders A 19th·Century War in the Amazon .............6 Mexico'sDomestic and International Borders .. . ...8 US/Mexico Border Encounter ....... ......... 10 New Colonialism in Nicaragua ................12 A Mapuche View of State Frontiers and Indian Nations ........................14 Self-determination and Territory Ye'kuana Land Demarcation . . . .. ....... ..... 16 Salta, Argentina: Struggle for land Continues .... 18 Chiapas Update . ......................... 19 Bolivia: Neoliberal State of Seige ........ • .....20 A,bya Yala Hews Editors: SAJIC Bo.>rd of Directors Journal Coordinators: C~ Musch, Marc Secl<er, Gia Giant EditO<ial Assistance: Gilles CO<nbrissoo ~' Gilles CO<nbrissoo, Kevin Ross Copy EditO<: C~ MUSCh SAIIC Staff Director: Amalia Dixon Administrative Coordinator: Leticia V<l!dez Development Coordinator: N>drf:>N Bartlett CO<nmuni~tions Coordinator: Mate Becker SAIIC Board of Directors Nilo CawQueo(Mapoche-Ngentina) Wara Alderete (Cakhaqui-Atgentina) Alejatl<lro Nnarv Ngumedo (0\Jecl>.Ja•Petll) Guillermo Delgado (0\lecl'<la·Solivia) Xihuanel HtJelta (Chicanindia) Carlos Maibettl (Misl<itu·Ni<:arasua) Gina Pacaldo (San C arlosl\pOChe/Chicana) Marcos Y (MilYa-KaqchikeVGuatemala) oc SubS(riptions: ~ Y Nevos(ISSN 1071-3182) is pUolishOOQ.bt0f)'in ala ~ish and Spirish k is ,.;lab.'e forWla'l'Ull S25 """""' ~ iio<lriOeo,;lip, $15 ION.f>:ome 9.bso"'""l S25 for ~. . Women $4() ~ for l:le&ips, add $10. )\Xr dc::ralicr6 help <.6 send the jcunll free inSpirish to~~ in the Souh. We welcome submissions of &rticles, fetters, ohc> tograpns and relevant information. lettets arid arti· cles may be edited for length. If you have access to a cO<npuw please send yc<x arti<:le on papet and on an ACPfe cO<npatit>le 3 112 inch disk. Send all cooespondence t<> SAJIC P Box 28703 .O. Environment and Development Interview with Leonardo Viteri .... . ...........22 Interview with Mino Eusebio Castro . ... ..... . ..24 Chile: Chiloe Forests Targeted ................26 Biobio Power Plant Threatens Communities .. . ..27 Raposa/Serra do Sol Dam .... ...............28 rco-p-cflls Crid:land~~$5. f'oraiiCOhef~mem­ oakland, CA 94604, USA Phone: (510) 834·4263 Fax, (510)834·4264 e-mail: saiic@igc.ape.e<g We would like to thank the f~lowing individuals and organiz.ations for their generous assistance to Abya Yala News: Billy R. Trice Jr, Matiana 8\Jstamante, Stefano va~ese, Fernando ~ra and Laura Soriano, w ith speciat thanks to Vickie Waid, Judy Sttonack, and aoosy Draper. Interview with Victoria Tauli-Corpuz ............29 Ouichua Potters Cultural Exchange . .. .. . . .. ...31 Organizations: Nnerindia (5pain) . CEDIS ~Bolivia), 1 OOCip (Swiu:etlMd), Indian>< Medresentet (Nolway) Grvpo Karurnanta ((!SA), RainfO<est ACtion 1 NetwOrk ,USA), TIPI (Norway-Spaill). International Publications: NAORP (UC Davis, USA), Presencia l iteraria (Bolivia), RevisUo O~rasca (Mexico), NAClA (USA), Hoy(la Paz). Allian.ce to Counter the Vampire Project ........ .32 URNG-Government Dialogue ..... .. . .. ......33 Guerrero: PRI State Violence Unleashed ........34 Organization and Communication Internet and Indigenous Organizations ..........35 Abya Yala Fund Filling the Gap ... ..... . . . ....37 SAIIC News . . . . . ..................39 On the Cover: OO.rani-Kaiow6 in Mato Gtosoo do Sui, Btazil, defending their land Phol<>. Jo8o R. R ipper lmagens clcl Terra,1994. Coutesy of Arlloo<ll<6 , Thanks to the following foundations for their generous support: John D. and C atherine T . MacArthur Founclcltion,_General SeMce Founclcltion, Public Welfare f<XJrlO<Ition, foundation for Deep EcOlogy. SAIIC representative-s abroad: Juan 5et>asti6n Lara·REGNBUEN (NOIWay), Rafael Ngumedo (Germany), Al~a.ndro Argumedo (Canaclcl), and Susan O'Oonell (Wales). •Al:>ya Y is the Kuna word for Continent of life ala wlli<:h includes all of the Americas. Indexed: Altemative Press Index, Ethnic Nf:>NS watch. SAJIC is ~ted at 1714 F ranklin Street, 3rd floor, oakland._CA. 94612. Please send all correspondence to the P.v. Box at:><m. �EDITOR I AL tate borders, rather than cultural borde•-s, are one of the lmogest obstacles blocking Indigenous peoples from communicating, working togethe•; and reinvigorating our cultures. For this reason, we have dedicated this edition to publicizing Indigenous thinking and discussion on nation-state border issues. The 1995 war between Peru and Ecuador has rekindled interest in this on-going debate. Reminiscent of tl).e for· mative nineteenth-century nation-state independence Wal"S in Latin America, this recent war is a bloody conflict between nation-states fought 'viU> Indigenous lives. 1\ventieth-century examples of similar situations include the 1932-1935 Chaco War between Paraguay and Bolivia which took 40,000 Indigenous lives, the so-called Soccer War in 1968 between El Salvador and Hondu1·as, the never-ending strife on the Colombian-Venezuelan border, and the hm-dships which the Miskitu people in Nicm·agua and Hon.duras and the Kuna Nation in Panama and Colombia have endured. Em-opean colonizers first, and then American States, delineated borders. Outsiders divided the conti· nents' geographical space and states, p>-ovinces, departments, municipalities, and counties replaced cultural territories of Indigenous origin . The Span.ish C.-own, after decimating and exploiting Indigenous poeples, decided to give some territo.-ial rights furough the systems of "Mercedes lndivisas," "Cedulas Reales," and other communal •-ights. Indigenous peoples exercized autonomous •ights to those te•~itories. However, after the Crwllo (descendants of Spaniards) elites expelled the Spanish monarchy in the so· called War of Independence, they took away those territorial rights, and imposed on Indigenous peoples a new ideology of "citizenship." Indigenous peoples were forced to enroll in the Criollo Independence Army. Needless to say, they were used as canon fodder. The new governing elites decided that it was their turn to mle the vast tenitory which is today America. The Criollo elites 1-eshaped, according to their individual interests, what today m-e considered the Latin American states. Indigenous peoples were not consulted to evaluate that process. With our populations decimated, bordet"S we re imposed on us, subdividing our Indigenous nations. Although the decline of the Spanish empire and the emergence of the Criollo elite ushet-ed in the recognition of some of our own traditional ter•itory,lndigenous "uprisings" tlwoughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were constant 1-erninde•-s of the denial of our immemorial rights to our own territories which we have occupied for thousands of years. New legal systems based on individualistic Roman judiciary tenets contradicted the collective cultures of Indigenous peoples. Today, the Latin Ame.-ican states continue to deny and ignore Indigenous peoples' con· ception of justice and gove.-nroent. Today, the Indigenous movements demand to be hem·d. It is important that tlu-oughout tllis Decade of Indigenous Peoples our different conceptions of political rights to self-determinat ioll and autonomy be re· examined. Our cultural practices and our r-epmduction as collectives requi.J-es having control over our tern· tot·ies. We a re more conscious about the need to be heard as "collective entities." Indigenous peoples' demands need to be heard and met by new rules that Callllot be defined by westem laws and cultures. It is imperative that governments and societies t-ecog>lize oux rights as distinct and original peoples of the world. Bordet"S at-e but one of several obstacles we face as Indigenous peoples. Each demarcated border line has been created by the p1-ocess of colonization and violence against Indigenous nations. Whether domestic or intet·national, borders bear the same colonial logic. Ultimately, they mean our demise. In light of this fact, the articles in this issue will update the tremendous pJ-essures we must face due to anachronistic colonial legal structm-es, by now obsolete, that deny us om· tights as original Indigenous peoples. S SAIIC Board of Directot"S ' Vol. 9 No.1 .. 3 �IN B RIEF Guajajara Murdered in Brazil anuel Mendes, a Guajajara Indian, was killed following a land invasion in the state of Maranhao, Brazil. Mendes' assassin, Jaime Jardim, was an invader of the Krikati Indian territory, located in the Brazilian state of Maranhao. According to his daugh· tet; Manuel Mendes had been receiving death th1·eats for some time. Tension had been building in that area since a group of invaders prevented a team of technicians from demarcating the Krikati te1-ritory. The minister of Justioe issued a directive ordering the Krikati territory to be demarcated in July of 1992. However, because of pressure from local politicians, land invaders and the family of ex-president Jose Samey, the demarcation has been intet-rupted. Meanwhile, Krikati land continues to be illegally occupied. Invaders have settled on about twenty farms and in a Krikati village. In December of last year, when technicians were once again sent to demarcate the area, invaders burned the entrance bridges and blocked access to the ru"ea. M Information supplied by CIMI-Conselho Indigenista Missionario Ondian Missionary Council) Colombian Guerrillas Attack Venezuelan Outpost 'J1ension has been building between Colombia and 1. Venezuela since last Februruy, when Colombian guerrillas crossed the Venezuelan border and attacked a military outpost in the Amazon lowlands. Both Colombian and Venezuelan officials deny the possibil· ity of rumed conflict between the two countries, yet Venezuelan Pt"esident Rafael Caldera ordered thou· sands of troops to the border area. AS a t'esult of the conflict, anti-Colombian sentiment is high in Venezuela. Venezuelan authorities have depotted thousands of undocumented Colombian migrant workers and graffiti slogans such as "Colombian Murderers Go Home" have appeared throughout Caracas. Honduras: Xicaque Denounce Government allows the wild 1adinos' (non-Indians) to throw us off the land our ancestors left us; he said. The Xicaque are one of the largest Indigenous groups in Honduras, and although they have been identified by national and intemational autho•·ities as victims of social oppression, nothing has been done to alleviate theh· problems. The Xicaque suffer from starvation, illnesses, and the slow but eventual extermination of their people by colonizers of their land. A Xicaque elder, Timoteo CaiLx, believes that the genocide of his people will end when the Hondw·an government sends the International Labor Organization (ILO) ratification of the Indigenous People's Convention 169, which guarantees their pro· tection. Meanwhile, the govemment has promised to send the ratification of Convention 169 in order to assw·e all Indigenous communities that it will not abandon its commitment to preserve Xicaque lives and culture. Information courtesy of l nterPress 7'l•ird World News Agency. Bill to Grant Ngobe-Bugle Autonomy · in Panama ue to strong opposition by com· munity of DgovernmentPanama to up athe Ngobe-Buglelands, the mining of theh· the has drawn bill that grant the will community autonomy over its territory. The Ngobe· Bugle people claim ownership of over 11,000 square kilometers ofland in the western prut of Panama. Marcelino Montezuma, a Ngobe-Bugle leader, explained that his community t'ejected the mining of their territory out of concern for environmental degradation. The Ngobe-Buge people felt that without autonomy over their land, they would be powerless to regulate the mining process. "FiJ'St of all, we wru>t independence, then we 'viii see if mining 'viii suit us," he said. While discarding the use of violence to gain auton· omy, Monte'tuma insisted that the Indigenous people of Panama "at·e losing patience." He also said that they demand to be treated with dignity and will not allow the Panamanian government to take away their ancestral lands. Vicaque leader Julio Soto recently denounced the A.Honduran government's failw·e to demarcate their Information courtesy of InterPress Third IVorld News lands and assure their sw-vival. "W~re in a bad state. Agency. The government will not say the land is ours, and 4 Abya Yala News �IN BR I EF Brazil: Indigenous Commission Fights f or Demarcat ion over the reserve reveal huge clear-cut m·eas on the western and sou thern edges. Sumu leaders have commission of twenty-t ht·ee Xucuru Kariti, Wassu demanded the cancellation of the mining permit. Coca!, Geripank6, Ka.-iri-Xok6, and Karapot6 Indians from Alagoiis, along with Xok6 Indians from Information courtesy of Nicaragua Center for Sergipe, went to Brasilia to denounce acts of violence Community Action. against Indians and demand measw-es for the demarcation of their lands. The commission was heard by Indigenous Assembly Grapples wit h audiences at FUNAI, the Office of the Attorney Suicides uicides among the Guarani Kaiowa, which have General, and the Chamber of Deputies. Citing one of the most serious incidents, the Karapot6 warned that been on the .-ise for the past ten years, were the at least eight myste.-ious fires had destroyed crops, main subject discussed this past May at an Assembly fences and grazing land in their 1,810-hectare ter.-ito- of the Aty Guassu Organization in the state of Mato ry, which has been the object of litigation for two years. Grosso do Sui, Brazil. The Assembly bt-ought together shamans, Indian leaders and chiefs from 22 villages to t ry to learn why 22 Indians have committed suicide Canadian Mining Interests in this yea~: Nicaragua Threaten Sumu The suicide rate among the Guarani Koaiowa is 'l"'be Nicaraguan Ministry of Economics recently unusually high. The World Health Organization con.1 a warded a milling permit to the Nycon Resow·ce siders that an estimate of over one case in 10,000 per Company of Canada to search for gold and other min- year is abnormal. According to FUNAI, 161 suicides, erals in the Bosawas Reserve. Nelson Lopez of most of which were committed by young Indians, wet-e Nicaragua's Environment and Natural Resources registered among the Guarani Kaiowa ft-om 1985 Agency (MARENA) has said that the mitling operation tht-ough May of this year. Extreme poverty, the gradual loss of traditional rel.ithreatens the health of the Sumu and constitutes "a violation of the 1991law" that established the t-eserve. gious practices, and, above all, the lack ofland are facYet the Bosawas Reset·ve, on the border of Honduras itt tors directly linked to the suicides. A•·aldo Veron, who northwest Nicaragua, cont inues to be the site of min- also once attempted suicide, spoke on these factors at ing, logging, and subsistence farming operations that the Assembly. The villages of Dourados, with 8,900 Indians endanger Indigenous populations and the envit-onment. According to MARENA, there are now 700 non- squeezed in 3,530 hecta1-es of land, and Caarapor, with Indigenous families living on the borders of the reserve 2,346 Indians, have been the most affected. who have cleared thousands of acres of forest for ct-ops and cattle-grazit-.g. Loggers have begun to haul b-opi- Information courtesy ofCIMI-Conselilo IndigenistCL cal hardwood from the ru-ea to Managua, and £lights Mlssionlirio. A S ------------~-~~ SAIIC Supports Ojarasca • A new refreshing publication covering Indigenous peoples and issues in Mexico To Subsc.ribe: Send add 10 Epigmenio No. of Subscriptions._-,--__ North, Central, and South America: Europe, Asia, Africa, and Oceania: Donation Ibarra 53, Colonia Romero do T errenos, 04310, Mexico D.F. . (5) 659-8652 Institutions: US S75.00 0 Institutions: US $100.00 0 Individuals: US $60.00 Individuals: US $75.00 0 0 0 Name.~--------Zip Code_ _ _ _ _ _ __ Stree:~---------------Country__________________ City~-------- Phone:_ _ _ _ _ ____ Make check or money order payable to Pro Mexico lndigena, A. C. Vol. 9No . 1 5 �BO R D E R S A Nineteenth-Century War in the Amazon: Indigenous Communities Caught in the Ecuador/ Peru Border Dispute by Fernando Rivera ndigenous people who live in the disputed area between Ecuador and Peru have faced severe hardship and danger dwing the latest conflict which erupted in January of this year. Forced to fight and caught in wars not of their O\o,;n design, Indigenous communities in both Ecuador and Peru endured the death of some of their people in batt le, the threat of mass starvation, illnesses, and the de.struction of their environment. The recent fighting is an unfortunate continuation of border disputes which have divided the two ies since the wars of indecount1 pendence and is another example of the internal colonialism to which Indigenous peoples ru·e subjected. Each country has based its territorial l"ights on di!Terent treatises and international legal concepts. Each has had its own reasons for waging w81: Both Ecuador and Peru, however, have ignored the impact that such land disputes have had on the Indigenous peoples who live along their borders. With every war and every treatise, neither Ecuador nor Peru has been as negatively affected as these Indigenous communities. The terr:itol"ial dispute between Ecuador and Peru has been one of the longest and most complicated land disputes on the continent. During colonial times, first the Viceroyalty of Peru and later the Viceroyalty of Gran Colombia administered the Amazonian provinces. In 1829, after gaining I 6 independence, Peru and Gran Colombia signed an agreement in which they did not establish borders, but agreed to 1-espect the former colonial divisions. Since the borders in that 1-egion were never clearly defined, theil: demarcation bec81ne a topic of constant debate. In 1941 a w91· broke out between Ecuador and Peru which ended with the signing of the R>o de Janeiro Protocol which sought to define the border between the two countries. In 1950, however, Ecuador decla1-ed the Protocol null and void because of what it believed to be technical differences in dem81-cating 78 kilometers of land along the Condor Cordillera. In 1981, another war broke out between the two countries. Some analysts believe that the ruling government of Ecuador began that war as a way to distract attention away from its economic problems. Similarly, some analysts believe that President Fujilnoti may have begun the current war in order to assw-e his re~lection. Whatever the motive, it is the Indigenous communities along the Ecuador/Peru border that are the most affected when the two countries decide to go into battle. First, both count1ies force Indians to fight in the military. This makes neighboring communities along the border and binational communities (communities divided by the bor· der) fight among each other. Much has been said t-ecently about intraethnic wars all 81-ound the world, but little attenti<>n has been paid to the fact that Indian peoples in Ecuador and Peru have been forced to kill each other. Many of these people belong to the same ethnic or cultw·al gJ"Oups, as in the case of the Shuar, Achuar, Aguaruna, Huambiza and Quichua Indians. Second, the toU of the war is felt primarily in Indigenous communities along the border whet-e most of the fighting occw-s. Hundreds of families have been displaced by the destruction of their homes, harvests, and cattle. Bombings occur t-egularly, and deadly diseases are spreading rapidly. "Indigenous communities have never had bordet-s," says Mino Eusebio Castro, vice-p1-esident of AIDESEP (Indigenous Association for the Development of the Pemvian Amazon). "Wbat is occurting is that thet-e 8l"e conflicting interests between two political gJ"Oups striving for economic contJ-ol. We have never been consulted over the creation of borders, yet who do they use when there is a conflict of this type? Who provides the food? Who gets recruited to fight on the fi-ont lines? Who gets affected by protecting the borders? It is the Indigenous people!" Luis Macas, president of CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador) reported that the war has directly affected 21 of the 400 Shuar centers (or communities) in the Ecuadorian Amazon because of their proximity to the border. Also, among the 30 Achuar centet-s, the Abya Yala News �BORDERS 11 centers closest to the border h ave been greatly affected. Furthermore, out of the 25 Quichua communit ies on both sides of the border (10 in Ecuador and 15 in Peru), the number of affected families reaches 800. Finally, other smaller bordering communities also suffer from the war. These include the Siona, Secoya, Cofan, and the Shiwiar communities. The total number oflndians in Ecuador alone affected by this war reaches 20,000. If the conflict continues, Macas predicts the loss of more Indigenous lives, homes, and livelihoods. A recent article in the Quito daily El Comercio describes the social and economic effect of the war. According to the report, 180 Indigenous communities and approximately 3,000 families "are faced with a social, economic, and psychological crisis because thei1· crops and animals have disappeared and their understanding of their own territory has been changed" since the fighting began. "Life is not the same. Trru>quillity has not retw·ned to the selva since the cease-fire," said Luis Yam pies, a leader of the Shuar community. "Many communities cannot retum to their lands because they are mined. That was a defense st•·ategy by the Ecuadorian military, but we are affected." In formal and informal declarations, Indigenous groups have denounced the violence and demanded that the governments of Ecuador and Peru stop the war. COICA (The Coordinating Body for the Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin), an umbrella group that represents Indigenous organizations from the eight nation-states with territorial claims in the Amazon Basin, proposed the creation of a bi-national park which would demilitarize the conflict zone and guarantee peace for years to come. The proposal was Vol. 9 No.1 born out of an impending need to protect the environment and the desire to re-integrate the Shuar and Achuar communities in Ecuador with their cultural cou11· terparts in Peru- the Aguaruna and the Huambiza Indians. Another-perhaps more radical-declaration signed by members ofboth CONAlE and CONFENIAE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon), demands, among other things, that Ecuador be recognized as a "multinational, multicultul'al and multilingual count•·y" (see sideContinued on page 38 Ecuadorian Indigenous Nationalities to the nation and world: The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAlE) and the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) met in an Encounter of Solidarity for Peace and Dignity in the city of Sucua, Ecuador, at the headquarters of the Interprovincial Federation of Shuar-Achuar Centers (FICSHA), on February 21·22, 1995. After analyzing recent conflicts between Ecuador and Peru, we declare the following: n the conntries of Latin America and around the world and, proticulru·ly among cow>bies which ru-e in conflict, we comprise a dive1-sity of peoples and cultw-es which ru-e historically located in ow- own territories. The border conflicts that today lead to bloodshed in neighboring populations and destroy their hrun>ony and lifestyles, ru-e not in ow- interests. Rathe•·, they have lead to a stalemate and a deepening poverty for the communities involved. For these reasons, we Indigenous nationalities propose: 1. That Ecuador be constitutionally recognized as a plwi-national, multi-cultw-al, and pluri-lingual state, because the recognition of and respect for diffe1-ent peoples is not an obstacle to the unity of a diverse oountry, but rather a resource that wi)l sb-engthen its cohesion. 2.ln homage to the Intemational Decade oflndigenous Peoples that the United Nations declru-ed, we demand of intemational organizations and the guarantee nations of the Rio Protocol that Indigenous peoples in Ecuador and PeiU be included in the peace negotiations as active paJticipants in the seru-ch for a definitive solution to the conOict. 3. That the Ecuadorian State pe1manently suspend the colonization programs in the ancestral lands of the Indigenous nationalities of the Amazon Region. 4. The legalization of Indigenous te11itories in the .border area and in the Amazon Region as a fundamental guarantee of the secUiity and ter•ito•ial integrity of the country. 5. That the National Parks, Protected Forests, and Forest Reserves be given to and administe1-ed dil'ectiy by Indigenous organizations for the apprOJ?Iiate use and management of their naturalresow-ces. 6. That we be 1-epaid for the socio-economic and environmental impacts caused by the war; a guarruJtee of the 1-etw·n of displaced peoples to their Indigenous communities; ru>d the establishment of a fund for the relatives of civilians killed in the conflict. 7. That the budget for the lnteJ-cultural Bilingual Education program be augmented. I 7 �B O RD E R S Indigenous Fragmentation: Mexico's Domestic and International Borders by Arace/i Burguete Cal y Mayor or Indigenous populations, the notion of "borders" is directly associated with a history of occupation and usurpation of their ten·itories. In the case of Mexico, the wars that have accompanied each international border demarcation have not been limited to Indigenous populations in the north or south. The formation of the Mexican Federation was carried out with the same amount of violence and colonization. Each ten; torial division within the country has been imposed as a "bot'der" for Indigenous peoples. These borders were constructed in an attificial and arbitrary ma nner, and were superimposed over a cultural and historical geogt·aphy that dates back thousands of years. F Mexico's Southern Border Mayan communities suffer from both · domestic and international border impositions. Within Mexico, five states of the Mexican Federation (Yucatan, Campeche, Quintana Roo, Tabasco, and Chiapas), almost one hundred municipalities, and over one hunAraceli Burguete is a natiue of Chiopas, sociologist, and technical and research coor<linator for the Independent Indian Peoples' Front (FIP/). 8 dred cooperative farms and communities divide the Maya people. Internationally, the Maya area covers the borders of six nation-states (Mexico, Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and El Salvador). The most costly impact of this fragmentation has been on the Mayan global identity, now surviving in multiple linguistic identities (Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolabal, Quiche, Tzutujil, Quekchi, etc.). These linguistic gt'Oups have not been able to unify into one single Mayan identity. Nevertheless, there are encouraging signs for unification, even though the Maya people continue to be fragmented. In fact, it appears that those living in Guatemala are undergoing a process of reconstruction of their global identity. Even though this phenomenon is also taking place in Mexico (albeit, in isolated instances), in the majority of the states in which Maya people live, the impact of tourism and industrialization has accelerated the tendency toward "deindiani?.ation." This accelerated "deindianization" is occurring primarily in Tabasco, Campeche, Yucatan, and Quintana Roo. In Chiapas, despite a strong Maya cultw·al tradition, the Maya global identity is fragmented due to linguistic, municipal, and communal differences. Despite this fragmentation, the states, municipalities and commu· nities which make up the southern border of Mexico constitute a region that has histodcally been integrat. ed through a common Maya cultural base. Stil.l, the phenomenon of "borders" has had a tremendous impact on the Maya people of Mexico. The Treaty of Limits officially demarcated Mexico's southern bor· der with Guatemala on September 27, 1882. The demat·cation with Belize dates to July of 1893, and was defined tlu-ough negotiations with Great Bt;tain. Neither demarcation process was peaceful. Wars and border conflicts preceded each accord. Even today, some Guatemalans regard Chiapas' incorporation into Mexico as an act of annexation and theft on the prut of Mexico. This feeling is similar to that of Mexicans in regards to the US-occupied Mexican ten;tories of Texas, New Mexico, and California. In reality, this kind of nationalistic rhetoric about stolen land hides the fact that the real victims of bot·det· disputes and land annexation have been the Indigenous communities on both the notthern and southern borders of the Mexican nation. On September 12, 1824, Chiapas was officially annexed into Mexico through a plebiscite. A total AI:Y{a Yala News �BORDE R S "Mayan communities suffer from both domestic and international border impositions. Within Mexico, five states of the Mexican Federation (Yucatan, Campeche, Quintana Roo, Tabasco, and Chiapas), almost one hundred municipalities, and over one hundred cooperative farms and communities divide the Maya people." number of almost 100,000 citizens voted to include Chiapas into t he Mexican Federation. However, not all of those who lived in Chiapas had the opportunity to vote on such a crucial issue. In 1824, only those who could read or write and those who could prove that they were "honorable" citizens (citizens with wealth and of mestizo or criollo ancestry) were allowed to vote. The opinion and collective perception of territory of the Maya, Quiche, Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Tojolabal, Quekchl, and Marne peoples that lived in Chiapas was never taken into consideration. A Border in Conf lict The Maya people's response to the fragmentation of their culture has never been passive. Hundreds of rebellions have demonstrated the Maya communities' nonconformity with their reality as a divided people. The Maya rebellion that bas lasted for more than twenty years in Guatemala and the recent Maya uprising in Chiapas are modem examples of Maya resistance against the borders and what these borders signify for them: oppression and the loss of self-determination. The concept of "border" in southern Mexico became more tangible as a result of internal conflicts in Vol. 9 No.1 Central America. Thousands of political refugees crossed Mexico's border. Many of them were Maya people who were escaping repression at the hands of the Guatemalan authorities. T hese people have now settled in the municipalities adjacent to the border. According to official government sow-ces, there a re almost 40 thousand Guatemalan refugees along Mexico's southern border, with half of them in the state of Chiapas. Many believe that the actual number of political refugees who have settled in the south of Mexico is higher. As is well known, not all refugees were accounted for in these statistics. Estimates indicate that the number of Guatemalan refugees in Mexico is at least twice that of the official count. The presence of refugees and the bordet's proximity to the Guatemalan guerrillas push Mexico's government to increase the presence of police and soldiers to guard the borders. Because of tllis, the one million Indigenous people of Chiapas and other border states have suffered assaults on theit· liberties, and all possibilities for democracy were halted. The authorities of Chia pas have consistently defied existing federal laws by allowing certain individuals to break them with impunity. In the last twenty years, the Maya who live along the southern border of Mexico have lived in a virtual state of war. They have struggled to achieve democracy via peaceful means. However, the authorities have responded 'vith acts of violence and ten-orism, similar to those experienced in "lowintensity" conflict areas. Violation of Indigenous People's human righ ts and impu nity for the violators has also been a characteristic of the past twenty years. The violence and repression against the Mayas of Mexico's southern border has no precedence in tile rest of the country. Yet, this kind of violence is not circu mstantial. It is reproduced to the same magnitude in other border areas. '(?/ 9 �BO R D E R S Once Divided: Indigenous Peoples in the US and Mexico Unite Across the Border AUKA MAl KUAR KUAR was the First Historical Encounter of Indigenous Peoples of Baja California and the United States border states of New Mexico and Nizona. At this encounter, Indigenous peoples divided by nation-state borders attempted to rebuild their sense of unity by exchanging views and analyzing their current position regarding the ongoing process of organizing on a regional/eve/. What follows is a brief report on this encounter. based on arti cle by Carolina de Ia Pefia and Eugenio Bermejillo, Ojarasca, Mexico n June of 1994, the First Indigenous US/Mexico Border Ml\i Kuar Kuar Auka Encounter took place in Tecate, Baja California. Unlike similar conferences, attendance was not limited to tribal leaders. Members of all ranks represented their communities at the Encounter. These communities included those associated with UECI (The Common Land and Indigenous Communities of Baja California Union), Peace and Dignity, and The Native Cultures of B.C. Institute. Howeve•; tribal leaders were by no means absent. Leaders from communities across Mexico, Baja California, and the US were present. The Encounte•'s pw·pose was to in itiate communication among Indigenous peoples in Mexico and the United States. Several issues were discussed. One of the most important being the difficult situation faced by bi-national Indigenous communit ies (communities that are divided by the US/Mexico bo1·der). These discussions resulted in the drafting of a declaration concerning this problem that was later sent to bi-national Indigenous communities for approval. Part of the declaration reads as follows: "Our I 10 rights have been limited by the Guadalupe-Hidalgo Tt·eatise of 1848, which does not recognize the historical and natural rights of freedom of movement within our Indigenous communities, linked both linguistically and culturally, on either side of the border." The signers of the declaration demanded the right to cross fi-eely for ce•-emonial and religious purposes, advocated the toppling of existing barriers in order that members of Indigenous communities may visit one another and rekindle •-elationships with family members separated by the border, and requested access to natw·al resources necessary for cultural or medicinal pu••poses and for the construction of houses. Membet-s of the Hia-ced O'odham, Yaqui, Kurniai, KiJiwa, Pa-ipai, Cochimi, Kikapu, Mono, and Cucapa communities signed the declaration. In 1989, at the Border 11-ibes Summit, similar issues were raised. Representatives from twenty Indigenous communities from the Sonora/Arizona border and from the Creek, Cree, Cherokee, Ojibwa, Mohawk, and other communities separated by the US/Canada border were present. One of the main topics of discussion was the decla- ration fi-om the O'odham Nation calling for the t-estitution of its territory in Mexico, reduced from 4,800 to 20 square kilomters in the span of two centw·ies due to cattle ranchet-s' invasions from both the US and Mexico. In July of that same yeru; the O'odham Nation had asked the United Nations Subcommittee for Indigenous Rights to intervene in this eightyear territorial conflict that is still unresolved. The importance that Vine Deloria bestowed upon the Summit and the declaration fi-om the O'odham Nation is true for all of the Indigenous communities that are separated by national borders: "The fact that the O'odhams present themselves as one nation, forces the governments of both Mexico and the US to resolve the conflict through negotiations among equals and prohibits them f1-om just turning the matter over to the courts." The O'odham Nation did not actively participate at the Encounter in Tecate, which may help to explain the lack of continuity between tll.is recent Encounter and the 1989 Summit. Howevet; an Indigenous group that is associated with the O'odhams-the Hia-ced O'odharns-was present. The HiaAl;;yya Yala News �BORDERS Abya Yala News Back Issues (Back issues are available in both Spanish and English for $3 each including shipping. Before 1993, the journal was called SAIIC Newsletter.) 0 Confronting Biocolonialis m Vol. 8 , No. 4. Winter 1994; Includes: • The Human Genome Diversity Project • Safeguarding Indigenous Knowledge • The Guaymi Patent • Biodiversity and Community Integrity 0 Indian Movements and The Electoral Process Vol. 8, No. 3, Fall 1994; Incl udes: • Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest • Bolivia: Reconstructing the Ayllu • Guatemala: Maya Polttical Crossroads • Colombia: Special Indian Districting 0 Chiapas: Indigenous Uprising with Campesino Demands? Vol. 8, Nos. 1 & 2, Summer 1994; Includes: • Maya Identity and th e Zapatista Uprising • Chronology of Events • Indigenous and Campesino Peace Proposals • Interview with Antonio Hernandez Cruz of CIOAC 0 II Continental Encounter of Indigenous Peoples Vol. 7. Nos. 3 & 4, Winter 1993 (not available in Spanish); ced O'odhams have been struggling since the beginning of the 1980s to be recognized as a community. As a result of th e Hia-ced O'odhams' rejection of several mining projects, it became increasingly clear that they continued to exist as a group with the necessa1·y strength to rejoin the O'odham Nation. Bu t the Union Congress, at first, rejected an initiative to recognize the Hia-ceds as part of the O'odham Nation due to a lack of information 1 -egarding the number of people in this g'I'Ou p and location of their commw>ities. Marleen Vazquez said that faced with this pr'Oblem, "a small g'I'Oup of people went ou t to visit houses in the Hi aced conununities and took down names of people, genealogies, photos, and even visited cemeteries. We sen t all of the information we received to the O'odham Nation, and they accepted us. In 1984, 250 of us became members of the tt;be. Vol. 9No. 1 Also includes: • Oil Companies Take Over the Ecuadorian Amazon • Free Trade's Assault on IndigenouS Rights 0 1993 Year of the World' s Indigenous Peoples Vol. 7, Nos. 1 & 2. Winter/Spring 1993; Includes: • UN Declaration of Indigenous Rights . • Statement of Indigenous Nations at the UN 0 Exclusive Interviews with Four Indian Leaders Vol. 6, No. 4, Fall 1992; Interviews: • Miqueas Millares, AIDESEP (Peru) • Mateo Chumira. Guarani (Bolivia) • Margarita Ruiz, FIPI (Mexico) • Calixta Gabriel, Caqchikel Maya (Guatemala) 0 March on Quito: Amazon Indians Demand to be Heard Vol. 6, No. 3, Spring & Summer 1992 (not available in Spanish) Also includes: • Interview with President of ONIC (Colombia) • CONIC Meeting in Kuna Yala (Panama) 0 News from Around the Continent Vol. 6, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring & Summer 1991; Includes: • Pehuenche Organizing Pays Off (Chile) • Sculh and Central American Women's Gathering (Peru) Since then, 1,.200 of us have been inscribed, and ther-e are 300 indi· viduals whose acceptance is pending. The most difficult cases are found in Mexico. The Mexican O'odhams can't be legally inscribed in the tribe, until we have enough resow·ces to complete the investigation as requir-ed." Another gJ'Oup also separated by the USI:Mexico border; the Kikapu, pr-esented its list ofpr'Oblems at the Encounter and drafted a series of needs and demands. The Kikapu descended from the Algonquins, and after· seven successive migJ·a tions, finally settled par·tly in Oklahoma and partly in Muzquiz, Coahuila. Since 1947, they have enjoyed the right of free movement across the USI:Mexico border. Owing the SUilUilers, some Kikapu work on farms in Oklal>oma and return to Mexico in the winter. Because they are a mig~·ating cultw-e, they have called for the sim- plification of customs pr'OCedures so that needed resources can reach the Kikapu in Mexico. These r-esow-ces include lule acualico, a basic material used in the construction of homes and in the making of crafts and automobiles. The importation of resources into Mexico requires fiscal registrations and credit cards, both of which they do not h ave. "The Constitutional Reform, which holds t he State responsible for the preservation of Indigenous cultw·es, is not carried out her-e," declared Jose Ovalle, an anthr'Opologist that was invited to the Encounter by the Kikapu . Ovalle spoke at t he Encounter about the newly implemented customs pr'Ocedures at the USI:Me"ico border that make it nearly impossible for the Kikapu on either side of the border to communicate. '(?) J For further in{ormcliion1 see Ojarasca #38-39, (NouemberDecember 1994). ' 11 �BO RDE R S Nicaragua: Colonial History Repeats Itself on the Atlantic Coast of Central America b y Amalia Dixon pie, both young and old. Banished from their ancestral land, deprived of their natural medicine, they suffered from scarcity of food, clothing, and animals. In short, the migration had a tremendously negative physical and emotional impact. Some decided to return to Honduras, their birth place, traumatized and insecw-e about their future and way of life. The Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua, representing almost half of the country, was officially incorporated into Nicaragua in 1894. Today this area is inhabited by Miskitus, Sumus, Ramas, Garifonas, Afro-Nicaraguans, and mestizos who came from the Pacific. Until 1894, the English recognized this land as "Mosquito" territory. The English arrived on these coasts dwing the time of the buccaneers (English pirates that preyed on Spanish trade ships), and they intermarried with the natives. They influenced our culture by giving us English last names, imposing a new religion, and promoting their monarchy. History tells us that the English imposed four kings and eleven chiefs on the Miskitus. Amalia Di.wn is a Miskitrt woman History was repeated in 1982 from the Atlantic Coast of when the Sandinista government Nicaragoo, a board member of in Nicaragua relocated people from Abya Yala Fund as well as the the Rio Coco by force, in accordance Miskitu organizations Panapana with a unilateral decision guaranteeing its own political in'terests. andFURCA. n 1821, the Cricllo governors of the Central American countries met in Guatemala to celebrate their political independence. At the same time, they defined the border demarcations of their respective states, overstepping the previous historic demarcations of the ancestral Miskitu, Sumu, and Rama peoples. By arbitrarily deciding where national borders would be, the new states violated our territorial rights. What already existed between our peoples was distorted. It remains impossible to accept these impositions. Part of the southern Caribbean coast of Honduras is Miskitu territory. It was crossed by the Rio Coco, which today serves as a dividing border line between Nicaragua and Honduras. After the Criollo Independence, what remai.ned on the Honduran side was considered disputed ter·ritory. It was added to Honduras in 1959 by the World Court at The Hague. This separated the Miskitus into two countries: Nicaragua and Honduras. A first attempt at relocating all the Miskitus to Nicaragua precipitated the deaths of many Indigenous peo- I 12 This resulted in an upnsmg in defense of our ancestral Indigenous l'ights. As a move towards autonomy, the Congress under the Sandiriista government approved the Autonomy Statute Law for the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua in September of 1987. The government of President Violeta Chamorro ratified the Autonomy Law, but did not consider it a pl'iority. As a consequence, its enforcement stagnated. Nevertheless, for the people of the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua, it provided the answer to ow· struggle for ancestral rights. Soon after in Honduras, Indigenous people began to question their· real identity, since t hey are of the same origin as those in Nicaragua. This illustrates that the Rio Coco border line makes no sense for us as Indigenous peoples. The Autonomy Law needs to have a setious program of implementation. Buying seeds for agricultural prod uction, either for household consumption or for the mru·ket, is a ptiority for the region. Until now, the presence of NonGovernmental Organizations (NGOs) in the communities has partially alleviated their immediate needs. By contrast, economic activities that affect natural resources like agrofor-estry and concessions for the exploitation of Iurnbet; minerals, and marine life, are Atyya Yala News �BORD ER S "What keeps us together as a people is our spoken language and our social structure in which community practice persists." all in the hands of the central government. Today, mining coml>anies have returned to this area and are repeating the past history of e>.-ploitation. The centra) government and multinatio)"lal companies have also signed several accords that do not contain positive development plans for Indigenous communities. Tj).e presence of these companies means minimum wage work, conditions of economic exploitation, and ecological dest.-uction for Indigenous peoples. The Smnu people, for example, have endured serious environmental imp~ts. Severa l rivers like the Bambana are ah·eady contaminated. In the end, the Autonomous Govetnment has very little participation and decision-making power in these negotiations. Meanwhile, the subscription of the Nicaraguan government to the new policy of the ESAF (Economic Structu1·al Adjustment Facility) has deepened the economic crisis of the Atlantic Coast peoples. The government s ubordinates all deals and national resow-ces, like minerals, lumbet; and marine life to p.-ivatization. In other words, it does not offer alternative strategies for the bettern1ent of ow· people. Only 20 pet-cent of the taxes that the companies pay are given to the Autonomous Governments of both the southetn and northern regions for their administrative expenses. Recently, unemployment there has Vol. 9No. 1 reached 90 percent. This means profound limitations in agricultmal production and little economic income for families. These economic limitations do not allow the autonomous government of the region to plan an appropriate development strategy that could produce qualitative changes. In response to the econotnic fragmentation of Indigenous peoples caused by the wat· and the cultural confrontation with the Sandini.sta govertmlent (only since 1990 have our people begun to return to their places of oti gin from refugee centers located in Hondw·as), the autonomous leaders of the Atlantic Coast are studying the inlplementation of a production system that would solidif y our traditional economic system as an alternative strategy. It would attempt to alleviate ow· w-gent sw·vival needs, but keep us a unified community for years to come. What keeps us together as a people is om spoken language and our social structure in which commun ity practice persists. We have lost ow· traditional way of dressing (many costumes have disappeared), but ow· struggle for self-determinat ion is still ongoing. f?J 13 �BO RDER S State Frontiers and Indian Nations: Commentary on Implications for the Mapuche and Indigenous Peoples by Aucan Huillcamiin Paillama n cultures around the world, formal law often stands in antithesis to justice and .-ights. The Council of the Indies, an administrative structure that the Spanish colonial government imposed on what they deemed the "New World," legalized an oppressive system toward us as Indigenous peoples. Historically, oppt-essive laws which states imposed by force suppt-essed persistent Indigenous uprisings in defense of our life, rights, and freedom. Today, many claim that times have changed. Howevet; the formation of the current state has maintained the oppression initiated by these early colonial institutions. Not only wet-e states established ignoring existing Indigenous temtot;es, but state institutions have not been able to administer justice among Indigenous peoples. It was not through carelessness or ignorance that the institutionalization of Spanish colonial legal systems clashed with Indigenous cultures. Many times they have made us believe, incotTectly, that through courts we can obtain justice. At other times we attempted to improve our position by submitting amendments to modify the state constitution. Although today the Chilean state has approved laws t-elating to Indigenous peoples, these have undermined Indigenous systems ofjustice. While we ru·e claiming our rights, justice, dignity and freedom, the ideology of colonialism continues to distort our reality as Indigenous peoples. Legal language conti.n ues to define us as "ethnic minorities" without defining the nature of out· ethnic charactet: This ignorance reduces us to simple statistics. The state continues to deny our inalienable right to selfdefinition. This is a right that we as Indigenous peoples have never yielded. We have not given anyone the right to define who we are. An administrative division oflands carried out during the colonial period forms the basis of many of the current state borders. States, in tw-n, ru-e founded through force and violence. In our perspective, we Indigenous peoples, as the 1-eal Nations, consider the founding of the nation-state as a perpetuation of our oppression. The Criollo (the colonial elite descended from the Spanish conquistadors) independence did not mean independence for us as Indigenous peoples. The colonial borders that were transferred to independent state boundaries ru-e still only inventions, walls that separate Indigenous peoples. They ru-e ideological, legal, political, and institutional walls. It is commonly said that "the walls have fallen in the modern world," and that we are quickly advancing to an integrated, developed, modem existence. Nevettheless, how do we define the walls that divide, for example, the Aymal'a Nation into Bolivians, Peruvians, Chileans, and Argentineans? The Mapuche Nation also has its own wall. Today, the Chilean and Argentinean border divides us. Violence mars the history of the fragmentation of the Mapuche people. The Spaniards, upon entetmg Wallmapuche (Mapuche ten;tory), imposed their will by force. Alonso de Ercilla, author of The Araucon.ian, describes the battles fought by the Mapuche in defense of their lives, dignity, 6-eedom, and ,;ghts. Based in part on this information, the Spanish kings believed that the1-e had been a war in Mapuche lands. Charles V made decisions based on the supposed War of Arauco, the name that the Spaniards gave to our Wallmapuche. In 1641, befot·e the Mapuche uprisings, limited Spanish military capacity forced the Spaniards to Aucan Huillcam(m is Werl1en, or spokesperson, for tlw meet with the Mapuche. They established the first Mapuche organization Aukin Wallmapu Ngltlan~­ Parliament of Quillem on Januruy 6, 1641. At this meeting they fixed the Mapuche tenitorial border at CounciJ. ofAll the Lands in Soutlwm Chile I 14 Abya Yala News �BORDERS the Bio-Bio River to the south. Ow· territot-y then comprised eleven million hectares of land. The Parliament of Quillem also recognized our absolute independence in the interior of ow· territot-y. The Mapuche were forced to accept the introduction of missionaries into our ten-itories during the summers. In addit ion, the colonizers requested the return of the Spaniards captw-ed by the Mapuche. The Mapuche demanded that the Spaniards retreat from Los Confines, which today is the city of Angol. Each time the Spaniards, in violation of the Tr-eaty of Quillem, were militarily able to penetrate Mapuche territot-y, they did. After the Mapuches expelled them, they agt-eed to sign new tt-eaties to delineate borders and suppott the political independence of the Mapuche people. At the time of Chilean Ct-eole Independence (1810), the Mapuche often suppo•·ted the Spanish Creoles. During that petiod of ow· history, it was inconceivable that the Mapuches not ally with the independence process from Spain. Finally, the Chileans militarily invaded the Mapuche te•-ritory. This did not happen, howevet; until 1881; the Mapuche maintained their independence 71 years after the formation of the AJ·gentinean and Chilean states. To achieve the submission of the Mapuche people, t he two states had to coordinate theil· militru-y forces. In AJ-gentina the milita•·y campaign was called the "Conquest of tbe Desett" ("desett" because whites did not live there), while in Chile it was called the "Pacification of the AJ·aucania" (o•; the "Pacification of the Savages"). Both actions were nothing sho•t of the execution of state-sponsored genocide, sanctioned by their t-espective legal systems. In 1883, Chile and AJ-gentina petmanently demarcated theu· state borders. In the logic of state structw-es, we Mapuches who remained under the jw·isdiction of the Chilean state became Chileans. Those who 1-emained under dominance of the AJ-gentinean state became Argentineans. The unilateral actions of states at-e well known, and similar to the Papal Bull Inter Caetare proclaimed by Pope Alexander VI when he divided Indian territoties between the kingdoms of Po•tugal and Castilla in 1532. In 1990, the Mapuche o•-ganizations existing under Vol. 9 No.1 Chilean and AJ-gentinean state jurisdiction began a process of decolonization . To work toward this goal, we decided to revive the emblem of the Mapuche Nation. This action provoked reactions in many different sociopolitical sectors. Ow· traditional Mapuche authorities, howeve•; were fi•m and clear. In their wot·ds, the "flag is not meant to deny anything to anyone, nor to impose on anyone, nor to invade other people. Rather, it is a -eaffi rms our identity as a distinct cultw·e. flag which 1 We accept that the Spanish and Chilean people exist, in the same way that we the Mapuche exist. Because of this, we have legitimate rights to manifest our cultm-e, our reality. The Mapuche national Oag is not a conquet·ing symbol like the flag of Napoleon Bonapatte. To the contrary, it is a manifestation of our existence within human diversity, and thet-efore is ful ly legitimate and valid." One Lonko (a traditional Mapuche leader) said, "Now we have the following alternatives: To follow the Oags of the state and of political pruties, or the flag of the Mapuche Nation." The most powerful tool that we Indigenous peoples have is that of consent. We have not resig ned our fundamental rights. The day Indigenous peoples accept the concept of the state as a Nation will be the day we have given up our fundamental rights. We have consented to t he state on one level when we participate in their elections. To participate in that process is equivalent to the acceptance of a system that does not recognize us. It is also an ideological contradiction of our peoples, even if, frequently, it is the efforts of some determi ned leaders who push us in that direction. Consent is our only tool for achieving change. States can continue to make laws and impose them; these will be invalid, for we Indigenous peoples have not expt-essed our willingness to conform. What states seek through theu· new colonialism is to involve us: They have designated it "participation through confet-ence," as if the only right that we have is to be consulted. Howeve•; om· true Indian libet-ation \vill begin when we assume ow· condition of ilnmemotial identity, when we abandon the identities of the national states that dilute and disavow us. -QJ ·· 15 �SELF- D ETERMINA TI ON AND T ERRIT OR Y So That We, The Ye'kuana, May Inhabit Our Land In Venezuela, the Ye'kuana nation has organized itself against a legal invasion. In 1978, the government of Venezuela, bypassing the Ye'kuana peoples, declared Duida-Murahuaca a National Park and OrinocoCasiquare a "Biospheric Reserve.· Until recently, however, other than declaring both areas under Special Administration, its implementation never occurred. According to the Ye'kuana, government bureaucrats have systematically ignored their historical presence and territorial rights make decisions on their behalf. by Jose Felix Turon Transcribed b y Simeon Jimenez Turon have come to Caracas for the first time in my life because our land is being threatened. Where I live, along the source of the Cunucunuma Rivet; I have heard rumors of invasions of lands close to us and of futw·e plans to invade other lands in the area. Therefore, I, having always lived aloQg the source of the Cunucunuma Rivet; have come Caracas to write about the historical bases of ow· territorial rights. I will speak about the real owner of the land and about the origins of the land. This is how Wanadi gave us a piece of the Amazonian territory. I The Origins of Our Land Slhe who made the earth is called Wanasedume. There was no earth In the beginning Wanadi (or Wanasedume) created the earth so that we, the Ye'kuanans, may inhabit it, care for it, feed off it, manage its resow-ces, and so that we may die thet-e. Wanadi said, "Take care of the land. It belongs to you; do not destroy it ." That is how the land became ours. The owner of the material necessary to make the earth was Mane'uda. With his material Wanasedume created the earth. He made it inhabitable. 16 That is how the earth was Cl-eated. In the Beginning Wanasedume realized that people on eruth had nothing to eat. Slhe brought the yucca from the heavens, being the only one who knew where in the heavens it was. Slhe first planted it in Roraima, so that everyone there could have food to eat. Wanasedume then realized that the Ye'kuanans, in their place of origin (Kamasoii\a, notth of the Cutinamo River), had no food. Where slhe first brought the yucca, Maru·awakajaina, it did not grow. Slhe then took it to the Cunucunuma River where it grew for 24 hours until it reached the skies. Therefore, we, the Ye'kuanans, consider as our land the territory that begins at the Cutinamo River, as well as the Cunucunuma, the Ventari, and the Manapaire River. Wanadi gave the yucca to Kamasenadu. She was the owner of all food. Theref01-e, it is only the women, as the mothers or guardians of agricultw-e, who cultivate the earth. Wanadi planted the yucca in the yard of a house that belonged to a man by the name ofTudumashaka. Many fruits were bot·n from the trunk of that yucca t ree. The fruits were like rocks. The tree grew so big that no mot-e yucca could be planted; people only ate the yucca that fell from the tree. Seeds and rain also fell. No longer able to grow upward, the tree grew sideways. Then the rock-hard fruits fell dangerously. Tudunadu, son of Tudumashaka, died picking up fruit to eat. Some told Kamasenadu that people were dying, mging her to 6nd a solution soon. Kamasenadu agreed, granting permission to cut down the tree. The chief of the felling was Yakawiyena. He visited neighboring villages and asked Waimene, a chief with workers, to help him. They worked one day and night but the trunk did not fall, one of its branches being booked to the sky. Kamasenadu was present at the felling to collect branches. Kamasenadu sent Wayuni (the moose) and Ml\iadaku (the tiger) all the way to Mudumunui\a to bring water back to the place of the felling. There, a number of other chiefs were now also waiting. Seeing that the trunk was not sent falling, Kamasenadu Wadl\ianiyu to discover what was happening 'vith the trunk above. Wadajaniyu returned, saying that he had no teeth and could not cut the branch hooked to the sky. Then, Abya Yala News �_ _ _ __,c_.=. = - F S E...:L Kamasenadu sent Kadio (the squirrel), who was like people, advising her to stand on top of the trunk so that she could come down the same way she went up while the branches fell off. Kadio was able to grab a fruit and save it in her mouth before chopping the branch with her teeth. The tree fell and the squirrel came down with it. Ever since then, the trunk of the tree is called Madawkajujo. Kadio fell to her death at the foot of the tl-ee in Tudumashaka's yard. The fall was so violent, her eyes welled up. This is why the squirrel's eyes at·e welled up. I<amasenadu quickly revived the squinel by blowing on her. When the tt-ee fell, Wayuni and Majadaku were not present and therefore did not get fruit 6·om the tree. The main branch fell toward chief Padamo. Majadaku, angry, theatened to eat people if he could not eat yucca. Wayuni, not having heard Majadaku very well, said that they would eat the leaves. Majadaku then said that he too would settle for leaves. Kadio, after her •·evival, sat on the t runk with the fruit hidden inside her cheeks. She mocked Majadaku for not getting any yucca. Soon their insults turned to fighting. They placed bets on who could kill whom. The winner would take the fruit as a pl'ize. Majadaku jumped from trunk to trunk. Kadio lay Majadaku a trap. She placed a loose rock on his path. Majadaku stepped on it and fell. All of those involved in cutting down the tree became animals: Majadaku (the tiger), Wayuni (the moose), I<adio (the squirrel), Wadajaniyu (the "tuqueque"), Nukoyame (the woodpecker), and Dakono (the "tara larga"). Vol. 9No. 1 0 E T E R M I N A T I 0 The food which Wanadi gave to us was mean t for the Ye'kuanans. All those who nowadays eat cassava took notice of where the branches of the tree of life fell, taking stems and sprouts from the branches. Some did not know how to properly cultivate yucca. The land surrounding the Autana River and the hills a.long its headwaters, and the land surrounding the Cutinamo, Padamo, Cu.nucunuma, and Ventuari l"ivers are apt for the cultivation of yucca. The lower regions (for example, the savannas of the Ayacucho Port, of the Esmeralda, or even the lands not·th of the Orinoco Rivet·) are not. This is the story of the beginnings of the domestication of yucca and other foods native to the Orinoco and the Amazon region-foods that all of us, peoples of the Amazon, eat today. Second Demarcation: Present-Day Boundaries of the Ye'kuana Communities We, the Ye'kuanans, have lost a great deal of the land which Kujuyani left us as his sacred legacy. We must defend this sacred legacy in the same way other religious groups demand respect for their churches or places of worship. On our land, we, the Ye'kuanans, should not pet·mit others to indiscriminately and disrespectfully frequent our sacred sites- as is the case in Madawaka, Duida, Autana, parts of P iaora, and in the Pem6n region ofRoraima. OuriJ1g the months of Mru-ch, April, and May, 1993, we the Ye'kuana oommunities of Culebra, Akanaiia, Esmeralda, Tookishanamai\a, H A H 0 T E R R I T 0 R Y Watamo, MOdeshijaina, and Huachamakare, met and agreed to establish our communities' boundaries and to demand state t-ecognition of those boundaries. Based on our people's collected memory-embodied or condensed in the historical wisdom of Jose Felix Tur6n-six communities were able to demarcate their lands according to the teachings of the story of origins. Th us, our occupation of the lands we now reclaim dates back many centuries. Our occupational •·ights precede the Europeans' arrival and the founding of the Venezuelan State. Some national constitutions of Latin America have acknowledged these rights, including Brazil (1988), Colombia (1991), and Paraguay (1992). No declaration is more transcendental or powerful than our peaceful, productive, and conservationist occupation of the land that Wanadi and Kuyujani left in our custody. In this age of"preservation" and "sustainable management," it is imperative that the Venezuelan government respect our rights. Granting us legal rights to the lands we have occupied for centuries wou.ld not only be just and right, but also a guarantee for their "sustainable management." We fear there could come a t ime when we 'vill not be allowed to live off the land. We do not want that moment to an·ive, since our lands are food, shelter, ow· life, and religion. To deny us our land would be to amputate ou r soul and our supreme reason for living. '0 Based on a" excerpt from Esperando a Kuyujani by Sime6rt Jimenez and Abel Perozo (Eds) Sa.n Pedro de LQs Altos, Venezuela, 1994. 17 �S E l F • 0 E T E R M I H A T I 0 H A H 0 T E R R I T 0 R_,c__ __ Y Salta, Argentina: I l1 Electoral Politics Delay Granting of Land Title he 4,500 Indigenous people of the Wichi, Chorote, Nivakle, Toba, and Tapiete communities in the northern Argentinean Salta region are still waiting for an official land title for the area where they traditionally live. They require a joint title for the five communities in order to continue living according to their traditional customs of hunting and gathering over a wide ru-ea, a way of life that does not allow land privatization. In 1984, wh en they first demanded a land title, they were only offered separate titles for each family, which they 1-efused. In 1991, the 27 commumttes of the "Asociaci6n de Comunidades Aborfgenes Thakas Honat" ACATH (Association of Aboriginal Communities Thakas Honat) submitted a proposal (including maps) for the legalization of their land to the pt'Ovincial government. This led the pt-ovincial government to pronounce the dect-ee 2609/91 and give cleru-ance to the redistribution of"a piece of lru>d without subdivision and with only one land title, ...and big enough for the development of their traditional way of life" to the Indigenous communities of districts 14 and 55. However, the redistribution of l8lld has not happened yet and land conflicts are developing between the Indigenous communities and the local criollo smallholders, who have been inct-easingly using prut of the traditional Indigenous area for the pasture of theix cattle. Such conflicts T 18 are not unusual in situations which lack agrarian reform. Instead of struggling for the implementation of agrari811 reform, some smallholders tend to move into marginal or Indigenous areas. Governments are du ty-bound under the Right to Food to protect access to food for both marginalized smallholders and Indigenous people. This me8lls that the implementation of agrru-ian reform and the protection of the Indigenous people promote conflicts among the very poor by encouraging the smallholders to move into marginal and Indigenous areas. The Indigenous communities' t-ight to feed themselves is at stake as long as no lega.lization of their traditional terri tot-ies occw-s. According to recent information, the government is t-eluctant to implement the above mentioned dect-ee before the fotthcoming election. Fwthermore, the government seems to plan to provide the Indigenous communities with a land title concerning only a small prut of the original te11-itory. This would mean a breach of atticle 75 and 17 of the Argentinean constitution and the ratified JLO convention 169, both guaranteeing the property of the traditional land whet-e they live to Indigenous communities. As a State party to the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, Argentina, is also dutybound to protect and respect the Indigenous communities' right to feed themselves. Until a satisfactory solution is reached, and while the struggle continues, the Wichi, Chorote, Nivakle, Toba, and Tapiete people also face harassment and violence from those who oppose the redistribution of land in the ru-ea. In a formal declaration issued by ACATH, Indigenous leaders express deep concerns regarding the "tht·eats that ru-e continually being directed to our bt-others and sistet-s, the \vire fences that the criolws continue to put up on our land, the wood that continues to be taken illicitly and the burning of three houses by a poUceman named Mor6n. All of these crimes go unpunished by the authorities. This makes us feel unprotected and neglected by the government." fl1 Support the Irulige,ous commuTli· ties iTl the Salta region by writing letters encouraging the government to support the right to feed oneself aTld to provide a Ia nd title for districts 55 aTld 14. Send letters to: Sr. Gobemador <le Ia ProviTlcU. de Salta, Roberto A Ulloa, Casa de Gobiemo, Gran Burg 622, 4400 Salta, Argerllina, Fax: 54 87 360 400. , Sr. Presidente de Ia Republica. Dr. Carlos S. Menem, Casa Rosada, Capital Federal, Argentina, Fax: 54 87 343 2249/331 7976. [,formation provided by FoodFirst /nformatioTl and Action Network (F!AN). Abya Yala News �S ELF -D E T ER M I NATI ON Breaking the Myth of the Nation: Proposal for Autonomous Regions While recent nesotiations between the Mexican sovemment and the Zapatistas prosressed little, the fallout from the uprisins has led Indigenous orsanizations and campesinos to consider autonomous resions. In this article, we present some selections from the proposal. n 1994, various Indigenous organizations in Mexico including the Council of Indigenous and Peasant Organizations of Chiapas, the Guet-reran Indigenous Council, the Independent People's Fl'Ont, the Union of Indigenous and Peasant Communities oflztmo, and the Yaqui 'l);bal Council met on several occasions to elaborate a proposal for the for mation of a utonomous regions. The pt'Oposal was aimed fil'st at Indigenous peoples, later to be presented to the Congress of the Mexican Union. Then, on Apl'il 9-10, 1995, a gen· eral reunion oflndigenous organizations gave ,; se to the Plw-al National Indigenous Assembly for Autonomy. Under the title of"lnitiative for the Creation of Autonomous AreaS: the assembly proposed to change certain articles of the Mexican constitution so as to allow Indigenous peoples in different regions to govem them· selves. In the "Considering" section, the proposal states that, "The Mexican State cannot, and must not, continue I AND T E RR I TO R Y Chiapas and Quintana Roo. Out of all the municipalities of the countty (2,403), one third, or 803, 8l'e munic· ipalities with one th.h'd or more of Indigenous population. Close to 30 percent of all localities, or 44,218, have an Indigenous population, of which more than 13,000 8l'e qualified as "eminently indigenous localities" as a consequence of having 70 percent or more of persons speaking an Indigenous language." · Antonio Hemandez is a Mayan Tojolabal of Chiapas and has been Secretaty General of the Central de Obrel'OS y Crunpesinos Agricolas de Chiapas (CIOAC- Central Union of Worke•-s and Agricultural Peasants). In the last elections, he was elected as national deputy, and remains one of the most active promoters of the proposal for Autonomous Regions. In a speech in ft'Ont of the Congress in November, 1994, he stated: "We want to conttiliute to the foundation of a democratic and plural state... Open yow· minds and you r hearts to the Indigenous demands for autonomy. There will not be complete democracy in our country while a decentralization allowing our self-governing is not included in the organization of the state. "<:lt to be stmctured politically as though Indigenous peoples do not exist. To con-e<:t this injustice, it is ne<:eSS81y to abandon the project of a homogeneous state and, in tum, put forth a new national project and constitution based on a federal system in which Indigenous peoples compose an organic element. .. "The Mexican nation-state was organised in ignorance, or explicit denial, of Indigenous peoples. The vru;ous indigenist strategies practiced by the government, especially th.t'Oughout the 20th centwy, were of such ethnocentric and centralist ch81'acter that they are [today) the principal cause of misety and oppression [in Mexico) ... "In the states of Oaxaca, Veracruz, Chiapas, Puebla, Yucatan, Hidalgo, and Guetrero, 78 percent of the total Indigenous population lives. In some states, the Indian population is greater than that of nonIndians, such as in Oaxaca and Yucatan; in othet-s, the Indigenous nuclei constitute more than one The next meeting will occur in th.h·d of the total population, as in Oa,taca on August 25-26, 1995 CICA : A Pan-Indigenous Organization in Central America CICA will also facilitate the Regional Program for the Suppott of Indigenous Peoples in Central Ame•;ca (PAPICA) organized with by Atencio Lopez (Kuna) peoples in Central America to coor- the Ew'Opean Community which n July 21, 1995, in the city of dinate their efforts on a regional makes available appt'Oximately 8 Guatemala, the Indigenous level to defend their rights in the million dollars. Council of Centt·al America face of the political and econotnic CICA staff includes: Leopoldo (C!CA) was founded, which inte- structural changes stemming from Tzian (Maya-Guatemala), President; grates indigenous representatives the democratization pt'OCess. Mawicio Castro (Zicaque-Hondw'8S), ft'Om Guatemal to Panama, includThe founding of CICA is pattic- Genet-a! Secretruy; William Borreg6n ing Belize. ularly important as it occw·s dur- (Embera-Panama), Treasw-e.: -<:lt The iniative to found the ing a time when dialogue and paciCouncil was bom dwmg a reunion fication follow the civil wars that For more inforrnation, contact: in care o(COMQ, 2a. Calle in Panama held in June, 1994. have impoverished our countries CICA,Zona. 3, Chimaltenango, 3·40, There, attendants agreed on the a n d impacted mos t strongly in Chimalt. Guatemala. Tell Fax: 502· urgent necessity for Indigenous Indigenous communities. 9-392709 O Vol. 9 No.1 19 �SELF-DETERMINATION AND TERRITORY A Neoliberal State of Siege On April18, 1995, a series of strikes organized by lndisenous peasants and urban teachers forced the central government to declare a state of siege that has lasted three months. The international press has marginally covered this event. A state of siege is a serious menace to the concept of democracy and reminiscent of authoritarian rule. It is the first state of siese that neoliberalism could not avoid. In what follows, sociolivera Cusicanqui interprets the reasons behind such measures and underlines the double moral osist Silva R standard of current politics in Bolivia. by Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui emocracy and violence are lead to the consolidation of the not incompatible terms or "double moral standat-d" which is at exclusionary in and of them- the very heart of Bolivian democracy. selves. In Mexico, a solid clientelistic state structure serves as the base of the oldest electoral farce in Ametica, while hundreds of thousands of rural Mexicans and Indigenous peoples die or flee from their country. In Colombia, democratic regimes elected according to D vruious conventional normS have co-existed duting more than a century with the most repressive and brutal military and paramilitary violence, and with the most vatied forms of popular armed resistance. In the Bolivian Constitution, the "state of exception• permits a wide margin of arbit•·ary state power that ·r emains pattially within the legal bases of a legitimate republic. These are the "democratic fictions" that, historically, enabled the oscillation between democracy and dictatorship, and that in the present, Silvia Rivera is professor of sociology at the Universi.dad Mayor de San Andres, Bolivia. She is a member of THOA (Andean Oral History Workshop), Chukiyawu, Kollasuyu (Bolivia). 20 of coca cultivation) abound, and no one has been able to enforce the constitutional laws of the state. For centuries, thousands of Indigenous peoples, mestizos, cholas, and bircholas [urbanized peasants] have ftlled the Bolivian prisons. They are always the unyielding enemies, the silent threats to this "pigmentocratic" system in which whites or q'aras rule through a mandate that seems inherited from the depths of histo•·y. Teachers and Cocaleros Forty years ago, who would have thought that teachers and coca/eros (coca growers) would be the last Bolivia is a country where there remnants of the classic confrontais democracy for the few and dicta- tion of Bolivian politics: a unionized torship for the many. Vast rural sector-and here we know that regions of Bolivia are subject to unionization covers a wide range of the law of "survival of the fittest," sectors entrenched in a diverse where open and concealed violence Bolivian culture- and the formal is a structural feature of modern country represented by political daily life, exemplified by under- parties and the state. The gap development, displaced popula- between these sectors continues to tions, extreme poverty, and a total grow, fed by constant violence. Here loss of popular 'viii. For more than is why this last national strike and a decade, untried killings and the call for the state of siege hides a repression of Indigenous peoples vaster unease: the frustration of a in the Chapare region (the center people who voted hoping for Abya Yata News �SELF change, and who now see more of the same misery and t-epression that has not changed in centwies of q'ara domination of the Bolivian state. The ingenious conception of the "blank slate" inherent in all reformism blinded the government to this phenomenon of collective frustration over the design of a "New Bolivia," a project that, as in other times, runs the risk of remaining a propagandistic slogan. Fundamentally, none of what was promised in the elections was accomplished, beginning 'vith the promise of 250,000 jobs. Furthermore, Bolivia Jacks even the minimal maneuvering power necessary to defend its once buoyant "illegal" economy (not only narco-tt·afficking, but also contraband and industrial pirating) that enjoys a flourishing stability in the North. How useful, then, is educational ref01m and populat· participation if the pillar of the model promised (and discerned) by the ruling coalition is crumbling to pieces? Was it merely a calculation errot·? Or are we, as in other conjunctures, again witnessing the sad spectacle of an oligarchic blindness or myopia of the powerful, who lack the historic sense necessary to impose, among other things, a long-lasting legitimate rule because their language (and particularly their reformist language) has decayed into a parade of lies and linguistic run-arounds? Nevertheless, the problem of Vol. 9 No.1 DET ERMINATION the double mo•·al standard, and the fragile legitimacy it supports, is not only a ballast of the state and its leaders. I would say that it is a key feature of Bolivian political culture, and in this sense, con· stitutes us as actors and shapes our percept ions, behavior, and expectations. In this case, the lack of coherence in the actions and explicit demands of the COB (Bolivian Workers Union) and the teachers is evident. The teachers' resistance to yielding unionacquired privileges speaks more to corporate entrenchment than to authentic revolutionary unionism. What's more, the teachers are the main actors and principle obstacles involved in the renovation of our antiquated educational system. But who are the teachers? They are a product of the 1956 edu· cational reform and, in this sense, also reflect the government of 1952-the same clientelistic meth· ods, spheres of influence, and corruption. And who is the MNR (the ruling governmental party) to clean up the corruption of the education· al sector? Who can t-eally do it? In the end, even the strike is inscribed in the double moral standard. While public schooling grinds to a halt, the same teachers who are striiUng continue to work diligently and profitably in the private educational institutions. So, are the Capitalists not the enemies of the Workers? Why doesn't the whole educational sector come AND TE R R ITORY to a stop? Tragically, the most affected are the children of the wot·ket·s-rural and very urban-who are the only ones left who depend on the devastated public education services. The rest-including a strained blue-colJar and popular sector-support the private schools. They live as though in a different country, going to classes and dutifully following t heir curriculum, while t he rest of us are striking. Among other factors, the professional and union conduct of the education sector has contributed to this insurmountable gulf that separates the rural from the urban, the upper and middle from t he lower classes, and schools of the fll'st, second, and last category. Popular malaise and profound and legitimate collective frustration on one side, union members and politicians increasingly distant ft-om the collective identity on the other- this all has contributed to the consolidation of a deeply conservative authoritarian political cultUJ-e appat-ently totally •·esistant to change. The state of siege summarizes, therefore, the primary failure in the scheme of government •-eforms being carried out by the govetmnent, and at the least ,viJJ leave it with the comfort of learning that no change is possible without the pruticipation of theyrotagonist and affected majotitf. V Excerpt front a longer text published in HOY (La Paz, Bolivia). 21 �EN VIR O NME NT ANGA A Scientific Research Institute in the Ecuadorian Amazon In 1992, as a response to nesotiations with oil companies attemptins to expand their operations into the Pastaza resion, the I'<MAZANGA institute was formed. Since then, it has been on the forefront of new attempts to incorporate and protect lndisenous knowledse of the environment. We recently had the opportunity to speak with Leonardo Viteri, director of the Amazansa Institute, and Quichua Indian from the Pastaza resion of Ecuador. (~~ W~ Leonardo Viteri Can you tell us a bo ut th e Amazanga Institute? ince the 1970s, a number of Indigenous organizations in Ecuador, like OPIP (Organization of Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza), CONFENIAE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorean Amazon), and CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador), have come together, making important political and organizational advances. Howevet; we have overlooked the very important areas of technology and scientific investigation. These would permit us to consolidate and strengthen our ability to negotiate and plan for the future of Indigenous peoples in terms of economic development, territorial protection , education, health and everything that an autonomous development really means. In this vein, OPIP, an Indigenous organization in Pastaza, has worked to legalize Indigenous territory. Fifty-two percent of the 2.5 million hectares comprising that territory were legalized in 1992. This has given greater security to Indigenous communities, giving them more harmonious lives and assuring their future. Another 48% of Indigenous territory has yet to be legalized, so we're cont inuing our effort to have traditionally Indigenous territory recognized and legalized by the government. Having legalized territory does not automatically solve Indigenous problems. It gives us many more commitments and challenges. We must manage the territory, protecting it and managing the natural resources in order to live there. In response to these challenges, in 1992 OPIP decided to create the Amazon Institute of Science and Technology (A.\\1AZANGA). Indigenous knowledge which has developed over centuries is a fundamental pillar of S 22 this Indigenous-run organization. This institute has been put in charge of the environmental planning of all traditional ten;tories, focussing on their use and management in harmony with the existing natural resources. The research, application and development of Indigenous knowledge is necessary to achieve a level of autonomy. All the work of the instit ute leads to designing and planning a program of development for the Indigenous people of Pastaza. Our concept of development guarantees a harmonious advance of our people, both nationally and intemationaUy. We want to prepat·e for the future of our people, to assut·e a dignified autonomous life beyond this century. Basically, over the last 30 years we've been losing ow· autonomy, and that is what we want to regain and strengthen. We want to project ourselves before the country and international community with our proposals, our contribution to society, our technologies, our discoveries, and our knowledge. What is the basic Indigenous knowledge t hat b as allowed your people to live for thousands of years in harmony with the Amazon? We Indigenous people have vast knowledge; this is what has allowed us to survive up until the present. First, holding of land is fundamental; based on ow· land, we can identify what we have as a people within that ten·ito•·y. Ten·ito•·y is the foundation that allows for unity among peoples. It guarantees the strengthening of cultw·al identity and allows us to be really autonomous. It also gives us validity as Indigenous people on this planet, providing us with natural resou1·ces which allow us to live in dignity without being overly dependent on others. The biodiversity which exists in ow· ten·itory is so great that A'afa Yala News �E NVI RO NM ENT "We're trying to stop the proliferation of groups that have come to Indigenous communities lately to steal knowledge of medicinal plants, technology of forest and river management, etc. " Two thousand Quichua people from Pastaza marched to Quito in 1990 to assert their rights to control their territories and natural resources. only the knowledge we've attained over time lets us manage it equitably. At least 80% of the resow·ces the Indigenous com· munities of Pastaza have are from the rain forest and the rivers. A plan for the management of at-risk species is already established through AMAZANGA. We are also facing continuing pressures from eco· nomic interests such as logging, petroleum compa· nies, and tow·ism. These economic development pro· jects necessitate envit·onmental impact studies. We should also develop contingency plans for salvaging detetiorated areas and for disasters such as floods, ill· ness, and contamination. ry all of it. Community participation is the backbone of the project, and communities should manage the natw·al resources. All the information comes from the community and is returned to the community to be applied. There ar e cur rently pr ojects for collecting Indigenous genes for scientific p urposes. What stand does AMAZANGA Institute take on this issue? The creation of the AMAZANGA Institute responds precisely to the need to prevent any project that would harm or control biodiversity or genetic resout·ces of any kind. We oppose any kind of aggres· Have you done research on the resources in sion against or appropriation of Indigenous knowlyour tei.Titory, such as its biodiversity? edge and integrity. We're trying to stop the prolifera· Yes, we're starting those activities, especially inven· t ion of groups that have come to Indigenous commu· tot-ying our resources. Rigbt now in the lower part of nities lately to steal knowledge of medicinal plants, Pastaza we're inventot-ying flora and fauna, including technology of forest and river management, etc. We're fish, different wood species, medicinal plants, and working to develop respect for our knowledge, and pond-dwelling species. This research will direct proper our communities are well aware of the danger that this theft of genetic resources repre.sents. management of these resources. Lately we've heard about more complex pty~cts Is there community participation in these plans like the Hwnan Genome Project. For us, this is noth· for r esearch, resource management, and devel· ing less tban an inhumane, insane project which opment? assaults our peoples' dignity, the natural ordet; and Without community participation, there is no goes against our beliefs and religion .'Our job is to research. Altbougb AMAZANGA technicians are sys· stop this type of project. "flJ tematizing Indigenous knowledge, they can't invento· Vol. 9 No.1 23 �E N VIR O NMENT Peruvian State Targets "Abandoned" Lands of Ashaninka After days of march, "displaced" AShaninka widows and orphans arrM! at a community in search of protection from Shining Path violence. Since about 1989, Ash8ninka communities in the Selva Central region of Peru have been the object of Shinins Path guerilla violence. The civil war has led to increased colonization from the highlands into Ash8ninka areas. Faced with extermination, Ash8ninka communities have had to leave their lands, clearing the way for statesponsored colonist land invasions. In this interview, Mino Eusebio Castro, vice-president of the Inter-Ethnic Association for the Development of the Peruvian Rain forest (AIDESEP, a national coordinating body for Indigenous regional organizations representing over 500,000 Indigenous people living in the Peruvian rain forest), talks with SAIIC about the people's hardships and their effOits to organize and save their communities. f~~ -w~ Mino Eusebio Castro Tell us about yourself and your community. y name in my maternal language is Naaperori Shirampari Asheninka, in Spanish it is Eusebio Castro. I am Ashaninka. The Ashaninka are one of 63 groups that inhabit the Amazon region of Peru. Tradit ionally, the Ashaninkas were a wan·ior society that controlled a magical m·ea. We lived from resources such as hw>ting, fishing and trade with other Indigenous communities. But all that changed, and our history became conquered by lies and broken promises. We tried to reject tokens brought to us, but there were many abuses and violations. Ow· Indigenous rights were violated, and many of our women were raped. In some cases, we were enslaved. M What have been the major threats to the AshAn.inka? The exploitation of lwnber by colonists has resulted in much violence. The guerrilla groups Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) have also violated Indigenous rights. They have oppressed us and killed bilingual teachers and leaders. Although we tried to resist, we did not have sophisticated weapons. If we did defend ow"selves and killed someone, the Peruvian Constitution declares that we would be tried as murderers. Thus by justice, we were between two fires as it is said. When did the intrusion of the Shining Path into ;;-;-- - - - -----24 Abya Yala News �EMV IR OMMENT the Asb8ninka communities begin? In the new Peruvian Constitution, articles 82 and It began in 1978 and 1979, and by 1980 there was 83 have decreed that our lands can be seized ifthey ar-e incursion into our areas, not with violence, but \vith deemed "abandoned" by the state. They can then be l.ies, so we would become their strength. By 1989, there bought by those who have the most economic power; was an uprising in the Pichis valley to reject the revo· like the petroleum companies. lutionary movement. The MRTA kidnapped and killed our hero Alejandro Calderon. As a result, many leaders Do you have lands that you consider aban· rose up to protest and counter this force. By 1991, we doned? were able to expel all those guerlillas who had infil. Traditionally, for us the1-e ar-e no abandoned lands, because we view land space in an integral mrumer·. We tJ·ated the Pichis Valley. The Shining Path entered our communities in 1993 are trying to take initiative in pr-otecting and il) man· which resulted in the massacre of the Chiriary com· aging the lich biodiversity of the area. munity in the region of Satipo. About 57 people were killed (see Abya Yala News, Vol. 7, Nos. 3 and 4). What have been the major developments sur· Presently, we have more than 39 communities that rounding petroleum companies in Indigenous have disappeared. Many people have been displaced areas of the Peruvian Amazon? The Candoshi community has been the most affectand are refugees. We have organized ourselves into self-defense ed by oil exploitation. It is located in the no1ther·n groups. We asked the militar·y if they would be willing region by the Maranon and Pastaza rivers. Occidental to collaborate 'vith us to achieve peace. We want peace. Petr-oleum has bought lot number four. The Candoshi reject this completely. AIDESEP and the Candoshi You have made an alliance with the military community have staged protests and put pressw-e on with a goal of pacification, yet, according to the government arguing that this was not done with international information, many of the those the consent of the Candoshi community. AIDESEP has sent letters of protest to Occidental killed have been as a result of the military. Do you have faith in the military or was it through Petroleum, yet their responses are vague, stating circumstances that you had to make a necessary that they are concerned about the environmental pact? impact. But a few months ago we verified that there This is not ow· war. The military does not know who was a major oil spill on the Pastaza River. This is who. We indicated that since we know the ten"itory, we means that all the nora and fauna will be poisoned. should help defend it, but we were not given sufficient In addition, the Candoshi will not be able to subsist arms to confront the guerrillas. Who cares when an on hunting and fishing. In the San Juan community, lnd.igenous person is killed? No one. When one of the the oil company has been offering to pay people to military dies, then it is another story. They are made relocate to another area. They have come in with into heroes. When an Indigenous person dies in defense clothing and medicine. The Candoshi general council declared that they do not recognize these actions as of his tern tory, no one says anything. legitimate. They took back all the things given to the What were the guerrillas and military disputing families, and the company was told to leave. This has in the region? created quite a reaction from the company as well as Until now the Stl"Uggle has been for power. The the Ministry of Energy. Shining Path wanted to gain more power by using the Indigenous people in the war against the state, but since Is there much contamination in the rivers? we are dedicated to peace, we did not concede easily. There is mercury in rivers such as Madre de Dios. Some of the people have eaten contaminated fish and How is AIDESEP preparing for the defense of have become very ill. As you know mercwy is deadly. In territories, for maintaining biodiversity, and the Chanchamayo and Pe1-ene Rivers, there has been so assuring a future for the Indigenous communi· much mineral waste that all of the fish have been killed. ties of the Amazon? In AIDESEP we have a program of establishing Has a political movement formed to stop this communal reserves. In the zone of Guayali, we have contamination? gained more than 100 property titles for the communi· Valious envir-onmental and ecological organizations ties. There ar-e still 80 left that need to be signed. Ther-e have ttied to raise public awat-eness, but to date the are many blocks through the Ministry of Agr"icultw-e government has not imposed ru>y regulations to stop the dumping of mineral waste. "0' because of lobbying of lumber companies. Vol. 9No. 1 25 �ENV I RONMENT Island of Chiloe, Chile: Huilliches Fight Lumber Company to Save Their Forests "In these territories (beins considered for exploitation), there live around 100 families. They beIons to the communities of lncopulli de Yaldad, TusOeo de Coldita, Piedra Blanca de Coldita, and Coinco. These communities have historically been threatened by companies that have wanted to steal our land. This is why, today, we make public our complaints to demand that the authorities respect our rishts and those of all of our sisters and brothers in Chiloe. · General Council of Caciques of Chiloe wo lumber projects threaten to alter the ecological balance of the Island of Chiloe (located on t he Pacific Ocean, west of mainland Chile), endangering the livelihood and way of life of the Huilliche communities that live there. Golden Spring, a multinational company based in Hong the companies Kong, and Hawerden and Los Pru-ques, S.A., plan to exploit a combined area of about 179,459 hectares of Chiloe's forest. Since 1993, the Huilliches have been trying to keep Golden Spt;ng from acquiring 50,000 hectru·es of land in the island of Chiloe to complete its lumber projects, and from drunaging the land that the company presently owns. Golden Spt·ing's initial goal is to export round logs to the Asian market, especially Japan, Hong Kong, Korea and Taiwan. The second stage of the company's longterm -plan is to build a plant in Chiloe for the production of plywood. The comprury has declru·ed that its plan for the exploitation of Chiloe's forest is ecologically sound and al.lows reforestation. However, the actions of Golden Spd ng up to now have been far from ecologically sow>d. Golden Spring began cutting down trees to build a road inside Tepullueico almost two months before receiving permission T 26 from the government agency (CONAF) that grants such permits. The damage to the land was so great and public outrage so massive, that CONAF fined the company $20,727,562. However, the Huilliche community is not satisfied with this fine because of a series of factors. First, large companies have traditionally been able to forgo their responsibility in paying ftnes imposed by CONAF. Second, CONAF had originally denied Golden Spdng permission to build the road based on earlier documentation that declared the ru·ea in question willt for exploitation, but then changed its mind a few days later. Because of this abrupt chatlge in policy, the Huilliches feru· that the government sides with Golden Spdng and will pursue the company's interest ove•· theirs. The company's intentions became a topic of hot debate among environmental and governmental agencies until, finally, in Apt;] of 1994, Judge Francisco del Campo issued an order to halt two of Golden Spdng's project, namely, the widening of yet another road in Yerba Loza and the construction of a "piedraplen" (rock base) for the employment of a port in the Compu Stream in Chaildad. However, the order is useless since the widening of the road had been completed before the call to halt and the con- struction of the "piedraplen" had been halted earlier pending a permit from the maritime authorities. In April of 1994, CONAMA (The National Environmental Commission) and Golden Spring reached an accord in which Golden Spring agreed to commission a study of the environmental impact of its plan of exploitation of Chiloe's forest before it can continue to exploit any additional land. However, as environmental g>-ou ps and leaders ft-om the Huilliche commw>ity point out, the study should have been done before Golden Spring was allowed to buy land in Chiloe with the purpose of forest exploitation. FUJthermore, Golden Spring is allowed to continue exploiting the land ( 135.000 hectares) that was already approved before the accord with CONAMA Lastly, because the study is being financed by Golden Sptmg, CONAl"lA is powerless in making sure that a neutral patty (like a university) conduct the study. Golden Spring continues to this day its operations in Tepullueico and is looking to buy more land in Chiloe. Its plan is to own about 50,000 hectares of forest in order to achieve its production goals. The Huilliche community of Chiloe is very concerned because, albeit public outcty, government intervention and the halt of some of its operations, it looks as though Golden Spring is confident it will be allowed to continue to exploit the forest in the mrumer they intended given the runount of money (so far; 8 million dollars out the 25 million dollars set aside for tllis project) they continue to invest in heavy machinety, vessels and personnel. As if the threat of Golden Spdng was not enough, the Huilliches also have to contend with plans for another pt-oject that would have devastating •·amifications for thei•· Continued on page 34 Abya Y News ala �E N V IR ON ME NT Chile, Upper Biobfo: Hydroelectric Power Plant Threatens Environment and Pehuenche Communities he construction of the Ralco power plant on the Upper Biobfo river, Chile, threatens to topple the rivet's fragile ecology and cut off vital access to water for nearby Pehuenche communities. A campaign led by the Pehuenche to stop the project is underway, but faces powerful opponents such as national energy corporations and international funding agencies. Since ENDESA, Chile's biggest and most powerful electrical company, began to design a series of six hydroelectric interdependent power plants on the Biobfo River in the 1960s, the Ralco power plant has been considered the "key component" of this ambitious hydroelectric project. When the campaign to save the Biobfo River began, ENDESA and the CNE (The National Energy Commission) denied that they were planning several short-term projects along the Biobfo River. For example, they presented an earlier project, the Pangue power plant, as an independent project, completely ruvorced from Ralco or any others. An accomplice to thls tactic was the IFC (The lnternationa.l Financial Corporation), an entity affiliated with the World Bank. The IFC provided $100,000,000 in funds for the construction of Pangue. ENDESA and CNE deceived the public about the real number of proposed plants as a tactic to minimize the public's fear of negative effects from the power plants in the region. Considered independently of each othe•; the harmfu.l effects of the power plants apperu-ed to be less severe. Independent investigations reveal that ifRalco becomes a reality, it would have detrimental social and environmental effects on the Upper Biobfo region. With the dev- T Vol. 9 No.1 astation of 5,597 hecta1·es of land, at least two Pehuenche communities (Quepuca Ralco and Ralco Lepoy) with a combined total of about 650 families will have to be evacuated from their territory. ENDESA has promised to give them land for resettlent and jobs in the construction project. Howeve•; the Pehuenche communities have The proposed Ralco Hydropower project raises serious questions of ecocide for the Biobio watershed and the Pehuenche rejected these offers to p1-eserve their communities. The Pehuenche derive their income li·om subsistence fa•·ming and the sale of cattle and crafts. The proposal offers them little more than temporary labor as unskilled workers in the power plant's construction. Pangue, S.A. (the company in charge of Pangue through its Pehuen Foundation) has also instituted a system of credit (i.e. debt peonage) by whlch members of the Pehuenche communities of Quepuca Ralco and Ralco Lepoy may buy items needed for their home, such as stoves, pots, and other items. Howeve•; to acquire these items, the members of the communities must register their names with the company. The Pehuenches rejected thls program because of fear that their signatures will be used by Pangue, S.A as proof that the Pehuenche communities acquiesce to the building of the hydroelectric plant. The environmental effects of the Ralco hydroelectric plant will he devastating. Estimates indicate that about 3,400 hectal'eS of native fo1-est would be flooded, affecting about 45% of the fauna and 60% of the flora. The creation of an rutificial lake would endanger about 8 species of fish, 9 species of repti.les, 10 species of amphlbians and 27 species of mammals. Humidity in the ru-ea would increase, affecting crop production and altering the region's micro flora and micro fauna. The humiruty would also help increase soil erosion. The effects of toxic gas emission and toxic seiliments are still to be determined. But given the magnitude of the project, they would undoubtedly be environmentally and economically catastrophlc. Because of Ralco's negative impact on the Pehuenche communities and the envin>nment, it would seem that Chile's Indigenous Law and the Environmental Bases Law should be able to stop its construction. The lniligenous Law (No. 19,253) establishes norms for the protection, promotion and development of ethnic communities. It states that Indigenous land cannot be "atmexed, mo1tgaged, levied or 1-epossessed exoept for lniligenous communities or persons . .."(Art. 13). Continue'd on page 38 27 �EN V I R 0 N M E N T ---------------------------------------------------------------- sided with the gold miners and squatters, and have continued to intimidate Macu.xi people. Because of the activities of the gold miners, fish in nearby rivers have disappeared, and those that remain have high levels of mercury. In addition, the stagnant pits of expel nearly 400 men, women, and water left by miners have introchildren f1·om their land. Two duced malada in epidemic p•-oporMacuxi Indians were severely beat- tions. Malaria has become the en. Others were kicked, harassed, main cause of death of the Macuxi. and detained. The police destroyed Tht-oughout Brazil, Indigenous three houses, a cattle coral, and a peoples continue to fight for land demarcation. Brazilian President livestock pen. The following week, 170 Macuxi Fernando Henrique Cat·doso has returned to the livestock holding the power to sign into law the area and began to work there. rights of Indigenous peoples to Twelve military policemen came their traditional ancestral lands. and desb-oyed hammocks, food, and Because of pressure from local cooking il.nplements. When the politicians, he has not yet signed Macuxi attempted to stop this this decree. ~ destruction, t he police allegedly beat several Indians and fired at SAIIC has se11t f<LXes supporting the Macuxi's dema11d for l<md demar· theil.· possessions. cation and clenouncing human In pt·otest of this expulsion, rights abuses. We encourage you to Macu.xi cotomunities from other do the same. Please write letters parts of Roraima gathered at demaltdi1 that tlw Brazilianpou1g Caraparu II. Federal police report ernment demarcate tradition<z that military police have intil.nidat- lndigencus lands to: ed Macwd communities by flying President Fernando Henrique over their villages in helicopters Cardoso, Patacio do Planalto, and pointing weapons down at the 70. 159-970, Bras£/ia DF, Brazil, Indians. According to a statement Fax: 55 61 226 7566 released by the Indian Council of Rorail.oa state, "The motive for the Exmo. $~: Ministro da Justica, S~: Nelson Jobim, Ministerio da invasion was to guarantee the con- Justica, Esplcnada dos Ministerios, stmction of the hydroelectric dam Bloco 23, 70.064, Brasilia DF, Brazil, Fa.<: 55 61 224 2448 on the River Contil.-.go." The Macwc:i persisted in their Send opposit ion and sent a delegation to to: copies showing your supp ort the federal capital of Brasilia to pt-otest the violence the state mili- TIU! Indigenous Council of tary police of Roraima used against Roraima, Conselho Indigena de them. They also demanded il.nmedi- Roraima, Caixa Postal 163, 70.300 ate demarcation of their lands. On Boa Vista, RR, Brazil March 17, a federal court issued a Information from Amnesty restraining order halting the con- Internaticnal's Urgent Action struction of the Contingo River Appeal, CIMI Gndianist Missionary dam pt-oject. But the Macu.xi land Council), SEJUP (Seruico has not yet been demarcated. AI1ny Brasileiro de Justica e Paz), and personnel sent to Raposa/Serra do the Urgent Action BuiJ.etin of Suruiual lnternational. Sol to protect the Macuxi have Brazil: Macuxi People Oppose Building of Dam he Raposa/Serra do Sol region along Brazil's border with Venezuela and Guyana is home to 11,000 Macuxi and 3,000 lngarik6 Indians. Like other Indigenous peoples throughout Brazil, t he Macuxi have been seeking demarcation of their land. FUNAI, the government's Indian agency, identified t heir land as Indigenous in 1993, but the govetnment has not yet signed the order. Meanwhile, gold m.iners and squatters have invaded the Macuxi's land, bringing malada to the region and destroying the environment. At the same time the Macuxi and Ingarik6 have successfully campaigned against a dam p1-oject in their region that would have flooded nearly 4,000 hectares of land. This dam would have changed theil.· tmditional lifestyle and severely limited their freedom to hunt, fish, and gathe.: In 1992, the state electricity company (CER) began to study the known as Indian lands Raposa/Sen·a do Sol for a hydroelectric dam project on the Contingo River. The study clail.ned that only 45 Ind.i ans would be affected. Alternative studies maintain that 3,400 Indigenous people would be affected by the construction of the dam. The Macu.xi campaign to stop construction of this dam was met with force by the state military. On January 7, 1995, 50 Roraima state military police and seven members of the army invaded the Tamandua livestock holding camp of the Macuxi Indigenous community of Caraparu II in order to illegally T 28 Alzy.;a Yala News �W 0 MEN "We Must Combine Our Efforts" In recosnition of the similarity of the struggles Indigenous women face around the world, we recently had the privilege of talking with Victoria Tauli-CO/PUZ, a Kankilnaey lgorot from the Cordillera region of the Philippines. She is the past chairperson of the Cordillera Peoples' Alliance, a coalition of Indigenous peoples in the Cordillera, Northem Philippines. She is Executive Director of the Cordillera Women's Education and Resource Center, Inc., an NGO doing education, organizins, and projects amons Indigenous women in the region. f~~ .w~ Victoria Tauli-Corpuz Tell us about the founding of the Cordillera Women's Education and ResoUl·ce Center. ndigenous peoples in our region of the Philippines began to organize in the mid 1970s when the World Bank funded construction of four large dams along our Big Chico River. This project would have relocated 300,000 Bontoc and Kalinga peoples, but these people successfully fought against it. After this struggle, organizations were started on the local and provincial levels. The Cordillera Peoples' Alliance, which is the regional federation of these organizations, was organized in 1984. Although women were very much a part of this struggle, they didn't have their own organizations. So in 1985, we thought it was time to organize I our own women's center to train women to become leaders in their own dght. We created The Cordillera Women's Education and Resow'Ce Center was and took the lead in establishing organizations in the region. What is the primary purpose of the Cordillera Women's Education and Resource Center? First, we wanted our women to take a more active role in the stmggle for the defense of our ancestral lands and for self detennination. So we attempt to bring in more women and educate them on these issues. At the same time, we are aware that women are marginalized. In our traditional communities, Indigenous decision-making structures are ve•y male dominated. We felt this was not good for women, and therefore efforts should be made to improve this situation. Women must be equipped to patticipate more effectively in the community decision-making process. And thirdly, in many of our communities agriculture, which is the main economic activity, relies heavily on women. But when it comes to cash crop product ion, or when corporations hire, women are marginalized. When, for instance, the mines hire workers, they hire Vol. 9 No.1 only men, and the women become housewives. As house,vives, women are not patt of the conununity's economic activity as they are when they are subsistence farmers. We are studying how these modem developments have futther marginalized women. Tell us more about the traditional role of women in your community. Well, as I said, the women are the subsistence farmers. They are the ones who fetch water, keep the seeds, and take care of the children. Childrearing is sometimes shared since women go to the fields, then the men stay in the village and take care of the babies. Where do you believe machismo, or male domination, came from i.n your society? For us, as the ml\iority population, machismo was int roduced by colonization. Before colonization, although they were not part of the formal decisionmaking process, women were consulted about their opinions. When the colonizers came, they declared that women should stay home and take care of the children. That was not our traditional belief; housework was shared. The male-dominated beliefs of our colonizers seeped through our communities. For instance, we had a cowtship system in which women could also do courting, and mrutial sepru·ations were pennitted with appropriate grounds. When t he colonizers came with their religious beliefs, they told us this could not be, that it was immoral and that we could not separate from ow· husbands. Ow· colonizers brought and reinforced male domination in our traditional societies. Do Indigenous communities in the P hilippines have r ecognized territories? ' We occupy ow· land, but the law states that ow· land is public land. We have a law in the Philippines which 29 �W 0 ME N ----- ----- - --- ----- says all lands that are 18% slopes or above are considered public lands, and therefore cannot be owned or sold. Almost all ow· lands are 18% slopes or above. Because of that law, virtually all the people in our community are considered squatters on our own lands. So we are working to have that law repealed. In 1986, when there was a constitutional conm>ission, we lobbied to put a clause in the constitution recognizing ancestral land rights of Indigenous peoples. That law was incorporated into the constitution, but until a bill enabling and defining the law is passed, we legally do not have an ancestral land law in ow· country. What othe•- crucial issues are facing your community? asking that they be allowed to participate in their medical missions to the Aetas in Pinatubo. Their intent was to collect DNA materials from the Aetas by collecting blood, mucosal scrapings, and hair roots. This sounds very much like the Human Genome Divet'Sity Project. I 6nd this grossly unethical and immoral, because what they plan to do is to participate in a humanitarian mission to the Aetas who were displaced when the Pinatubo volcano in the Philippines erupted. So, in effect, they are using a medical mission to obtain genetic resow-ces. We did work with t he Foundation on Economic Trends (FET) in Washington DC. who filed a petition on behalf of itself and other organizations, including our own, for a moratorium on the Human Genome Diversity Project which at the time was promoted by the National Institute of Health in the US. So the FET filed a snit against them, but the whole project was transferred to the National Science Foundation (NSF). Suing the NSF will be more difficult because they are a semi-private, semi-governmental organization. These are the steps we have taken to pre-empt the attempts of the pi'Oject to gather genetic material. There are still ongoing logging operations. The logging companies attempt to drive people away from their land. However, mining is one of the biggest issues that we face because our region is ve•-y rich in minerals. Seventy-five percent of gold exports come from ow· region. The government is relaxing the laws to allow corporations to invest and open mines. These corporations receive 75-year leases. They operate strip mines and open pit mines. We have been •-esisting fw-the•expansion of these mines. Do Indigenous peoples in the Philippines deal with issues sinrilar to those of other Indigenous The Philippine government ratified GATT last peoples ar ound t he world? December. How wi.li this affect Indigenous peoWe really have many issues in common, like ancesples? tral land rights, traditional ceremonies, autonomy, and It ' viii have a tremendous affect on Indigenous peo- self govertrment. Because of that communality, we ples, especially in terms of their rights to their lands. It were able to combine efforts to cont,;bute to the draft will make it vety easy for the government to say that the UN working group on Indigenous peoples develsince they are a signato•y to GATT, we must open ow- oped. We should not underestimate what our lobby land for investments.They also have been encow-aging conbibuted to that draft.. us to produce cash crops like cut flowers and asparagus. With the production of cash crops, ow- agriculture Do you have any messages fot· women in Mexico, shifts from subsistence production for domestic con- South and Central America? sumption to producing high-value crops. This 'viii force We were pru-t of the group that organized the our agricultural production to become pa1-t of the International Women's Co•uerence held in Samiland (in Norway) in 1990. As a result of that conference, we entire world's market economy. developed a resolution saying we would do regional How ·is the Human Genome Diversity P r oject organizing among our women. Latin American women affecting Indigenous communities in the did their own organizing, which I think is great. On owpart, we built up ow- Asian Indigenous women's netPhilippines? Some Indigenous peoples have been targeted for work. Now we must combine our effo•-ts and come genetic collection, and some collection has probably together again so we can produce an excellent already occurred. On the list of the Human Genome Indigenous Women's Agenda to be presented at the UN Project we have the Ifugawes, who come from ow· World Conference on Women in Beijing in September. region; my own tribe; and the Aetas, a group of We should make an effot-t to outline the issues of Indigenous peoples from the Central Luzon, Southern Indigenous women, whether they are in the North or Tagalog, and from the Visayas. Late last year we got a the South, and then present these issues. We can also copy of a letter from Dr. Camara, one of the medical sponsor a series of activities in Beijing where doctot'S from the Aloha Medical Mission of Hawaii, Indigenous women can speak out. 'f?J wherein he enclosed a letter from Hoffman-La Roche, 30 Abya Yala News �W 0 M E N A Cultural Exchange: Quichua Potters From Ecuador Visit by Suzana Sawyer acha Gualinga Cuji and Leona Inmunda Nango, indigenous cosmology and l'8inforest sustainability. two Indigenous Quichua female elders from the The clay, ocher, and resin materials used in their work, tropical forest region of eastern Ecuador, building and decorating Indigenous ceramics reflect recounted the story of how Nunguli, the forest spirit the need to carefully extract and sustain resources in which lives below the earth, entrusted women with an uncontaminated envi1·onment. The cosmological clay to sculpt into pottery. Theil· Spanish bore the dis- itnagery used in decoratit1g the ceramics retell the tinctive lilt of those whose first language is Quichua. numerous stories of forest spirits, or powers, essential With hands knotted from working the earth neru·ly to protect and maintain harmony among aU forest daily for fifty years, Miquia Bacha and Miquia Leona beings, animate and inanitnate. Nw1guli, the spirit of molded nwcahuas (drinking bowls) and told the tales fecundity, protects all cultivated plants. Amazanga, from their mothers and grandmothers. They spoke the spirit of strength, protects all forest anitnals. with pride of their culture, the J•••NOPIP Tsumi, the spirit of fluidity, conthreat of petroleum contamination trois the worlds of waters and its and the recent border wru· with lives. And there are many more. Peru. Cosmological beliefs around The Bay Area was Bacha these spirits-their temperament..~. inclinations, and pracGualinga and Leona lnmunda's sectices- guide sustait1able pracond stop on a fow· city Quichua Potte•>s Cultural Exchange tour tices used in agriculture, huntorganized by OPIP (Organization of ing, fishing, and forest and river management. Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza) and Miquia Bacha and Miquia Fundaci6n Jatari, a small foundaLeona's ancestral territory contion established in 1978. Since its sists of a 2 million hectares of inception, Fundaci6n Jatari has uninterrupted prima•y rain forbeen dedicated to enhancing the educational opportunities of est in the central Ecuadorian Amazon Province of Pastaza. Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Ecuado•~ Peru, and This is the last such exp8llse in Bolivia. The 1995 Cultural Ecuador and the only place Exchange Tour is the second consecwhere women maintain the utive year in which Quichua women age-old tradition of Quichua pottery. OPIP is the Indian federahave come to shru-e theit· cultw·al knowledge and build interchange tion and organizational structw-e with the Notth. Their visits to uu•cno;a worren·s pottery represents the which has been fighting to proMinneapolis, Albuquerque, and intimate connection between lndi~enous teet this ancestral territo•y ru1d Santa Fe have allowed them to forge cosmology and rain fe<est sustainabllity. maintain sustainable Indigenous networks and friendships with management techniques for 16 Native Americans in the US. years. Founded in 1979, OPIP 1-ep•-esents 20,000 Chosen by their rainfo•-est communities, Bacha Indigenous peoples, dispersed in 133 communities. Gualinga and Leona lmnunda came to the United While gains have been made, the future of this terri toStates as spokeswomen in defense of their rut form ry and its people is uncertait1. and ancestral territory. Quichua pottery is a millenniIn 1992, 2,000 Indigenous peoples from Pastaza al practice exclusive to Indian women. Through its del- embarked on a historic mru·ch from theit· rain forest icate hand-coil form and intricate designs, Quichua communities to Quito to demand legal title to their pottery rep•-esents the intimate connection between ancestral teJTitory (see Abya Yala News Vol. 6, No. 3). Miquia Bacha was a key player in this struggle. The Suzana Sawyer is a Ph.D. Candidate in only woman to add1-ess the P•-esident an'd his cabinet, Anthropology at Stanford University and has worked Bacha Gualinga condemned the government for failing extensively with OPIP in the Ecuadorian Anwzon. to legalize "the territo1y in which theit· ancestors have B Vol. 9No. 1 31 �W 0 M E N always lived." While Indians in Pastaza returned to the lowlands after 5 weeks of negotiation with their territory adjudicated, titles included only surface rights to land and its products. SubteJTanean rights remain solely in the hands of the state to exploit. For twenty years, petroleum development has indelibly changed the social and ecological reality of the northern portion of the Ecuadorian Amazon through the construction of a network of roads and towns and the contamination of water and soil systems_ If petroletun development is not controlled, this is the fate looming on the horizons of Indigenous territory in Pastaza. ARCO, the only oil corporation working in Pastaza, has discovered a sizeable reserve in Indigenous ter.-itory and hydrocarbon extraction is inuninent, if the local communities and international pressure groups are not mobilized. The struggle for land and Indigenous rights in Pastaza is not simply the concern of a politicized Indigenous elite. Miquia Abigail and Miquia Leona came to the Bay Area in representation of their communities and OPIP to speak in their own voices about their peoples' historical struggle in defense of their culture, beliefs, language, and way of life in the Ecuado.-ian rain forest. Standing before the San Francisco audience, Bacha Gualinga spoke on the wisdom of the ages: "I don't know how to read or write. Not even sign my name. Yet, I have here, captw-ed within my head, years and years of history. I am here as a seed, as a root, as a tree. Look at me and learn." Tracing the intimate lin.k between Indigenous peoples and a landscape, she added, "'f Indians disappear, if our way of life is destroyed, what will happen to the world? Then there will not be forest. The jungle \viii not be green." In 1989, OPIP established a Women's Committee directed by and for Indigenous Quichua women to strengthen disappearing traditions and address women's needs. Female potters in the province of Pastaza cunently sell their artware to OPIP's Cooperative store, Yanapuma (Black Panther), in the provincial capital of Puyo. Now, OPIP's Women's Committee 'vishes to explo1·e possibilities for expanding the marketing oflndigenous ceramics. The US tou r aims to provide Amazonian Qu.ichua potters dit-ect access to internat ional alternative trade markets in the United States. The Women's Committee seeks to develop alternative trade networks as empowering opportunities to re-enforce the cultural tradition of the more than 3,000 women potters in the t'egion and extend needed economic support. An example of grassroots organizing initia ted and controlled by Indian women, the mru·keting of the Quichua ceramic tradition re-affirms the dignity their cultural identity by honoring indigenous female rut and strengthening female voices. Organized during International Women's Month, the Quichua Potte1 Exchange deep's ens a commitment fot· dialogue between women across the globe and expands international networks of mutual suppolt and cooperation. '0' For more information, cont act: Fwui<tci6n Jatari, P 0. Box 65195, Tucso11, AZ, 85728, Tel l Fax: (520) 5773642; or the Organizati01t of Indigenous Peoples of Pa.staza (OPIP), Casilla 790, Puy o, Pastaza, TellFa.<: (593-3) 885-461. Indigenous People form an Alliance to counter the Vampire Project On February 18-19, 1995, a group of30 Indigenous delegates from the United States, Canada, Panama, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Pe1-u met in Phoenix, Arizona, to discuss an Indigenous response to the Human Genome Project. During the three days of discussion, the delegates decided to form an International Alliance to counter the Human Genome Biodiversity Project. Many Indigenous peoples call this "The Vampire Project" because its goal is to collect blood, t issues, and hair from about 700 Indigenous groups around the world. The Human Genome Project is a proposal to collect and study the genetic structw-es of va.-ious ethnic groups. They have targeted populations "on the verge of extinction:•and refer to Indigenous groups as "Isolates of Historical Interest." SAIIC and many other Indigenous organizations have taken a stand against this pt-oject because it is yet another example of t-esearch which No1th American and European scientists carry out on Indigenous peoples without their consent and without all of the t-elevant information being provided to them. This is a continuation of colonialism ofindigenous peoples which began 500 years ago. The delegates at the Phoenix confe1-ence decided to make a plan of action to stop t.he Human Genome Project and its attempt against the biological, spiritual, physical, and psychological lives of Indigenous peoples. They formed a coordinating committee comprised of Indigenous people fi-om North, Central, and South America. They are plantl.i.ng another meeting for next fall in northern California in order to continue tbis campaign. The En'owkin Centre and Okanagan Indians in British Columbia organized this conference which TonatietTa in Phoeni..x hosted. Debra Hany, a Paiute Indian from Nevada, is coordinator of this project. For more informati<>n, contact: Debra, at PO Box 6, N~'Wn, Neuada 89424, Tel: (702) 574-0309, e-mail <Utarry@igc.apc.org; or the Ert'owkin Centre, 257 BrwtSwick St., Penticton, BC V2R 5P9, Canada, Tel: (604) 4937181 Fa..: (604) 493-5302. ,.,.-- - - - - - - - - -----32 Abya Yala News �INTERNAT I O N A l URNG-Government Dialogue: Indians Excluded Once Again On M:Jrch 31, Guatemala's govemment and the leftist umbrella guerrilla group National Guatemalan Revolutionary Union (Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca, URNG) signed an accord to protect the rights of the Maya Indian people. As we reported in the last issue ofAbya Yala News (see Estuardo Zapeta, "Guatemala Peace Talks: Are Maya Rights Negotiable~vol. 8, no. 4h these peace talks have excluded the Maya people who make up a majority of Guatemala's population. In the recently-signed pact, the govemment promised to promote constitutional reforms to recognize the Maya Indians, promote their rights, end racial discrimination and sexual harassment, respect traditional dress and languages, and promote bilingual education. Maya organizations greeted the pact as a cautious first step and stated that the effect that it would have on their sttussle to achieve their demands remained to be seen. The following statement is from the league of Organizations of the Maya People of Guatemala (Coordinaci6n de Organizaciones del Pueblo Maya de Guatemala, COPMAGUA, also l<r1<>'NTl by its M:Jya acronym SAJB'ICHil) on these negotiations. COPMAGUA Statement on Peace Negotiations he se<:ond Grand Assembly of SAJB'ICHIL, the League of Organizations of the Maya People of Guatemala (COPMAGUA), in view of the agreement "Identity and Rights of Indigenous People" which the Republic of Guatemala and the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Union (URNG) signed on March 31, 1995, in Mexico City, having been asked to analyze the peace negotiations; Concludes That: 1) This accord does not necessarily fulfill all of our aspirations and demands, but it is the minimal product of five hundred years of resistance, three decades of an internal armed conflict, and above all the struggle of the Maya people together with the suppott of the civilian population. It is one of the tools to begin the eradication of the social injustice, discrimination, oppression and colonialism that we s uffer today. 2) This Agreement is a minimal but significant step to strengthen the hope of the Maya people to end the marginalization, oppression, discrimination, dominance, exploitation and colonialism that we suffer. 3) The Maya people will continue to work and struggle to achieve all of our rights and demands. 4) The contents of the Agreement will only be effective if all parties demonstrate the political willingness to comply with the terms of the agreement, ' vith the full participation of the Maya people. 5) The leagues and organizations present at the s igning of the agreement endow SAJB'ICHIL \vith the power to be the representative and voice of the Maya T Vol. 9No.1 people to all of the parties involved (the government, the army, and the URNG) to oversee the implementation and verification of the tem1s of the Agreement, as well as \vith international groups. 6) We recogni1..e that the Ag1·eement was in part made possible by the support of the United Nations as part of its Global Peace Process, as well as by the support of the gJ'OUP of friendly countries. It Commits Itself To: 1) Disseminate fully the agreement, "Identity and Rights of the Indigenous Communities" to communi· ties, villages and hamlets in the Maya lru>guages through all of the possible means of communication. 2) Make all of the Maya organizations as well as the civilian population not only aware of the agreement, but also to involve them in its application and compliance. 3) Conduct consultations with its base organizations and other Maya organizations for the implementation of the necessary mechanisms and the compliance of the agJ-eement by those who signed it. Decides To: Conduct its third Grand Assembly on B'ELEJE' NO'J (May 2, 1995) 'vith the obje<:tive of making de<:isions regarding how to c.r eate work commissions to boost the agreement, as well as its functions and tasks. (1) B'OKO', WAQI' Q'ANIU ' Chimaltenango, April3, 1995 33 �I N T E R N A T I 0 N ~ l-----------------------------------------------------------A~ Mexico: Indians and Campesinos Massacred in Guerrero series of assassinations of Mixtee Indians topped with the massacre of 17 campesinos, has mru·ked this past June as one of the bloodiest months in recent history for Indigenous and rural peoples in Mexico. On June 10, Mixtec members of the Consejo Guerrerense 500 Ailos de Resistencia Jndigena (Guen·eran Council of 500 Years of Indigenous Resistance) Perfecto Gonzalez Rufino and Alejandro Tenorio Perfecto were assassinated, followed by the murder of member Rey Flores Hernandez on June 18, 1995. Then, on Wednesday, June 28, at a site known as Aguas Blancas in the Sierra of Coyuca de Benitez, approximately 70 policemen intercepted a passenger truck traveling to Atoyac, Guerrero, and began firing indiscriminately against the vehicle and its occupants. Of the roughly 60 campesinos traveling in the truck, 18 were confirmed dead. Eight people also disappeared and 19 people are gravely injured. In both cases, the incidents are tied to the increased level of popu- A Chiloe Forests Continuecl from page 26 communities and the ecological balance of the island of Chiloe. In May 28, 1994, the General Council of Caciques of Chiloe announced their knowledge of a document called: "A Study to Identify the Possibilities of Forest Exploitation in the At·ea known as Puerto Carmen- Big Island of Chiloe," commissioned by Los Parques, S.A. and Le Banque Colbert of France. 34 for the resignation of state governor Ruben Figueroa Alcocer, who appears to have been informed of the police action prior to the incident. The coalition faces a powerful opposition that the ruHng PRJ (Institutional Revolutionary Party) deputies mounted in support of Figueroa. In addition, on July 1st, what may have been members of OCSS ransacked and attempted to burn down the municipal palace in Coyuca de Benitez, site of a number of large popular protests denouncing the incident. Two state police agents and 8 local policemen believed to have been involved in the incident have been detained and are presently awaiting trial. State attorney Antonio Alcocer Salazar has also accused membet'S of the OCSS, including leader Benigno Guzman Mattinez, of "engaging in criminal conduct" in relation to the June 28 massacre. He also accused the OCSS of "tbeft of public property, destruction of commwucation lines, and causing harm to society" dw·ing various OCSS activities in 1994. He did not clarify what "criminal conduct" he was referl'ing to, however. '(>) Jar mobilization in Guerrero, one of Mexico's poorest states, with an Indigenous population of about 300,000 out of 2,650,000. In the first case, the murders are the product of the intolerance of regional cacique and municipal president of Tlacoachistlahuaca, Armando Ramos. A group of Mi.xtec Indians began a peaceful takeover there of the municipal building on May 22 to protest corruption and government indifference towards the needs of Indigenous communities. In the second case, some of the passengers belonged to the Organizaci6n Campesina de Ia Siena Sur (OCSS-Peasant Organization of the Southern Sien·a), and were on their way to a demonstration in Atoyac. There, on May 18th, members of the OCSS had prevented the exit of local authorities from the municipal building dw'ing the 28th annive•·sary of the initiation of the Lucio Cabanas uprising. As a result of the massacres, tensions between state authorities and campesinos in Guerrero have reached a boiling point. Peasants Information from Consejo de have fo•·med a popular commission Pueblos Nahuat cmd La Jomadc• In the study, researche•'S consider the exploitation of 129,459 hectares of land located at the southern tip of the island, in the township of Quell6n, with an annual deforestation of about 150,000 square meters. This project would use up about 37% of all the forest in Chiloe, with an annual deforestation volume equivalent to 5 times the current annual seJTated wood production in Chiloe and 3 times the consumption of firewood. Wood production in Chiloe would double as a result of this project. According to these facts, the project (officially called, "Plan Astillas Puerto Carmen"), which is already being considered by the regional and provincial autholities, would become the first industrial exploitation of Chiloe's forest. This would mean the total transformation of all life forms in the island's ecosystem and a real threat to the swvival of many species in it. The General Council of Caciques of Chiloe consider implementation of this project a violation of Indigenous people's ancestral lights. '(>) Abya Yala News �O R GAN I ZA TI ON A ND CO MMU N I CA TI ON New Medium Reinforces Movement Computer Networking and Indigenous Organizations hen Peru and Ecuador began military skir- requi.l-e expensive intemational calls which limit their ; mishes on their shared national borde• SAIIC usefulness. Computer networks t"ept-esent a new technoreceived via email a statement from CONAIE logical breaktlu-ough which completely changes the fotm denouncing the fighting and calling for international in which we communicate. Today, with a computer and a assistance for the Indigenous communities in the con- modem (which a•-e becoming cheaper and easier to use) flictive area. it is possible to maintain virtually inm1ediate contact This in only one of an increasing nwnber of cases in with people ru-ound the world. Nonnally, it is possible to which Indigenous activists are beginning to utilize com- connect to the Internet ' vith a local call and maintain puter networks. Computer networks can be used to edu- contact ' vith people around the world without spending cate people about Indigenous realities and to build money on long distance toU charges. stronger organizations. The Internet, a system of interIndigenous activists ru-e now taking these means of linked computer networks which stretches ru-ound the communication into ow· own hands. SAIIC has always world, is becoming a powetful organizing tool for been committed to the goal of communicating to the pubIndigenous organizations and communities. lic an Indigenous perspective on issues which affect us. At this point it is relatively rru-e for Indigenous orga- We have accomplished this through vruious means of ni?.ations in the South to utili?A> computer networks to communication such as Abya Yakt News a nd urgent advance their goals. Some people have a 1 -omantic atti- action aletts distributed tlu-ough mailings and by fax tude towruu Indians and Western technology, and argue and phone. SAIIC is now malting the tt·ansition to using that people ru-e less Indian if they use computers. But as email and Internet t-esources to achieve these srune an Aymara 11-om Bolivia has argued, we will not be less goals. We can use this technology to educate others about Indian because we ru-e using a compute.: It is a tool, and ow· reality and to mobilize international public opinion it can be used in a positive way to achieve justice and lib- against hwnan rights abuses and on other issues which we face. We should also look for ways to use computer eration for our people. -e The telephone, and then the invention of the fax networks to mo1 effectively communicate among ourmachine revolutionized communications tlu-oughout the selves in order to shru-e info•·mation and to develop orgaworld. For Indigenous activists, faxes irnpt-oved commu- nizing strategies. nications between organizations ru>d with support -esow-ces can be divided into Computer networking 1 gt-oups in Notth America and Europe. Faxes, however, three main categories. First, private messages called W In the last issue of A'Oya Yala News (Vol. 8, No. 4), two short stories about SAIIC's efforts to use computet networ1cs and the Internet to advance its Ofganizing WOI1< included incomplete Of misleading info<mation. On 111e News from SAIIC page (p. 39), there was a typO in the name of SAIIC's fleaceNet conference. The actual name is "saiic.indio. ·Also, SAIICs Home Page on the Wo!ld-Wtde Web is at httpdJwww.igc.apc.Ofg/saiic/saiic.html. Y can find an electronic copy of SAIIC's txochure ou 'Oy pointing a gopher client to gopher.igc.apc.org and selecting "OrganiUitions on the IGC Netwo<1<s Gophet'" and then "SAIIC." The brochUfe is also available in the ftp.igc.apc.cxs FTP site in the "publorgs_on_igc" d irecte<y and 'Oy sending an email 001e to "saiic-info@igc.apc.cxs: Also, a ste<y on ll1e Internet for Native Peoples Conference (p. 35) did 001 include complete information for subscribing to these lists related to Indigenous issues (please OOie that the -1in saiic-1 and native-! is the letter "I" and 001 the number one): saiic-1 (send a message "subscribe saiic-1" to majOfdomo@igc.apc.Ofg; this list mirrors the saiic.indio conference) Indigenous Knowledge (send a message "sub indl<now <Your Name>· to listserv@u.washington.e du) NativeNet(send a message "sub native-I <Y Name>" to listsetv@tarTMnl .tamu.edu) our In addition to these lists, Internet use<S mlrf wish to check out ll1e foii<:Miing electronic archives, NativeWeb (httpd/u!<anaix.cc.u!<ans.OOu/-mardnativeweb.html) Fourth World Documentation Project (http1Jwww.halqon.comlfWDP/fwdp.html) Native AmericJJn Net Server at UW-Mi/waukee (gopher to alpha1 .csd.uwm.edu and select "I.NIM" then "Information" and finally ·Native American Net Se.ver") Native Arrleric4n FTP site 4t Comet/ University(ftp to ftp.cit.comell.edu and change to the publspeciai!Nativel'fofs directe<y) If yoo have any questions about any of these items, please contact Marc at the SAIIC office. Vol. 9No.1 35 �ORGAN I ZA T IO N AN D COMMU NI CATION email (or e-mail, which is shott for electronic mail) are sent through computer networks. This con"espondence is similar to the regular mail, faxes, and phone calls which organi7.ations such as SAIIC have t•·aditionally used to conununicate with board members, s upporters, and other organizations. The advantage of email is that it allows the sending of mail messages and computer files vi.ttually instantaneously and often cheaper than other means of communication. A second broad category of infotmation on the Internet is that which is disttibuted via listserv lists, PeaceNet confer"ences, Usenet News Groups, etc. They operate like newsletters to which people subscribe and then t"eceive r"egUlar mailings. These subscli ption lists ru"e useful for distributing news t'eports, wogent action alerts, announcements and other infotmation which may be of a dated natw·e. It is fot· these pw-poses that SAIIC established the saiic.indio confet"ence on PeaceNet last fall. A final broad category ofinf01mation available on the Internet is that found in electronic archives, including ITP, Gophet; and World-Wide Web sites. Organizations can use these archives to post an electronic copy of a brochUl'e describing the group's work, manifestos and Native American Radio Talk Show Debuts A me1ican Indian Radio on Satellite r-1(AIROS), which started pt-og~-am­ ming for and about Native Ameri cans last fall to Native-owned and public radio statiorlS, began a daily Native talk show on June 5. George Tiget; Muscogee (Creek), hosts Native America Calling, a live call-in program that explor'eS the full range of Native American life and culture, with topics such as hibal politics, rut, music, humor, storytelling, gruning and religious freedom. The onehour daily progrrun can be heru-d on tribal.and public radio stations in the United States each Monday through F'liday at 1 p.m. Eastem time. Native Ameri ca Calling is produced at public radio station KUNM on the campus of the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque. It is a co-production of the Native American tium and Public Br-oadcasting Conso1 the Alaska Public Radio Network. Listeners azn stay abreast of new pro· grams developments and new Sl<llions 36 declarations, past issues of newsletters, and other information which may have on-going value for the organization, its suppo1 ters, and the public at large. For example, SAIIC has placed a copy of its brochw-e on PeaceNet where people desiring more information on the organization can access it via FTP, Gophe1; or the World-Wide Web. Often weak infrashu cture and the lack of basic services such as phone lines, pruticulru·ly in remote areas, makes developing computer networks very difficult. In Africa activists at-e beginning to hook up to low-earth orbiting satellites in order to connect to computer network resources. For example, the NCO Volunteers in Technical Assistance (VITA) has assisted organizations in t"emote ru"eas ofTan7.ania wher-e there is no electl'icity or phone service to communicate '~a email and the Internet. F'l-om most anywhere in the world, a person \vith the appropriate equipment can send and l"eceive messages t\'~ce daily via a low orbit satellite. These lowearth orbiting sateUites have not been used extensively in Mexico, Central and South Ametica. Using this technology, Indigenous people can create their own computer networks in order to strengthen their o•oganizations and defend their way of life. 'flJ coming on line by calling the Ncztiue America Calling Holline at (907) 566· 2244. dedicated to the presentation of treaties on the •·ights of the Indigenous peoples. Sixth Annual Indigenous Environmental Network Conference For more information~ contact: Indigenous EnviJ'OnmenUll Network) Tel:(218) 751-4967, Fa:x: (218) 751- ne hund•'ed and forty six Indigenous nations and o•ogani.zations from the Americas gathered in Chickaloon, Alaska (J une 19-22) for the Sixth Annual Indigenous Environmental Net\vork confet"ence. The International Indian 'll"eaty Council (llTC) O l"ganized this confer~ O ence. The goal of this conference was to unify Indigenous peoples in their wot-k to protect the Eruth Mother and its natural l'eSources and strengthen Indigenous otogani.zations. DUling four days of the confer-ence, participants gathered in seventeen workships dedicated to themes such as territories, protection of natural resources, militarization, the Hwnan Genome Diversity Pr-oject, and NAFTA. The final tluw days were 0561. Second Coalition Conference on International Health uilding on the enthusiastic t'eSponse to the first conference held last November, the Canadian Society for International Health and the Canadian University CorlSOttium for Health and Development ' v:ill hold the second CClli fi-om November 1215, 1995, at the Radisson Hotel in Ottawa. The conference theme is "Health Refonn Around the World: Towar-ds Equity and Sustainability." Sessions 'v:ill include paper P•"esenta- B tions, symposia, workshops, poster sessions, and round table discussions. CcnmCL tire CC/H CoordinaU>r at Tel: (613) 730-2654, Fax:(613) 230·8-Wl, or e-mail: CSIH@(ox.nstr•can.. Ai:Y{a Yala News �O R G A N I Z ATI ON A ND CO MM UN I C ATI O N Filling The Gap With Abya Yala Fund The first foundation in the Western Hemisphere run by and for Indigenous People of South and Meso America. ndigenous representatives from Mexico, South America, Central America and North America have established a new fund to suppolt Indigenous communities and organi?.ations that an! organizing to guarantee the survival of our people. A group of prominent Indigenous men and women have formed this Fund with the goal of enabling Indigenous conununities to achieve self-reliance through locally-initiated improvement eff01ts. The Abya Yala Fund provides critical training in organizational development, communications, administration, fund-raising and project management. The Fund also gives grants and loans for small-scale community projects emerging from Indigenous communities and their organizations. "We created the Fund due to ou•· perception that a 'vide gap of communication and understanding exists between international funders and development agencies and Indigenous communities," said Leonardo Vite•·i, a Quichua from Ecuador and boa1·d member. There is also a great need for organi?.ational development among Indigenous communities that traditional funding sources are not addressing. To fill these gaps, Abya Yala I Vol. 9 No.1 Fund wo•·ks through local contacts to discuss directly with Indigenous people their priority issues and needs. By working with existing organizations and community projects, the Abya Yala Fund enables local residents to define their own priorities and helps the community access technical and financial resources. On May 4-7, 1995, Abya Yala Fw1d held its second meeting in Oakland, California, with board members C.·om South and Meso America as well as advisors from North America attending. In that meeting, the board developed a five-year plan for the organization. The Abya Yala Fund has ah·eady •·eceived many proposals from Indigenous communities working on projects to protect the envii·onment, land rights, human rights; to address women's issues; to support education projects; and to maintain the cultw·al integrity and spirituality of Indigenous Nations. Nilo Cayuqueo, a Mapuche from Argentina and a founding member of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAJIC), and Atencio L6pez, a Kuna from Panama, are the Co-dii-ectors of the Abya Yala Fund. Luis Macas, a Quichua from Ecuador and \vinner of the 1994 Goldman Envii-onmental Award, as well as other Indigenous leade1-s f1-om across the Americas are on the Board. Amalia Dixon, a Miskitu f1-om Nicaragua and member of the Board of Directors, \viii help promote the Fund in the US. Abya Yala Fund has established an office in Oakland, California, with the support of SAIIC. Until Abya Yala Fund receives its own non-p•·ofit status, the San F1·ancisco-based Tides Foundation 'viii be its fiscal sponsor. Abya Yala Fund has established contact with foundations and individuals who are very supportive of this unique initiative. In addition, the Fund has become a member of foundation networking organizations such as Native Philanthropy, Americans in Hispanics in Philanthropy, and the National Network of Grantmakers. Monetary contributions are greatly needed for pt-oject support and operations. The Fund is also seeking the donation of computers and modems, in order to facilitate regular communication with Board members and local contacts in Mexico, Central and South America. Please send taxdeductible donations or information requests to: Abya Yala Fund, clo Tides Foundation, P 0 Box 28386, Oakland, CA 94604, Tel/Fax (510) 763-6553. 0' 37 �ORGAN I Z A TION AND Amazon, Forum II f11he future of the Amazon .l depends on its Indigenous peoples and the state of their environment. The Coalition in Support of Amazonian Peoples and Their Environment held its se<:ond international fomm in Washington, DC, at the Smithsonian's Museum of American History on May 10-12. The meeting brought together North American non-governmental orgawzations with representatives from the Amazon Basin to coordinate long-te•m efforts on behalf of Indigenous and forest-dependent peoples. Secretary-General of the Organization of Ame,;can States, Cesar Gaviria, and Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs at the US. Department of the Inte,;o•; Ada Dee•; gave keynote addresses at a reception welcoming participants on the evemng of May 9th. For m.ore information on the Amazon Forum, contact: Melina Seluerston, Amazon Coalition, 1511 K. Street, N~V, # 1044, Washington, DC 20005, 'fel: (202) 637- 9718, Fax: (202) 637-9719, e-mail: amazoncoal@igc.apc.org. State Frontiers and Indian Nations Continued {rom Page 7 bru· (page ?)for extracts from the declaration) to guarantee the integrity and respect for Indigenous peoples. With· all of these declarations, Indigenous leaders reiterate the importance that Indigenous pruticipation should have in peace talks. They •·ightly point out that a meaningful and lasting peace will not be reached as long as the Indigenous peoples who live in the disputed te11-itories continue to be ignored. Still, the governments of Ecuador and Peru are not listemng. The government of Pem, for exrunple, has proposed a plan to strengthen 38 COMM U NICATION its borders by g•vmg away Indigenous land to colonizers from different ru-eas of the country. But peace will not come through the fmther colonization of Indigenous people. On the contrary, peace will only be achieved when Indigenous land is rightly and justly protected, and the Indigenous way of life seem-ed. A joint declaration from A!DESEP and CONFENIAE states: "Nowadays, it is in vogue to speak of integration. Howeve•; we have lived for thousru>ds of years in peaceful commun ion with our Indigenous neighbors on both sides of the border. Fmthermore, borders that the white people created have divided communities like the Shuar, Quichua and Cofan. But we continue to feel as though we were part of one Indian continental nation: the ancient Abya Yala ." f1) Additional declarations and in{ormczt.ion from Indigenous organiza· tions on this border conflict are in SAl/C's PeaceNet coll{erence saiic.indio as well as on the Internet at: http: II ulwnaix.cc.ulwns.edul-mar clgeography l latinam I ecuador I bor der_;nain.html. Chile, Upper Biobfo Contmued {rotn page 27 Howeve•; because of a lack of 1-esom-ces and interest, this law is not always enforced and large companies such as ENDESA can circumvent the law by, for example, buying land and building houses in other at·eas, trying to persuade native communities to "sell." The purpose of the Environmental Bases Law (No. 19,300) is " to regulate all activities that in one way or another a.ffe<:t the environment." However, because the law still lacks spe<:ific and definitive legislative language, it is easy for large corporations to act in defiance of the spirit such laws. As of now, it is apparent that the CNE will recommend the constmction of the Ralco power plant without objectively re-evaluating its inevitable effects. In December 1994, the CNE re<:ommended the construction of the plant's gas pipelines. Ralco ab-eady has utilization rights on the Biobio Rive1's non-drinkable water, the provisional electrical concession, and engineering studies in their final stages of completion. Even though the CNE did not include the Ralco powet· plant in its latest plan of works, the government is·about to consent to its constmction. If the government does give Et-.'DESA the permission to build Ralco, it ,viJl close the possibility for a real environmental evaluation to be conducted. Ralco, like Pangue, will become an example of how the Chilean govermnent allows big co•·porations to undertake socially and environmentally risky ventures despite the existence of laws that prohibit such proje<:ts. A sinrilar multi-dan> project during the 1970s, Antuco County on the Laja River, did not make good on its promise . Antuco is today one of poo1-est counties of Chile. Public outcry has been massive. Different environmental orgauizations like GABB (Action Group in Defense of the Biobio), Indigenous tights groups, student activists and other outraged citizens have joined forces to stop the constmction of Ralco. In a public declaration, GABB called fo•-a complete halt to any other project along the Biobio River, the enforcement of the Environmental and Indigenous Laws, respect for the Pehuenche communities, their land and culture, and the creation of an effective energy policy that would prioritize the social and ecological sustainability of the country. f1) Abya Yala News �S A I I C News from SAIIC ... his has been a ve•·y busy Spring as SAIIC has enjoyed visits from many Indigenous people from South and Meso America. Many of these visitors were het-e for the Abya Yala Fund board meeting the beginning of May (see story page 37). Aucan Huilcaman, a Mapuche leader from southern Chile, toured the United States in May to denounce efforts to extend NAFTA to Chile and the negative impact it has on Indigenous peoples there. He gave several pt-esentations and a press conference while he was in the Bay Area. Jose Maria Cabascango, Quichua from Ecuador and coordinator of Territo•·y and Policy at CONAIE, spent sevet'al days with us in June on his way back to Ecuador from the International Indian Treaty Council (IITC) meeting in Alaska. We conducted an interview with Jose Maria about his experienoes with the Indigenous movement in Ecuador which we will print in the next issue ofAbya Yala News. Nilo Cayuqueo, who has been coordinator, director, and cofounde•· of SAIIC for 12 years, will tum the dil-ectorship of SAIIC to Amalia Dixon, a Miskitu from T Nicaragua. Nilo will spend more of his time working with Abya Yala Fund, but also wil11-emain as active board member ofSAIIC while helpipg Amalia in the transition. Also, Nilo has been awarded a Vanguard Foundation Sabbatical Fellowship. The sabbatical will allow Nilo to take two months of vacation. He is planning to go to the south to visit Indian communities. Congratulations. Amalia Dixon, who has longterm experience with Indigenous organizations and the autonomy process on the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua, has been chosen as the new director of SAIIC. We are atTanging her visa so she can work in the Oakland office. She recently attended the IITC meeting in Alaska where she made many ftiendships and learned much about the situation of Indigenous peoples in North America. (She will continue in SAIIC the work Nilo has been doing for many years.) Welcome, Amalia. SAIIC board member Carlos Maibeth has been actively involved in a proje<:t to help ele<:tricity to the Atlantic Coast ofNicaragua through the use of solar panels. A recent fundraising in Berkeley, California, raised funds for this project. Joe Bryan is working in the SAIIC office for a month this summer as an Intern. Joe is a Community Studies and Latin American and Latino Studies major at the University of California, Santa C.-uz. Pat-t of this major entails a six-month internship with a social change organization. AJWr his time with us, Joe plans to continue his Intetnship in the Ecuadorian Amazon at the AMAZANGA institute. SAIIC is al.so pleased to announce that Gilles Combrisson has joined us as ow· new Journal Coordinator. Gilles has just fmished his deg..-ee in Latin Ametican and Iberian Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. He worked for six months last year with the Shuar Federation in the Ecuadorian Amazon. SAIIC continues to seek to broad· en the base of subsctibers to Abya Yala News. Please help us by asking yow· lhends to subsctibe. In addition, we urge you to clip the Librruy Re<:ommendation Form below and submit it to your local public or university library. This is a highly effective manner of spt-eading Indigenous perspe<:tives more 'videly. ' Library Recommendation Form Please forward this form to your librarian requesting that they enter a subscription to Abya Yala News. Requested by_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ AddreSS·- - - - - - - - - - , : - - - - - Signature Date'_ __,,---,--Abya Yala News (ISSN: 1071-3182) is produced on a quarterly basis in both English and Spanish . It is 36-44 pages with glossy color cover and black/white interior. Institutional and Library subscriptions are $40/yr (4 issues), or $60 for a subscription to both English and Spanish editions. Sample and back issues are available. Exchanges can be arranged upon request. Send subscription requests to the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC), P.O. Box 28703, Oakland, CA 94612, Tel: (510) 8344263, Fax (510) 834-4263, e-mail saiic@ igc.apc.org. Vol. 9No. 1 39 �ITEMS AVAILABLE FROM SAIIC Daughters of AbyaYala Video: Rebuilding Our Communities Testimonies of Indian women orgamz1ng throughout the Continent. Statements from grassroots Indian women leaders from South and Meso America. Includes resolutions from Indigenous women's meetings, a d irectory of Indian women·s organizations and key contacts, information on Indian women's projects, and poems by Indian women. Forty-eight pages with beautiful black and white photographs. Printed on recycled paper. $6 + $1 .50 shipping. An updated, bound edition is also available for $8 + $1.50 shipping. Video: A Skirt Full of Butterflies 15 minutes. A love poem to the Isthmus Zapotec women of southern oaxaca, Mexico, by filmmakers Ellen Osborne and Maureen Gosling. For e-JefY purchase made, a second copy will be sent to an Indigenous women's organization as a gift. $19.95 + $3 shipping. Video: Columbus Didn't Discover Us Native people's perspectives on the Columbus Quincentennial based on the footage of the 1990 Quito Conference. 24 minutes. A co-production of SAIIC. CONAIE, ONIC and Turning Tide Productions. Available in Spanish or English. $19.95 + $1 .75 for shipping & handling. South arid Meso American Indian Rights Indigenous leaders from Central and South A merica d iscuss the 500-years campaign, which began as an Indian response to the Quincentenary celebration and has developed as an ongoing dialogue among indigenous activists. Produced by SAIIC. $18 + $1.75 shipping. Amazonia : Voices from the Rainforest A resource and action guide with a comprehensive listing of international rainforest and A mazonian Indian organizatiions sponsored by SAIIC and the International R ivers Network, and published by Rainforest Action Network and Amazonia Film Project, 1990. Available in Spanish or English for $4.50 + $1.75 shipping . 1992 International Directory & Resource Guide An annotated directory of over 600 international organizations that participated in 500 Years of Resistance projects. Includes declarations from Indigenous conferences and organizations and information on curriculum resources, speakers bureaus, computer networks, audio-visual resources and print resources. $5 + $1 .75 shipping. C~nter P.O . Box 28703 Oakland. CA 94604 ADDRESS CORRECTION REQUESTED (SAIIC) Non·profit Organization US Postage PAID Oakland, CA Permit No. 79 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource State Frontiers and Indian Nations Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring 1995 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Issue 1 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 9 Abstract Note Stories that focus on the relationship between indigenous governments and national states. Pages 1-40 1995 spring vol 9 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/3cb9b845fa1a68d63cb7e1337ed01a0b.pdf f3e64718574e0367a664e65934c89fb9 PDF Text Text A Nineteenth-Century War in the Amazon: Indigenous Communities Caught in the Ecuador/ Peru Border Dispute by Fernando Rivera Indigenous people who live in the disputed area between Ecuador and Peru have faced severe hardship and danger during the latest conflict which erupted in January of this year. Forced to fight and caught in wars not of their own design, Indigenous communities in both Ecuador and Peru endured the death of some of their people in battle, the threat of mass starvation, illnesses, and the destruction of their environment. The recent fighting is an unfortunate continuation of border disputes which have divided the two countries since the wars of independence and is another example of the internal colonialism to which Indigenous peoples are subjected. Each country has based its territorial rights on different treatises and international legal concepts. Each has had its own reasons for waging war. Both Ecuador and Peru, however, have ignored the impact that such land disputes have had on the Indigenous peoples who live along their borders. With every war and every treatise, neither Ecuador nor Peru has been as negatively affected as these Indigenous communities. The territorial dispute between Ecuador and Peru has been one of the longest and most complicated land disputes on the continent. During colonial times, first the Viceroyalty of Peru and later the Viceroyalty of Gran Colombia administered the Amazonian provinces. In 1829, after gaining independence, Peru and Gran Colombia signed an agreement in which they did not establish borders, but agreed to respect the former colonial divisions. Since the borders in that region were never clearly defined, their demarcation became a topic of constant debate. In 1941 a war broke out between Ecuador and Peru which ended with the signing of the Río de Janeiro Protocol which sought to define the border between the two countries. In 1950, however, Ecuador declared the Protocol null and void because of what it believed to be technical differences in demarcating 78 kilometers of land along the Condor Cordillera. In 1981, another war broke out between the two countries. Some analysts believe that the ruling government of Ecuador began that war as a way to distract attention away from its economic problems. Similarly, some analysts believe that President Fujimori may have begun the current war in order to assure his re-election. Whatever the motive, it is the Indigenous communities along the Ecuador/Peru border that are the most affected when the two countries decide to go into battle. First, both countries force Indians to fight in the military. This makes neighboring communities along the border and binational communities (communities divided by the border) fight among each other. Much has been said recently about intra-ethnic wars all around the world, but little attention has been paid to the fact that Indian peoples in Ecuador and Peru have been forced to kill each other. Many of these people belong to the same ethnic or cultural groups, as in the case of the Shuar, Achuar, Aguaruna, Huambiza and Quichua Indians. Second, the toll of the war is felt primarily in Indigenous communities along the border where most of the fighting occurs. Hundreds of families have been displaced by the destruction of their homes, harvests, and cattle. Bombings occur regularly, and deadly diseases are spreading rapidly. "Indigenous communities have never had borders," says Mino Eusebio Castro, vice-president of AIDESEP (Indigenous Association for the Development of the Peruvian Amazon). "What is occurring is that there is a conflicting interests between two political groups striving for economic control. We have never been consulted over the creation of borders, yet who do they use when there is a conflict of this type? Who provides the food? Who gets recruited to fight on the front lines? Who gets affected by protecting the borders? It is the Indigenous people!" Luis Macas, president of CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador) reported that the war has directly affected 21 of the 400 Shuar centers (or communities) in the Ecuadorian Amazon because of their proximity to the border. Also, among the 30 Achuar centers, the centers closest to the border have been greatly affected. Furthermore, out of the 25 Quichua communities on both sides of the border (10 in Ecuador and 15 in Peru), the number of affected families reaches 800. Finally, other smaller bordering communities also suffer from the war. These include the Siona, Secoya, Cofan, and the Shiwiar communities. The total number of indians in Ecuador alone affected by this war reaches 20,000. If the conflict continues, Macas predicts the loss of more Indigenous lives, homes, and livelihoods. A recent article in the Quito daily El Comercio describes the social and economic effect of the war. According to the report, 180 Indigenous communities and approximately 3,000 families "are faced with a social, economic, and psychological crisis because there crops and animals have disappeared and their understanding of their own territory has been changed" since the fighting began. "Life is not the same. Tranquility has not returned to the selva since the ceasefire," said Luis Yampies, a leader of the Shuar community. "Many communities cannot return to their lands because they are mined. That was a defense strategy by the Ecuadorian military, but we are affected." In formal and informal declarations, Indigenous groups have denounced the violence and demanded that the governments of Ecuador and Peru stop the war. COICA (The Coordinating Body for the Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin), an umbrella group that represents Indigenous organizations from the eight nation-states with territorial claims in the Amazon Basin, proposed the creation of a bi-national park which would demilitarize the conflict zone and guarantee peace for years to come. The proposal was born out of an impending need to protect the environment and the desire to re-integrate the Shuar and Achuar communities in Ecuador with their cultural counterparts in Peru- the Aguaruna and the Huambiza Indians. Another-perhaps more radical-declaration signed by members of both CONAlE and CONFENIAE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon), demands, among other things, that Ecuador be recognized as a "multinational, multicultural and multilingual country" (see sidebar (page 7) for extracts from the declaration) to guarantee the integrity and respect for Indigenous peoples. With all of these declarations, Indigenous leaders reiterate the importance that Indigenous participation should have in peace talks. They rightly point out that a meaningful and lasting peace will not be reached as long as the Indigenous peoples who live in the disputed territories continue to be ignored. Still, the governments of Ecuador and Peru are not listening. The government of Peru, for example, has proposed a plan to strengthen its borders by giving away Indigenous land to colonizers from different areas of the country. But peace will not come through the further colonization of Indigenous people. On the contrary, peace will only be achieved when Indigenous land is rightly and justly protected, and the Indigenous way of life secured. A joint declaration from AIDESEP and CONFENIAE states: "Nowadays, it is in vogue to speak of integration. However; we have lived for thousands of years in peaceful communion with our Indigenous neighbors on both sides of the border. Furthermore, borders that the white people created have divided communities like the Shuar, Quichua and Cofan. But we continue to feel as though we were part of one Indian continental nation: the ancient Abya Yala." Additional declarations and information from Indigenous organizations on this border conflict are in SAlIC's PeaceNet conference saiic.indio as well as on the Internet at: http:IIulwnaix.cc.ulwns.edu/-marc/geography/latinam/ecuador/border_main.html. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Nineteenth-Century War in the Amazon: Indigenous Communities Caught in the Ecuador/Peru Border Dispute Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Fernando Rivera Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title A Nineteenth-Century War in the Amazon: Indigenous Communities Caught in the Ecuador/Peru Border Dispute Item Type Journal Article Author Fernando Rivera Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 6-7, 38 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Conflict between the Ecuadorian and Peruvian border forced indigenous peoples within the disputed territory to fight for opposing sides. Attachment Title A_Nineteenth-Century_War_in_the_Amazon.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] AIDESEP Amazon binational communities borders http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/315176e159dd3119f5e9771fd4c8c8be.pdf 9fbd722d61473924e51bf1c57176f589 PDF Text Text EDITORIAL State borders, rather than cultural borders, are one of the largest obstacles blocking Indigenous peoples from communicating, working together and reinvigorating our cultures. For this reason, we have dedicated this edition to publicizing Indigenous thinking and discussion on nation-state border issues. The 1995 war between Peru and Ecuador has rekindled interest in this ongoing debate. Reminiscent of the formative nineteenth-century nation-state independence wars in Latin America, this recent war is a bloody conflict between nation-states fought with Indigenous lives. Twentieth-century examples of similar situations include the 1932-1935 Chaco War between Paraguay and Bolivia which took 40,000 Indigenous lives, the so-called Soccer War in 1968 between El Salvador and Honduras, the never-ending strife on the Colombian-Venezuelan border, and the hardships which the Miskitu people in Nicaragua and Honduras and the Kuna Nation in Panama and Colombia have endured. European colonizers first, and then American States, delineated borders. Outsiders divided the continents' geographical space and states, provinces, departments, municipalities, and counties replaced cultural territories of Indigenous origin . The Spanish Crown, after decimating and exploiting Indigenous peoples, decided to give some territorial rights through the systems of "Mercedes lndivisas," "Cedulas Reales," and other communal rights. Indigenous peoples exercized autonomous rights to those territories. However, after the Criollo (descendants of Spaniards) elites expelled the Spanish monarchy in the so-called War of Independence, they took away those territorial rights, and imposed on Indigenous peoples a new ideology of "citizenship." Indigenous peoples were forced to enroll in the Criollo Independence Army. Needless to say, they were used as cannon fodder. The new governing elites decided that it was their turn to rule the vast territory which is today America. The Criollo elites reshaped, according to their individual interests, what today are considered the Latin American states. Indigenous peoples were not consulted to evaluate that process. With our populations decimated, borders were imposed on us, subdividing our Indigenous nations. Although the decline of the Spanish empire and the emergence of the Criollo elite ushered in the recognition of some of our own traditional territory, Indigenous "uprisings" throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were constant reminders of the denial of our immemorial rights to our own territories which we have occupied for thousands of years. New legal systems based on individualistic Roman judiciary tenets contradicted the collective cultures of Indigenous peoples. Today, the Latin American states continue to deny and ignore Indigenous peoples' conception of justice and government. Today, the Indigenous movements demand to be heard. It is important that throughout this Decade of Indigenous Peoples our different conceptions of political rights to self-determination and autonomy be reexamined. Our cultural practices and our reproduction as collectives requires having control over our territories. We are more conscious about the need to be heard as "collective entities." Indigenous peoples' demands need to be heard and met by new rules that cannot be defined by westem laws and cultures. It is imperative that governments and societies recognize our rights as distinct and original peoples of the world. Borders are but one of several obstacles we face as Indigenous peoples. Each demarcated border line has been created by the process of colonization and violence against Indigenous nations. Whether domestic or international, borders bear the same colonial logic. Ultimately, they mean our demise. In light of this fact, the articles in this issue will update the tremendous pressures we must face due to anachronistic colonial legal structures, by now obsolete, that deny us our rights as original Indigenous peoples. SAIIC Board of Directors Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Editorial Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource SAIIC Board of Directors Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Editorial Item Type Journal Article Author SAIIC Board of Directors Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 3 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Since the Spanish conquest, state borders have burdened, repressed, and alienated indigenous peoples from North, Central, and South America. This issue deals specifically with indigenous interpretations and actions to fight against violence, oppression, and development in their territories. Attachment Title Editorial.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Autonomy borders Criollo European conquest Spanish conquest Territory http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/88c577a223ab07350d2ceb05c7dc95e1.pdf 8d81bbc709ea048625cb0f3b08161afa PDF Text Text Guajajara Murdered in Brazil Manuel Mendes, a Guajajara Indian, was killed following a land invasion in the state of Maranhao, Brazil. Mendes' assassin, Jaime Jardim, was an invader of the Krikati Indian territory, located in the Brazilian state of Maranhao. According to his daughter; Manuel Mendes had been receiving death threats for some time. Tension had been building in that area since a group of invaders prevented a team of technicians from demarcating the Krikati territory. The minister of Justice issued a directive ordering the Krikati territory to be demarcated in July of 1992. However, because of pressure from local politicians, land invaders and the family of ex-president Jose Samey, the demarcation has been interrupted. Meanwhile, Krikati land continues to be illegally occupied. Invaders have settled on about twenty farms and in a Krikati village. In December of last year, when technicians were once again sent to demarcate the area, invaders burned the entrance bridges and blocked access to the area. Information supplied by CIMI-Conselho Indigenista Missionario (Indian Missionary Council) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Guajajara Murdered in Brazil Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conselho Indigenista Missionario (CIMI) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Guajajara Murdered in Brazil Item Type Journal Article Author Conselho Indigenista Missionario (CIMI) Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 4 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Manuel Mendes, a Guajajara Indian, was killed among growing tensions between invaders into Krikati Indian territory and the Indian population living there. Attachment Title Guajajara_Murdered_in_Brazil.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] demarcation Guajajara invaders Krikati http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/00ecdbe843fd4224239ea254e93342ce.pdf ffa9cd3ab22e1a738411c6d826eb8130 PDF Text Text Colombian Guerrillas Attack Venezuelan Outpost Tension has been building between Colombia and Venezuela since last February, when Colombian guerrillas crossed the Venezuelan border and attacked a military outpost in the Amazon lowlands. Both Colombian and Venezuelan officials deny the possibility of armed conflict between the two countries, yet Venezuelan President Rafael Caldera ordered thou· sands of troops to the border area. As a result of the conflict, anti-Colombian sentiment is high in Venezuela. Venezuelan authorities have deported thousands of undocumented Colombian migrant workers and graffiti slogans such as "Colombian Murderers Go Home" have appeared throughout Caracas. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Colombian Guerrillas Attack Venezuelan Outpost Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Colombian Guerrillas Attack Venezuelan Outpost Item Type Journal Article Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 4 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Colombian guerrillas crossed the Venezuelan border and attacked a military outpost in the Amazon lowlands. Attachment Title Colombian_Guerrillas_Attack_Venezuelan_Outpost.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Amazon borders guerillas http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/b5f1e040d2f2bcfb1f3312ffd9327f41.pdf 6f2832659bd635b7b67eabb3ce616325 PDF Text Text Honduras: Xicaque Denounce Government Xicaque leader Julio Soto recently denounced the Honduran government’s failure to demarcate their lands and assure their survival. “We’re in a bad state. The government will not say the land is ours, and allows the wild ‘ladinos' (non-Indians) to throw us off the land our ancestors left us,” he said. The Xicaque are one of the largest Indigenous groups in Honduras, and although they have been identified by national and international authorities as victims of social oppression, nothing has been done to alleviate the problems. The Xicaque suffer from starvation, illnesses, and the slow but eventual extermination of their people by colonizers of their land. A Xicaque elder, Timoteo Calixx, believes that the genocide of his people will end when the Honduran government sends the International Labor Organization (ILO) ratification of the Indigenous People's Convention 169, which guarantees their protection. Meanwhile, the government has promised to send the ratification of Convention 169 in order to assure all Indigenous communities that it will not abandon its commitment to preserve Xicaque lives and culture. Information courtesy of lnterPress Third World News Agency. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Honduras: Xicaque Denounce Government Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource InterPress Third World News Agency Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Honduras: Xicaque Denounce Government Item Type Journal Article Author InterPress Third World News Agency Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 4 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Xicaque leader Julio Soto denounced the Honduran government's failure to demarcate their lands and assure their survival. Attachment Title Honduras_Xicaque_Denounce_Government.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] social oppression Territory Xicaque http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/84de3b5d537a2b2b2842c88bc8cfd584.pdf 77ef859882089bfdee00d5ace4c3badf PDF Text Text Bill to Grant Ngobe-Bugle Autonomy in Panama Due to strong opposition by the Ngobe-Bugle community of Panama to the mining of their lands, the government has drawn up a bill that will grant the community autonomy over its territory. The Ngobe-Bugle people claim ownership of over 11,000 square kilometers of land in the western part of Panama. Marcelino Montezuma, a Ngobe-Bugle leader, explained that his community rejected the mining of their territory out of concern for environmental degradation. The Ngobe-Bugle people felt that without autonomy over their land, they would be powerless to regulate the mining process. “First of all, we want independence, then we will see if mining will suit us," he said. While discarding the use of violence to gain autonomy, Montezuma insisted that the Indigenous people of Panama "are losing patience." He also said that they demand to be treated with dignity and will not allow the Panamanian government to take away their ancestral lands. Information courtesy of InterPress Third World News Agency. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bill to Grant Ngobe-Dugle Autonomy in Panama Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource InterPress Third World News Agency Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Bill to Grant Ngobe-Dugle Autonomy in Panama Item Type Journal Article Author InterPress Third World News Agency Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 4 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Strong opposition by the Ngobe-Bugle community of Panama to the mining of their lands led to the government creating a bill that will grant the community autonomy over its territory. Attachment Title Bill_to_Grant_Ngobe-Bugle_Autonomy_in_Panama.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Autonomy Montezuma Marcelino Ngobe Ngobe-Bugle Territory http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/40f59d8c4f0f9959c5637acc5bec7206.pdf 0ede3aec84ccda877c3c51b702f10b11 PDF Text Text Brazil: Indigenous Commission Fights for Demarcation A commission of twenty-three Xucuru Karirir, WassuCocal, Geripanko, Kariri-Xoko, Nand Karapoto Indians from Alagoas, along with Xoko Indians from Sergipe, went to Brasilia to denounce acts of violence against Indians and demand measures for the demarcation of their lands. The commission was heard by audiences at FUNAI, the Office of the Attorney General, and the Chamber of Deputies. Citing one of the most serious incidents, the Karapoto warned that at least eight mysterious fires had destroyed crops, fences and grazing land in their 1,810-hectare territory, which has been the object of litigation for two years. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Brazil: Indigenous Commission Fights for Demarcation Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Brazil: Indigenous Commission Fights for Demarcation Item Type Journal Article Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 5 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note 23 indigenous peoples travelled to Brasilia to denounce acts of violence against Indians and demand measures for the demarcation of their lands. Attachment Title Brazil_Indigenous_Commission_Fights_for_Demarcation.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] demarcation Territory http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/2f1350a5b2b251360219b6173c1ed579.pdf b1b83e67687936cfc2259485a1be0b96 PDF Text Text Canadian Mining Interests in Nicaragua Threaten Sumu The Nicaraguan Ministry of Economics recently awarded a permit to the Nycon Resource Company of Canada to search for gold and other minerals in the Bossawas Reserve, on the border of Honduras in northwest Nicaragua, continues to be the site of mining, logging, and subsistence farming operations that endanger Indigenous populations and the environment. According to MARENA, there are now 700 non-Indigenous families living on the borders of the reserve who have cleared thousands of acres of forest for crops and cattle-grazing. Loggers have begun to haul tropical hardwood from the area to Managua, and flights over the reserve reveal huge clear-cut areas on the western and southern edges. Sumu leaders have demanded the cancellation of the mining permit. Information courtesy of Nicaragua Center for Community Action. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Canadian Mining Interests in Nicaragua Threaten Sumu Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nicaragua Center for Community Action Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Canadian Mining Interests in Nicaragua Threaten Sumu Item Type Journal Article Author Nicaragua Center for Community Action Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 5 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note The Nicaraguan Ministry of Economics awarded a mining permit to the Nycon Resource Company of Canada, despite the risks it will have on the health of the Sumu people. Attachment Title Canadian_Mining_Interests_in_Nicaragua_Threaten_Sumu.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Bosawas Reserve mining Sumu http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/c3d63f2606e091f42c91992a7079ebc4.pdf 8915718d621ebb10efd9fbd1ced67931 PDF Text Text Indigenous Assembly Grapples with Suicides Suicides among the Guarani Kaiowa, which have been on the rise for the past ten years, were the main subject discussed this past May at an Assembly of the Aty Guassu Organizzation in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil, he Assembly brought together shamans, Indian leaders and chiefs from 22 villages to try to learn why 22 Indians have committed suicide this year. The suicide rate among tghe Guarani Koaiowa is unusually high. The World Health Organization considers that an estimate of over one case in 10,000 per year is abnormal. According to FUNAI, 161 suicides, most of which were committed by young Indians, were registered among the Guarani Kaiowa from 1985 through May of this year. Extreme poverty, the gradual loss of traditional religious practices, and, above all, the lack of land are factors directly linked to the suicides, Araldo Veron, who also once attempted suicide, spoke on these factors at the Assembly. The villages of Dourados, with 8,900 Indians squeezed in 3,530 hectares of land, and Caarapor, with 2,346 Indians, have been the most affected. Information courtesy of CIMI - Conselho Indigenista Missionario Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Indigenous Assembly Grapples with Suicides Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource CIMI (Conselho Indigenista Misionário Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Indigenous Assembly Grapples with Suicides Item Type Journal Article Author CIMI (Conselho Indigenista Misionário Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 5 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Suicides among the Guarani Kaiowa, which have been on the rise of the past ten years, were the main subject discussed at an assembly of the Aty Guassu Organization in Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil. Attachment Title Indigenous_Assembly_Grapples_with_Suicides.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Guarani Guarani Kaiowa poverty suicide http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/69ef1f7952a591808b345410b5c5e4e9.pdf 5b2201e4a68f09f5cac07102ec7df12c PDF Text Text Ecuadorian Indigenous Nationalities to the nation and world: The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAlE) and the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) met in an Encounter of Solidarity for Peace and Dignity in the city of Sucua, Ecuador, at the headquarters of the Interprovincial Federation of Shuar-Achuar Centers (FICSHA), on February 21·22, 1995. After analyzing recent conflicts between Ecuador and Peru, we declare the following: In the countries of Latin America and around the world and, particularly among countries which are in conflict, we comprise a diversity of peoples and cultures which are historically located in our own territories. The border conflicts that today lead to bloodshed in neighboring populations and destroy their harmony and lifestyles, are not in our interests. Rather, they have lead to a stalemate and a deepening poverty for the communities involved. For these reasons, we Indigenous nationalities propose: That Ecuador be constitutionally recognized as a pluri-national, multicultural, and plurilingual state, because the recognition of and respect for different peoples is not an obstacle to the unity of a diverse country, but rather a resource that will strengthen its cohesion. In homage to the International Decade of Indigenous Peoples that the United Nations declared, we demand of International organizations and the guarantee nations of the Rio Protocol that Indigenous peoples in Ecuador and Peru be included in the peace negotiations as active participants in the search for a definitive solution to the conflict. That the Ecuadorian State permanently suspend the colonization programs in the ancestral lands of the Indigenous nationalities of the Amazon Region. The legalization of Indigenous territories in the border area and in the Amazon Region as a fundamental guarantee of the security and territorial integrity of the country. That the National Parks, Protected Forests, and Forest Reserves be given to and administered directly by Indigenous organizations for the appropriate use and management of their natural resources, That we be repaired for the socio-economic and environmental impacts caused by the war; a guarantee of the return of displaced peoples to their Indigenous communities; and the establishment of a fund for the relatives of civilians killed in the conflict. That the budget for the Intercultural Bilingual Education program be augmented. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ecuadorian Indigenous Nationalities to the nation and world Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Ecuadorian Indigenous Nationalities to the nation and world Item Type Journal Article Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 7 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) and the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) met in an encounter of solidarity for peace and dignity in the city of Sucúa, Ecuador. Attachment Title Ecuadorian_Indigenous_Nationalities_to_the_nation_and_world copy.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] borders colonization CONFENIAE natural resources Territory http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/ec4cc645985592b9e90fad951d7b6df7.pdf 34110a21230d399ec01247d56c0a1a6e PDF Text Text Indigenous Fragmentation: Mexico's Domestic and International Borders by Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor For Indigenous populations, the notion of "borders" is directly associated with a history of occupation and usurpation of their territories. In the case of Mexico, the wars that have accompanied each international border demarcation have not been limited to Indigenous populations in the north or south. The formation of the Mexican Federation was carried out with the same amount of violence and colonization. Each territorial division within the country has been imposed as a "border" for Indigenous peoples. These borders were constructed in an artificial and arbitrary manner, and were superimposed over a cultural and historical geography that dates back thousands of years. Mexico's Southern Border Mayan communities suffer from both domestic and international border impositions. Within Mexico, the five states of the Mexican Federation ( Yucatán, Campeche, Quintana Roo, Tabasco, and Chiapas), almost one hundred municipalities, and over one hundred cooperative farms and communities divide the Maya people. Internationally, the Maya area covers the borders of six nation-states (Mexico, Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and El Salvador). The most costly impact of this fragmentation has been on the Mayan global identity, now surviving in multiple linguistic identities (Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolabal, Quiche, Tzutujil, Quekchi, etc.). These linguistic groups have not been able to unify into one single Mayan identity. Nevertheless, there are encouraging signs for unification, even though the Maya people continue to be fragmented. In fact, it appears that those living in Guatemala are undergoing a process of reconstruction of their global identity. Even though this phenomenon is also taking place in Mexico (albeit, in isolated instances), in the majority of the states in which Maya people live, the impact of tourism and industrialization has accelerated the tendency toward “deindianization”. This accelerated "deindianization" is occurring primarily in Tabasco, Campeche, Yucatán, and Quintana Roo. In Chiapas, despite a strong Maya cultural tradition, the Maya global identity is fragmented due to linguistic, municipal, and communal differences. Despite this fragmentation, the states, municipalities and communities which make up the southern border of Mexico constitute a region that has historically been integrated through a common Maya cultural base. Still, the phenomenon of “borders” has had a tremendous impact on the Maya people of Mexico. The Treaty of Limits officially demarcated Mexico's southern border with Guatemala on September 27, 1882. The demarcation with Belize dates to July of 1893, and was defined through negotiations with Great Britain. Neither demarcation process was peaceful. Wars and border conflicts preceded each accord. Even today, some Guatemalans regard Chiapas’ incorporation into Mexico as an act of annexation and theft on the part of Mexico. This feeling is similar to that of Mexicans in regards to the US-occupied Mexican territories of Texas, New Mexico, and California. In reality, this kind of nationalistic rhetoric about stolen land hides the fact that the real victims of border disputes and land annexation have been the Indigenous communities on both the northern and southern borders of the Mexican nation. On September 12, 1824,Chiapas was officially annexed into Mexico through a plebiscite. A total "Mayan communities suffer from both domestic and international border impositions. Within Mexico, five states of the Mexican Federation (Yucatán, Campeche, Quintana Roo, Tabasco, and Chiapas), almost one hundred municipalities, and over one hundred cooperative farms and communities divide the Maya people." number of almost 100,000 citizens voted to include Chiapas into the Mexican Federation. However, not all of those who lived in Chiapas had the opportunity to vote on such a crucial issue. In 1824, only those who could read or write and those who could prove that they were "honorable" citizens (citizens with wealth and of mestizo or criollo ancestry) were allowed to vote. The opinion and collective perception of territory of the Maya, Quiche,Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Tojolabal, Quekchl,and Marne peoples that lived in Chiapas was never taken into consideration. A Border in Conflict The Maya people's response to the fragmentation of their culture has never been passive. Hundreds of rebellions have demonstrated the Maya communities' nonconformity with their reality as a divided people. The Maya rebellion that has lasted for more than twenty years in Guatemala and the recent Maya uprising in Chiapas are modem examples of Maya resistance against the borders and what these borders signify for them: oppression and the loss of self-determination. The concept of "border" in southern Mexico became more tangible as a result of internal conflicts in Central America. Thousands of political refugees crossed Mexico's border. Many of them were Maya people who were escaping repression at the hands of the Guatemalan authorities. These people have now settled in the municipalities adjacent to the border. According to official government sources, there are almost 40 thousand Guatemalan refugees along Mexico's southern border, with half of them in the state of Chiapas. Many believe that the actual number of political refugees who have settled in the south of Mexico is higher. As is well known, not all refugees were accounted for in these statistics. Estimates indicate that the number of Guatemalan refugees in Mexico is at least twice that of the official count. The presence of refugees and the border's proximity to the Guatemalan guerrillas push Mexico's government to increase the presence of police and soldiers to guard the borders. Because of this, the one million Indigenous people of Chiapas and other border states have suffered assaults on their liberties, and all possibilities for democracy were halted. The authorities of Chiapas have consistently defied existing federal laws by allowing certain individuals to break them with impunity. In the last twenty years, the Maya who live along the southern border of Mexico have lived in a virtual state of war. They have struggled to achieve democracy via peaceful means. However, the authorities have responded 'with acts of violence and terrorism, similar to those experienced in "low-intensity" conflict areas. Violation of Indigenous People's human rights and impunity for the violators has also been a characteristic of the past twenty years. The violence and repression against the Mayas of Mexico's southern border has no precedence in the rest of the country. Yet, this kind of violence is not circumstantial. It is reproduced to the same magnitude in other border areas. Araceli Burguete is a native of Chiapas, sociologist, and technical and research coordinator for the Independent Indian People’s Front (FIPI) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Indigenous Fragmentation: Mexico's Domestic and International Borders Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Indigenous Fragmentation: Mexico's Domestic and International Borders Item Type Journal Article Author Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 8-9 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Territorial divisions within Mexico and Central America were constructed in an artificial manner, dividing and isolating indigenous peoples. This led to a division of Mayan peoples with Chiapas facing conflicts within its own territory and along its borders within Mexico and along Guatemala. Attachment Title Indigenous_Fragmentation_Mexico's_Domestic_and_International_Borders.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] borders Chiapas fragmentation Maya Treaty of Limits