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                    <text>A delegation of Miskitus Indians from Nicaragua visited the U.S. from June 24 to July 5, 1988 to
speak about the autonomy process and prospects
for peace. Their trip was sponsored by OXFAM
America, International Indian Treaty Council, and
SAIIC.
The delegation consisted of Juan Salgado, Vice
Coordinator of Kisan for Peace, Amalia Dixon of
the Autonomy Commission, and Elasio Holmes
Bennet, Political Secretary of Kisan for Peace. They
came to attend the 13th IITC conference in Celilo
Falls, Oregon. After that they came to the San
Francisco Bay Area to speak at several events.
They also went to Washington D.C. Their statements are summarized here:
Juan Salgado:
''We are very happy to be here with our Brothers and Sisters. We have faith that very soon we
will have the autonomous government we have
been fighting for. When we get our autonomous
government, it won't be only for us. We believe we
are supposed to fight for others, too.
''When we start to practice our real autonomy,
it will be. a shame for other countries who have
ethnic minorities whose rights are not being
respected-it :will be shameful for those
countries.
''We are a great Indian nation. We are strong.
You have to learn to have that faith, and struggle
with that faith, to overcome everything and get
your rights in the state. I am grateful to you
because, by attending this conference, I am learning a lot of things from you, too. Sometimes our
Indians would rather run away from problems,
would rather not recognize themselves as Indian,
and would rather run away and integrate themselves as other minorities. That is not correct.
Many times they hide because of the money. You
lose your dignity as a nation this way. We have to
fight together tp receive justice and find peace in
the world.

"Many of my people are here in the United
States. Many of them have personal interests; they
have forgotten their mothers, their brothers, their
sisters. It is my feeling that, by being here today,
we can learn to work together, to develop solidarity. That is my main purpose today.
"So, by sharing with everyone we can help one
another; that will be easier. We shouldn't run
away. No one has the right to take us from our
land. It is something that belongs to us. We are
talking about freedom, and they are supposed to
give us freedom-real freedom for everyone, for
all the people of this hemisphere. I have great
hope that things will be the way we expect. We are
not going to keep quiet; we are going to continue
to struggle, because there are still some other
things we need to do. We are not afraid.
'l\utonomy means our full rights-our rights
over our riches, our way of living, our system of
life, our reality, our participation in the division of
everything. We don't know anything about political parties. All we know is the way that we are
accustomed to living and the rights that we have
over our land.

Amalia Dixon on the history of Atlantic Coast
autonomy:
''We notice that the Indian history all over the
world is the same. We notice that economically
you people are much better than us, but when we
speak of rights you still have difficulties getting
those rights to be recognized. So then we are the
same people that suffer oppression, isolation,
marginalization, exploitation.
"In 1821, Central America became independent-a big meeting was held in Guatemala. Then
they decided that this would be the state of Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua and Costa Rica. But
those people who went there didn't invite any
Indian people, nor blacks who were living in each
of those states.
Page 2

�So no one was present that would
represent the interests of the ethnic groups in
Central America. That is how, from the beginning,
the Indian people that are in the Pacific region of
Nicaragua, mixed with the Spanish, became mestizos and took power. Later it was invaded by the
English and they continued living there until1860.
In 1894, the English people were pushed out of the
region.
"This is known in our Nicaraguan history as
the reincorporation of the Miskitu Atlantic into
Nicaragua. In terms of rights, they were incorporating us without consulting us, without taking
into consideration our feelings as Native people.
How can we learn to love Nicaragua? I am not
involved in Nicaraguan life. So I continue living
according to my way and I look at those people in
the Pacific coast as Spaniards, because they speak
Spanish.
Later you see how general Sandino came in
fighting against imperialism. In 1934, Somosa took
over Nicaragua and started taking over the Atlantic coast of Nicaragua, and more large American
companies, lumber companies and gold mining
companies went in throughout the region. They
just came into Nicaragua to exploit the riches and
that was that.
"Until 1950, the government went into our
region saying that we were supposed to speak
Spanish, the official language .... Just as someone
was telling me that there are some programs in the
U.S. also that you are supposed to speak English
only? That destroys you:r culture. If you come to
me and say that the language that I speak is not
important, I am ashamed of being what I am. That
is what happened with most of our people that
learned to speak Spanish.
"In 1979, when the Sandinistas won the revolution, they went into our region. The first thing we
said was: 'We want to be organized in our own
system, in our own reality. The Sandinistas
accepted and we organized Misurasata, that
means Miskuitus, Sumus, Rama, Sandinistas unification. We are six different ethnic groups on the
Atlantic coast; three are Indians-Miskuitus,
Sumus, and Rama, then the Creole, mixed blood.'

Juan Salgado, Elasio Holme from Kisan par La Paz, and
Amalia Dixon of the Autonomy Commission, speaking at
KPFA raqio in Berkeley.

photo- ·Marvin Collins
''We then asked the question: 'What are we
going to demand from the new government,
because if there is a revolution they say you can
ask for your rights. So then Misurasata presented
its demands and the Sandinista government said
that O.K. that they knew that the Atlantic coast of
Nicaragua has been isolated, marginalized. They
said that they were going to recognize us and give
us the full rights that we need. So that is how we
saw Sandinistas-as coming into our community
to treat us as equals. How would you look at the
purpose? As something good, eh? For the first
time, the Nicaraguan government was going to
give us full rights, the same participation as in the
Pacific region.' The problem was that this was the
Sandinista's initiative and not ours.

Page3

�''For the first time in Central America, in all
America, the government is going to face up to
ethnic problems. The Sandinistas never imagined
that we were going to stand up and fight for our
rights this time. They said we are coming to these
people to give them full participation that they
never had, so why will they fight against us? But
we are tired of being under other peoples' ideas.
We have full rights; we survived for five hundred
years under other peoples' intervention. We, as
Indians, took advantage of the revolution and
said, "This time is the time we are going to fight
against the Spaniards and show them that they
have to learn to respect our rights. This time we
demand that we are going to take possession of
our riches.
"But the situation became more complicated
because of Stedman Fagoth, coordinator of Misurasata. Fagoth is from rio Coco. Before he became
Sandinista, he was a member of Somosa's security
force. There, in the State Council, you have different political parties and the·extreme right took
advantage of Stedman's condition. Finally Stedman started to do things that the Indians did not
know about.
"So when the Sandinistas came to find us,
there were two problems for them: Indians
demanding separation, the full rights in our
region and Fagoth involved with the right wing.
So that is when the Sandinistas arrested him and
other members of Misurasata. For us, this action
meant that they were the same Spaniards that
never gave us our rights, so when we were fighting for our rights, they sent us to jail That is when
you saw the Indians making a big demonstration
and finally the Sandinistas said, 'Let's see how we
can negotiate.'
"But that was when Stedman went to Honduras and there Somoza's warriors took advantage of
him and said, 'O.K., we know what the Indian
problems are and we can give them some finan~ial
help, military training, everything the Indmn
needs. That is how we started to fight against
Sandinistas.

"In 1982, the situation got so bad along the
Coco river frontier that the people living there
had to urgently evacuate. The Indians who stayed
in Nicaragua continued trying to tell the Sandinistas that there was a mistake - that they should
recognize their mistake. That there is a historical
problem, and that they have to learn to recognize
our rights.
"Finally, at the end of 1982, they started to
recognize our problem. That was when the Sandinistas found out that we were not against the
revolution, that we are revolutionary people. Ours
is the type of revolution that depends on our
mothers and fathers. It is the real revolution, the
Indian revolution.
"In 1984, the Sandinistas started to make a lot
of studies on what to do to solve the ethnic
problem in Nicaragua. That is when they had
discussions with Rubin Videa, our leader. In
December of 1984, President Ortega declared that
the solution of the Atlantic coast was an autonomous government. This is the response that t~e
government is giving us because we demanded 1t,
we fought for it, we lost a lot of lives.
''Finally, we feel that we are learning to understand one another. We don't need to be killing one
another. What we need is to sit down around a
table and discuss our reality, respecting one
another. We fought Sandinistas in the past but
now we recognize that they are trying to understand and solve our aspirations.
'As my father usually says to the government:
We want to see that you give us our rights and
then we go on forgiving you, but we do not
forget."'

In 1985 the Indian people of the Atlantic Coast of
Nicaragua signed a Peace Treaty with the Nicaraguan
government, in Yulu, called now the "Capitol of Peace."
The Indian people had been fighting for autonomy since
1979.

Page4

�return
to Ieymus, Nicaragua on
June 22, 1988. Since the beginning of Nicaragua's Atlantic
Coast "autonomy" process more than 25,000 people, under
the aegis of ACNUR (U.N. Refugee Commission) have
returned from Honduras.

Elasio Holmes: '1t's been three years since we
initiated the dialogue for Peace in the Atlantic
Coast. We have specially accomplished the approval of the 'Statute for the Law of Autonomy' by the
National Assembly. We agree 80 percent with
what has been stipulated by this law, but we think
that we still need to make reforms addressing the
administration of our natural resources, and the
demarcation of our territory.
"In these three years both sides-the Indian
troops and the Sandinistas' militias have maintained the cease fire agreement. Many Indian
troops have come down to the open to join the
peace dialogues.
"But when we say Peace, we want Peace with
dignity. Many Indians have died, and the war left
many widows and many handicapped people. We
want Peace with dignity accomplishing the objectives that we set up at the beginning of this
struggle. We are never going to give up our arms.
This sounds contradictory, because if we are talking about Peace, how can we still talk about
keeping our arms?

But we think that the arms we
have are a guarantee for maintaining Peace in the
Atlantic Coast. We have to make sure that our
autonomy is respected, and we have to have something with which to defend our autonomy. We
have to defend Peace.
'We also think that there is trust between the
Sandinista government and us, because if the
government permits the Indian people to keep
their arms, without fearing tomorrow a coup, or a
separatist movement in the Atlantic Coast, we
think that that is an indication of trust. We are all
seeking Peace.
'We don't think that there are ideological
contradictions between the government and us.
The Indian people struggle is for autonomy, land
rights, rights to exploit our natural resources, to
have our own way of government, to be able to
make decisions as a people, to remain with our
culture and our language, and the revolution talks
about defending the same things."

PageS

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                    <text>Chanting keeps spirits high.
Amazonia

Brazil's indigenous people, turning back several strong challenges from the country's National
Security Council, won a significant victory on
June 1st with the passing of the chapter of Brazil's
new Constitution dealing with Indian lands and
rights. According to Allton Krenak, national coordinator of the Union of Indigenous Nations (UNI),
"the participation of the Indian movement in the
Constitutional assembly was a success not
because of what is written in the la~ but because
Indians invaded a political space normally held by
the elite, fought with the government, and
showed what they are thinking, in a country
where the voices of Native people normally aren't
heard.''

In the weeks before the final voting, more than
200 Indians, including the Kayap6 and other
tribes from the Amazon region, came to Brasilia
and "lobbied" legislators for a favorable text.
Many wore brightly colored feather headdresses
and traditional body painting of genipapo and
urucum, and held d~ily assemblies in the capital to
debate proposals, chant, and conduct spiritual
ceremonies to favorably influence the politicians.
On the day of the final negotiations, Prepori, a
Kayabi paje from Mato Grosso, circulated about
the chambers in his sloth-skin hat, chanting prayers and blowing sacred smoke in the direction of
all present.
Among the guarantees approved in the new
constitution:
"original rights" for recognition of traditional
land rights that pre-date the national state;
"exclusive use of riches of the soil and waters''
for Natives, as well as their right to permanently
remain on their traditional lands;

Page 6

�© 1988 Aguirre/Swilkes/Amazonia

Indians cannot be removed from their land,
unless a catastrophe or epidemic occurs, in which
case they must be allowed to return to their land
as soon as possible;
that any hydroelectric or mining project that
affects Indian lands can only proceed with
authorization of Congress, in consultation with
the impacted communities, and that a share of the
benefits go to Indian people; and
the right to bilingual education in a Native
language.
UNI and pro-Indian lawyers defeated a lastminute attempt to insert language that would
differentiate between the rights of "acculturated"
and "non-acculturated'' Indians. This could have
opened the doors to a series of laws terminating
the land rights of those who wear clothes, speak
Portuguese, or use manufactured items. Now,
UNI hopes to challenge a government policy of
demarcating Indian lands as col6onias, where mining and agricultural development projects would
be encouraged.

Indian leaders also view as significant the fact
that FUNAI, the Brazilian government's Indian
agency, is nowhere mentioned in the text of the
Constitution. This may lead to a rediscussion of
FUNAI's role as an adversary of the Indian movement, and a push to establish an organ of the
government to deal with Indian affairs that is less
developmentalist and authoritarian in nature, and
which admits a broader participation of Indian
people in determining their own future.
In July, the constitutional draft was revised by
relator Bernardo Cabral, who edits the text for
presentation to Congress. Several measures were
subtly changed; omitted were the rights of Indians to "permanently remain" on their lands. ProIndian legal advisors have taken steps to ensure
that this article and others are corrected in the
draft that will be voted on.

Page 7

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                    <text>Chief Itabira Surui at the National Congress in Brasilia.
photo: Aguirre/Switkes/ Amazonia

''A large fazendeirocame here ten years ago and
set up a ranch on our land. Forty of our people
had built a corral to raise some animals-pigs,
cattle, and chickens-but the fazendeiro set it on
fire. We rebuilt the fence and again he set it on fire.
Then he sent the police to take me to jail with all
my people. I spent 27 days in jail.
Last June we cleaned an area to cultivate, but
the fazendeiro forbid us from planting anything. He
went to Boa Vista (the capital of Roraima) and
made a "law" with the judge saying that we
couldn't plant on our land; if we did plant, we
would have to pay a 200 cruzados fine and would
be sent to jail. But we will continue fighting-and
will not give away our land, for we don't have
anywhere else to go."

Last May 8th, a Yanomami child was killed
and her father wounded when the Tiretheri village was attacked by a group of non-Indians. The
suspects are a possibly organized group of gold
miners attempting to get access to new mining
fronts. Also, the burial of 20 Yanomami Indians
was witnessed and reported by a miner coming
from the Couto Magalhaes area. (See SAIIC urgent
action bulletin 5/7/88).
Neither FUNAI, the National Indian Foundation, nor the government have taken any steps to
ease the conflict between Indians and nonIndians in the area, and have denied that these
conflicts take place. According to Father Saffirio of
Roraima, the government's claims to have
removed gold miners from the area are false. The
number has in fact increased, he says, to over
25,000.
In the Brazilian Congress, several senators and
deputies announced that "a genocide of immeasurable proportions has begun in the Yanomami
territory, threatening the lives of ~000 Indians,''
and that "urgent intervention" is needed. In a
document, the Congressmen told Brazil's President Jose Sarney that the miners' invasion of the
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There is much worry about the Yanomami
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medical assistance to the area before they were
expelled by the National Security Council as
threats to the national sovereignty. They say now
the Indians are completely without assistance
and vulnerable to disease from contacts with the
miners that have invaded the area.

PageS

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''A large fazendeirocame here ten years ago and
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had built a corral to raise some animals-pigs,
cattle, and chickens-but the fazendeiro set it on
fire. We rebuilt the fence and again he set it on fire.
Then he sent the police to take me to jail with all
my people. I spent 27 days in jail.
Last June we cleaned an area to cultivate, but
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went to Boa Vista (the capital of Roraima) and
made a "law" with the judge saying that we
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be sent to jail. But we will continue fighting-and
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suspects are a possibly organized group of gold
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PageS

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                    <text>Julia Macuxi is a Macuxi Indian from the Maloquinha Village in the Serra do Sol Raposa. She is 26
years old, has 6 children and is the wife of Gilberta
Macuxi. Her statement:
"Gilberta [Macuxi] and I left the village in
1980, expelled by the large landholders. They
wanted to take our land and we didn't know our
rights.
"Our work here in the city is with our relatives. They come from all parts of Roraima and
look us up to help them with their problems with
FUNAI (the government's Indian agency). I'm
part of this struggle ~d I'm also a representative
of the Chiefs (Tuchauas ). Since I haven't gone to
school and don't have a profession, I don't have
any means of surviving in the city. My profession
is in the village_.._ hunting, fishing, cultivating our
crops, and making cachiri (manioc beer).
"Up until now, there hasn't been a good
FUNAI representative to help the Indians. We
don't trust them because they sell and give away
our land to the large landholders, mining companies and to Calha Norte (a Brazilian military
project). Once, when I went to my village, I was
attacked by gold prospectors who were trying to
kill Gilberta.
"We want our brothers in the United States to
help us in our struggle by informing people of our
situation-because I'm going to continue in this
struggle with my relatives.''

!ikuna massa~re w~re r~lased from jail, prompt1ng a celebration w1th fireworks in the town of
Benjamin Constant.
~~son Oliveira, regional vice-president of the
~razilian Bar. Association in Manaus, and respons1ble ~or ~ss~sting the Tikuna case through the
orga~IZahon s Commission on Human Rights is
worned about pursuing the case through the
local courts. While waiting to learn the basis for the
Federal tribunal's decision not to hear the case in
a Federal court, Oliveira is worried that more
deaths might occur due to increasing tensions
between Indians and non-Indians.
After a visit to the community last April, and
interviews with local representatives, the police
chief, FUNAI representatives, the local judge and
the Indians, the lawyer verifies local authorities'
strong unwillingness to resolve the case. He says
wood and rubber extracting companies are
spreading rumors that the Tikuna would poison
the town's water and mix glass particles with the
flour they produce and sell to the town. This,
according to Oliveira is extremely unlikely as the
flour is the Indian's main income source.
The Brazilian Press Association, during the
celebration of its 80th anniversary in defense of
human rights, expressed its repudiation of the
Tikuna massacre.
In response to the Tikuna massacre, SAIIC
sent an Urgent Action Bulletin requesting letters
and telegrams to be sent to the Brazilian authorities in protest of this atrocity. We wish to express
our appreciation of solidarity to the hundreds of
supporters who responded to our request.

Tikuna JVJassatcre
. A dan~erous. atmosphere of prejudice conTikuna Indians in Brazil's upper
Solimoes regmn, where 27 Indians were massacre~ in March. On May 19, the body of Francisco
Otavmno was found, and Indians claimed there
were visible . marks of ·violence on his body.
Authorities have said his death was due to "natural'' causes. At about the same time, Oscar Castelo
Branco and others allegedly responsible for the
tm~es agams~

Page 9

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                    <text>Julia Macuxi is a Macuxi Indian from the Maloquinha Village in the Serra do Sol Raposa. She is 26
years old, has 6 children and is the wife of Gilberta
Macuxi. Her statement:
"Gilberta [Macuxi] and I left the village in
1980, expelled by the large landholders. They
wanted to take our land and we didn't know our
rights.
"Our work here in the city is with our relatives. They come from all parts of Roraima and
look us up to help them with their problems with
FUNAI (the government's Indian agency). I'm
part of this struggle ~d I'm also a representative
of the Chiefs (Tuchauas ). Since I haven't gone to
school and don't have a profession, I don't have
any means of surviving in the city. My profession
is in the village_.._ hunting, fishing, cultivating our
crops, and making cachiri (manioc beer).
"Up until now, there hasn't been a good
FUNAI representative to help the Indians. We
don't trust them because they sell and give away
our land to the large landholders, mining companies and to Calha Norte (a Brazilian military
project). Once, when I went to my village, I was
attacked by gold prospectors who were trying to
kill Gilberta.
"We want our brothers in the United States to
help us in our struggle by informing people of our
situation-because I'm going to continue in this
struggle with my relatives.''

!ikuna massa~re w~re r~lased from jail, prompt1ng a celebration w1th fireworks in the town of
Benjamin Constant.
~~son Oliveira, regional vice-president of the
~razilian Bar. Association in Manaus, and respons1ble ~or ~ss~sting the Tikuna case through the
orga~IZahon s Commission on Human Rights is
worned about pursuing the case through the
local courts. While waiting to learn the basis for the
Federal tribunal's decision not to hear the case in
a Federal court, Oliveira is worried that more
deaths might occur due to increasing tensions
between Indians and non-Indians.
After a visit to the community last April, and
interviews with local representatives, the police
chief, FUNAI representatives, the local judge and
the Indians, the lawyer verifies local authorities'
strong unwillingness to resolve the case. He says
wood and rubber extracting companies are
spreading rumors that the Tikuna would poison
the town's water and mix glass particles with the
flour they produce and sell to the town. This,
according to Oliveira is extremely unlikely as the
flour is the Indian's main income source.
The Brazilian Press Association, during the
celebration of its 80th anniversary in defense of
human rights, expressed its repudiation of the
Tikuna massacre.
In response to the Tikuna massacre, SAIIC
sent an Urgent Action Bulletin requesting letters
and telegrams to be sent to the Brazilian authorities in protest of this atrocity. We wish to express
our appreciation of solidarity to the hundreds of
supporters who responded to our request.

Tikuna JVJassatcre
. A dan~erous. atmosphere of prejudice conTikuna Indians in Brazil's upper
Solimoes regmn, where 27 Indians were massacre~ in March. On May 19, the body of Francisco
Otavmno was found, and Indians claimed there
were visible . marks of ·violence on his body.
Authorities have said his death was due to "natural'' causes. At about the same time, Oscar Castelo
Branco and others allegedly responsible for the
tm~es agams~

Page 9

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                    <text>n
Gilberto Macuxi, an Indian from the territory
of Roraima in the Brazilian Amazon, came to the
U.S. in May. His trip was sponsored by the Lummi
Indian Council in Washington State and by SAIIC.
Roraima is the scene of an increasing wave of
violence affecting Native people. Arbitrary imprisonment of Indians and exploitation by large
landowners, or fazendeiros, occur frequently. About
40,000 Indians live in Roraima from the Yanomami,
Ingariko, Taurepang, Wapixana, Wai-Wai-,
Waimiri-Atoari and Macuxi nations.
The following are statements by Gilberto
Macuxi regarding the situation in Brazil, and by
Tuchaua Luis, the Macuxi chief from the Maloca
do Piolho, and by Julia Macuxi, Gilberta's wife,
concerning conditions in Roraima:
Gilberto Macwd
Indigenous Religion: "Indigenous religion still
exists in Brazil because the Indians do not surrender, because the Indian is still Indian. The
Indian must hold on to his religion and preserve
his culture and language. So we are working to
encourage this too-to have children who are
bilingual. The government has always destroyed
the indigenous languages in order to discriminate
against the Indian through laws. But, the Indian
doesn't know how to live by these laws. We must
form alliances among ourselves in order to move
forward in our struggle, so that we may survive.
Denunciations: I'm the first person who is
coming here, putting forth everything to show in
the United States that in Brazil they are destroying the life of the Indian, destroying the forests,
destroying the waters which are contaminatedin
addition, among the Tikuna, 14 Indians were
killed and 27 were wounded by loggers-Oscar
Castelo Branco sent 20 people, all armed, and
killed the Indians. Besides this, in the indigenous
area of the Pataxo, in Bahia, a rancher killed an
Indian leader.
Calha Norte: I have already made various
denunciations against the authorities of Brazil,

principally the militar:Yt because the military
wants to include in their project the border zone of
150 kilometers in width and 6,000 kilometers in
length, where Indians exist and have lived for a
long time, preserving nature-the forest-for
their subsistence. So, the military wants to take
everything saying it is an area of national security.
They want to create an Indian colony as part of
this, instead of demarcating the lands. They also
want to create mining colonies, and the forest
would become a National Forest. But, it is my
feeling that Calha Norte is the destruction of our
culture, the destruction of our life. And Calha
Norte will provide protection to mining companies, because the mining companies want to enter
the area. The prospectors within the area are
being used by the mining companies. President
Jos Altino Machado of the gold miners' union is
linked with these ~~~..,..,...,, . . . ~,,~

Gilberta Macuxi from Roraima State, Brazil, speaking in the
San Francisco Bay Area, May 1988.

Page 10

�Nature and the Amazon: We want support. We
are sad because the natural world in Brazil, especially in Amazonia, is going to be destroyed. In
Amazonia, there are many indigenous medicines
which could save many lives in the whole world.
The Indians must be pres~rved, in order to provide this future, to improve human life for all of
us-Brazilians, Indians. This could save the lives
of millions in many countries.
The Future: We would like to form alliances
with all the Indians of. the Americas, including

here in the United States. We want that alliance
because it is a way to protect our peoplethrough such an international alliance, between
Brazil, America, Canada, and other countries.
Here, I met with the Lummi and Canadian Indians. The Canadian Indians gave me a lot of support in my struggle. We want to live .as Indians.
Always the Indian will be a good example for
whites, because he is a person who is not after
private gain; he is a person who speaks the truth
in this world.

Amazonian Indian leaders address the Coordinadora meeting,
May 1988.

Sixty delegates from Indian organizations of
seven Amazonian countries-ONIC, Colombia;
CONFENIAE, Ecuador; AIDESEP, Peru; UNI,
Brazil; CIDOB, Bolivia; ACIPX Venezuela; and
TUNASARAPA, Surinam met in May in Santa
Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia to hold the third meeting
of La Coordinadora-the Coordinating Committee
of Indigenous Peoples of the Amazon Basin.
The Coordinadora was originally formed in
1981, after Indian organizations of the Amazon

region rejected a proposal by the Interamerican
Indigenist Institute and the eigbt countries that
had signed the Treaty of Amazon Cooperation.
According to Evaristo Nugkuag, Aguaruna from
P~ru and President of the Coordinadora, 'We
realized that the most serious threat might be
from the eight countries that signed the Amazon
Pact-who resolve to exploit the resources of the
rainforest without taking into account the existence of Indigenous people who live there.
Page 11

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                    <text>Nature and the Amazon: We want support. We
are sad because the natural world in Brazil, especially in Amazonia, is going to be destroyed. In
Amazonia, there are many indigenous medicines
which could save many lives in the whole world.
The Indians must be pres~rved, in order to provide this future, to improve human life for all of
us-Brazilians, Indians. This could save the lives
of millions in many countries.
The Future: We would like to form alliances
with all the Indians of. the Americas, including

here in the United States. We want that alliance
because it is a way to protect our peoplethrough such an international alliance, between
Brazil, America, Canada, and other countries.
Here, I met with the Lummi and Canadian Indians. The Canadian Indians gave me a lot of support in my struggle. We want to live .as Indians.
Always the Indian will be a good example for
whites, because he is a person who is not after
private gain; he is a person who speaks the truth
in this world.

Amazonian Indian leaders address the Coordinadora meeting,
May 1988.

Sixty delegates from Indian organizations of
seven Amazonian countries-ONIC, Colombia;
CONFENIAE, Ecuador; AIDESEP, Peru; UNI,
Brazil; CIDOB, Bolivia; ACIPX Venezuela; and
TUNASARAPA, Surinam met in May in Santa
Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia to hold the third meeting
of La Coordinadora-the Coordinating Committee
of Indigenous Peoples of the Amazon Basin.
The Coordinadora was originally formed in
1981, after Indian organizations of the Amazon

region rejected a proposal by the Interamerican
Indigenist Institute and the eigbt countries that
had signed the Treaty of Amazon Cooperation.
According to Evaristo Nugkuag, Aguaruna from
P~ru and President of the Coordinadora, 'We
realized that the most serious threat might be
from the eight countries that signed the Amazon
Pact-who resolve to exploit the resources of the
rainforest without taking into account the existence of Indigenous people who live there.
Page 11

�It's

important on the international level to have a
permanent, strong coordination, because when
the governments begin to work together on the
level of the Amazon region, it's going to affect us
all''.
The main purpose of the Coordinadora is. to
defend the economic, social, cultural, and land
rights of the Indian peoples of Amazonia. In 1986,
a delegation met with President Barber Conable of
the World Bank in Washington, and discussed the
impacts of World Bank lending policies on Indian
people of the Amazon.
At this year's meeting, representatives of each
organization recounted the massacres and po~ti­
cal persecution taking place in their countnes,
and problems in the areas of land, health, and
education. There were also reports on small-scale,
sustainable economic projects being developed
by Indian communities. Five working commissions were formed. Among their resolutions were:
to strengthen the mutual cooperation of the
member organizations, including programs of bilingual education and the promotion of traditional
medicine;
to explore ways in which Indian organizations
may communicate more effectively with remote
communities in the Amazon as well as with
Indian groups in other nations;
to elaborate a proposal at an international
level on the rights of Indian people to serve as a
model for each country's laws;
to search for indigenous models of ecodevelopment as an alternative to industrial
development;
to reject the militarization of Indian areas,
whether in border areas or in the interior;
to assist Indian groups in demarcating their
own traditional lands;
to demand royalties and indemnization from
transnational and national companies that are
already exploiting natural resources on Indian
lands; and to earmark this money to create a fund
to reforest damaged lands; to reject the entry of
new companies;

to form a team of Indian and non-Indian
experts on Amazon ecology ~ orde~ to c?ml?ile
information for use in defendmg therr terntones.
The Coordinadora rejected unanimously the
celebration of 500 Years of the Discovery of America to be held in 1992, and will be d~veloping its
own alternative campaign. The 12th of October
has been declared the "Day of Solidarity with
Indian People."
The Amazon Indians also stressed the importance of support from environmental organizations for the defense of Amazonia.
The representatives elected a Council of Direc.
tors for the period 1988-1990, comprised of:
• Evaristo Nugkuag (AIDESEP, Peru), President (re-elected);
• Cristobal Naikiai (CONFENIAE, Ecuador),
Vice-President;
• Josee Uranavi (CIDOB, Bolivia), Secretary;
• George Pierre (TUNASARAPA, Surinam),
Treasurer;
• Javier
Armato
(ACIP~
Venezuela),
Spokesperson.

PRODUCTION COMPLETE ON AMAZONIAN
FILM

Co-producer/directors Monti Aguirre and
Glenn Switkes announce· that filming has been
completed on the feature-length documentary,
'AMAZONIA: VOICES FROM THE RAINFOREST'~
The film, currently being edited in San Francisco,
shows sustainable alternatives to the destruction
of the Amazon rainforest proposed by Native
people, rubber tappers, riverine populations, and
small farmers in the Amazon. For more information, contact the producers through SAIIC, or
write to: P.O. Box 10044, Oakland, CA 94610.

Page 12

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                    <text>It's

important on the international level to have a
permanent, strong coordination, because when
the governments begin to work together on the
level of the Amazon region, it's going to affect us
all''.
The main purpose of the Coordinadora is. to
defend the economic, social, cultural, and land
rights of the Indian peoples of Amazonia. In 1986,
a delegation met with President Barber Conable of
the World Bank in Washington, and discussed the
impacts of World Bank lending policies on Indian
people of the Amazon.
At this year's meeting, representatives of each
organization recounted the massacres and po~ti­
cal persecution taking place in their countnes,
and problems in the areas of land, health, and
education. There were also reports on small-scale,
sustainable economic projects being developed
by Indian communities. Five working commissions were formed. Among their resolutions were:
to strengthen the mutual cooperation of the
member organizations, including programs of bilingual education and the promotion of traditional
medicine;
to explore ways in which Indian organizations
may communicate more effectively with remote
communities in the Amazon as well as with
Indian groups in other nations;
to elaborate a proposal at an international
level on the rights of Indian people to serve as a
model for each country's laws;
to search for indigenous models of ecodevelopment as an alternative to industrial
development;
to reject the militarization of Indian areas,
whether in border areas or in the interior;
to assist Indian groups in demarcating their
own traditional lands;
to demand royalties and indemnization from
transnational and national companies that are
already exploiting natural resources on Indian
lands; and to earmark this money to create a fund
to reforest damaged lands; to reject the entry of
new companies;

to form a team of Indian and non-Indian
experts on Amazon ecology ~ orde~ to c?ml?ile
information for use in defendmg therr terntones.
The Coordinadora rejected unanimously the
celebration of 500 Years of the Discovery of America to be held in 1992, and will be d~veloping its
own alternative campaign. The 12th of October
has been declared the "Day of Solidarity with
Indian People."
The Amazon Indians also stressed the importance of support from environmental organizations for the defense of Amazonia.
The representatives elected a Council of Direc.
tors for the period 1988-1990, comprised of:
• Evaristo Nugkuag (AIDESEP, Peru), President (re-elected);
• Cristobal Naikiai (CONFENIAE, Ecuador),
Vice-President;
• Josee Uranavi (CIDOB, Bolivia), Secretary;
• George Pierre (TUNASARAPA, Surinam),
Treasurer;
• Javier
Armato
(ACIP~
Venezuela),
Spokesperson.

PRODUCTION COMPLETE ON AMAZONIAN
FILM

Co-producer/directors Monti Aguirre and
Glenn Switkes announce· that filming has been
completed on the feature-length documentary,
'AMAZONIA: VOICES FROM THE RAINFOREST'~
The film, currently being edited in San Francisco,
shows sustainable alternatives to the destruction
of the Amazon rainforest proposed by Native
people, rubber tappers, riverine populations, and
small farmers in the Amazon. For more information, contact the producers through SAIIC, or
write to: P.O. Box 10044, Oakland, CA 94610.

Page 12

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                    <text>'There is convincing evidence that the Colombian anned forces have adopted a policy of terror, designed to
intimidate and eliminate opponents without recourse to law. .. Whole sectors of society are at risk of being
considered 'subversive/ and in Colombia, that is tantamount to a death sentence."
Amnesty International

Indians protest against violations of human rights in the
Cauca region, organized by the Regional Indian Council,
Corinto, late 1987.

Incidents of human rights violations, including political assassinations and "disappearances,''
have increased dramatically in Colombia over the
last year. Most killings have been attributed to
police and military per sonnet or to "death
squads" which are an integral part of the Colombian security forces (often military personnel in
civilian clothes). No one has been convicted for
any of these crimes.
The National Organization of Colombian Indians (ONIC) has called the new government's reign
of terror "genocide for the Indian people, who
continue to struggle for justice and social reform."

photo: Joe Fish-Amnesty International

In less than three months in 1988, two important
Indian leaders were killed-Gilberto Motato an
Embera Katio Indian from Caldas, and Osw~ldo
Teheran, a Zenu Indian from Cordoba. Motato
was a mayoral candidate in the March, 1988 elections. He had a broad base of support which
included Indians, peasants, and urban laborers.
More than 20,000 people attended his funeral.
Teheran was a leader in his community, and
worked with ONIC as well. After his burial, his
body was secretly exhumed and then burned.
This act was then publicized by the press as a
traditional Zenu ceremony.

Page 13

�The outraged community claimed that they do not now, nor have
they ever, burned their dead. On the other hand,
bodies of those who have been tortured and killed
are sometimes burned by landowners.
ONIC has said that these acts "reaffirm our
decision to continue reclaiming our rights and our
firm desire for unity with popular sectors, and
with those who, just as we do, repudiate the terror
and violence and wish profound change for
Colombia."
In addition to political assassinations, many
human rights violations suffered by Indians occur
over land disputes, or during the military's
counter-insurgency operations. Indians have
been killed when would-be landowners decided
to evict them from land they have farmed for
centuries. Some have even been imprisoned on
charges of '1and invasion." More recently, the
army has been abducting Indian men to use as
porters or guides during their counter-insurgency
operations. Some are later released; many more
are executed or "disappeared." Authorities tell
families that these men are helping voluntarily, or
deny having seized them.

On July 1st, approximately 100 armed soldiers
from the Cuartel Atonal Army Garrison entered
the Indian community of Canton Las Cruces (near
Santa Elena in Usulutan Province), disrupting the
crucial com harvest. The soldiers arrested five
members of that community who are also
members of A.N.I.S. (the National Association of
Salvadorean Indians), which unites 45,000 Lenca,
Maya and Nahuat people. (See SAIIC ''Urgent
Action Bulletin" of July 7, 1988). The five are
accused of being supporters of the FMLN (Farabundo Marti Liberation Front) which has been
waging an armed struggle during nine years of
civil war in El Salvador.

In the Rio Pato region of the Choco, new
development projects have been undertaken
without consulting the communities affected.
These include new roads and a: hydroelectric
plant. The government has turned a deaf ear to
requests by OREW.A, the regional Indian organization, to discuss problems these projects will
present for Indian communities. Among these,
according to OREWA, are an increase in colonization of Indian territories and reservations, the
defiling of sacred sites such as cemeteries, damage
to the ecology of the region, and the loss to
Indians of land and resources. OREWA is asking
for a guarantee of protection from colonization on
reservations adjacent to new roads, reimbursement for damage to land and crops caused by
construction, and that the government consult
with Indian communities about these projects,
and that it respect Indian cultural values and
autonomy.

On July 7th they were released from custody
and, according to ANIS members in Sonsonate
Province, the five had been tortured. Two of them,
including Jesus Mondragon, a very active member
of ANIS, returned in serious condition and are
currently undergoing medical treatment.
On the week of July 23rd, another two
members of ANIS were taken by the army from
their homes at night and murdered. This signals a
worsening of conditions for Indian people in El
Salvador who have continually suffered harassment, repression, and disappearance.
In addition, the Supreme Court in El Salvador
again dismissed charges under the Amnesty Law
against the military officers and informers
Page 14

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decision to continue reclaiming our rights and our
firm desire for unity with popular sectors, and
with those who, just as we do, repudiate the terror
and violence and wish profound change for
Colombia."
In addition to political assassinations, many
human rights violations suffered by Indians occur
over land disputes, or during the military's
counter-insurgency operations. Indians have
been killed when would-be landowners decided
to evict them from land they have farmed for
centuries. Some have even been imprisoned on
charges of '1and invasion." More recently, the
army has been abducting Indian men to use as
porters or guides during their counter-insurgency
operations. Some are later released; many more
are executed or "disappeared." Authorities tell
families that these men are helping voluntarily, or
deny having seized them.

On July 1st, approximately 100 armed soldiers
from the Cuartel Atonal Army Garrison entered
the Indian community of Canton Las Cruces (near
Santa Elena in Usulutan Province), disrupting the
crucial com harvest. The soldiers arrested five
members of that community who are also
members of A.N.I.S. (the National Association of
Salvadorean Indians), which unites 45,000 Lenca,
Maya and Nahuat people. (See SAIIC ''Urgent
Action Bulletin" of July 7, 1988). The five are
accused of being supporters of the FMLN (Farabundo Marti Liberation Front) which has been
waging an armed struggle during nine years of
civil war in El Salvador.

In the Rio Pato region of the Choco, new
development projects have been undertaken
without consulting the communities affected.
These include new roads and a: hydroelectric
plant. The government has turned a deaf ear to
requests by OREW.A, the regional Indian organization, to discuss problems these projects will
present for Indian communities. Among these,
according to OREWA, are an increase in colonization of Indian territories and reservations, the
defiling of sacred sites such as cemeteries, damage
to the ecology of the region, and the loss to
Indians of land and resources. OREWA is asking
for a guarantee of protection from colonization on
reservations adjacent to new roads, reimbursement for damage to land and crops caused by
construction, and that the government consult
with Indian communities about these projects,
and that it respect Indian cultural values and
autonomy.

On July 7th they were released from custody
and, according to ANIS members in Sonsonate
Province, the five had been tortured. Two of them,
including Jesus Mondragon, a very active member
of ANIS, returned in serious condition and are
currently undergoing medical treatment.
On the week of July 23rd, another two
members of ANIS were taken by the army from
their homes at night and murdered. This signals a
worsening of conditions for Indian people in El
Salvador who have continually suffered harassment, repression, and disappearance.
In addition, the Supreme Court in El Salvador
again dismissed charges under the Amnesty Law
against the military officers and informers
Page 14

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