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E l

F

0

E T E R M I N A T I 0

N

A N D

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T

E _.,'-.!' l ..c._,"'--'R-''--- - - - - - - - - - - - - R Rc..!.. T O " Y

PachakutikNuevo Pais:
Breaking New
Ground in
Ecuadorean Politics
In an historic moment, Luis Macas, former president of CONAl£ (Confederation of Indigenous
Nationalities of Ecuador) ran as a candidate to
the National Congress in Ecuador's last presidential elections and won a seat as National Deputy
on the Pachakutik-Nuevo Pais (New Country)
ticket. This was the first time in recent
Ecuadorian history that an Indigenous leader
sought election to a national office. In this interview, we talk with Luis Macas about CONAl£ and
the future of the Indigenous movement in
Ecuador.

f~~wMt.

Luis Macas
lufs Macas during a recent visit to SAIIC.

Our fundamental objective was to
consolidate a social base in our country.
united
with
workers,
Afro- We wanted to consolidate a strategic
Ecuadorians, women. youth, profes- base of Ecuadorian peoples for the near
sionals, teachers, human rights work- and long range futu re. Y have to
ou
ers, and the grassroots Christian com- remember we had an absolute disad·
munity. That is to say. all the inhabi· vantage facing political panics of the
dida1cs?
tams of our country who anxiously right, parties that have invested milor the Indigenous movement want change, transfomuuion. and bet· lions of dollars in their campaigns: the
Social Christian Pany, the Roldosista
it is an extremely valuable ter days for our nation and people.
The fact we will forge this great Ecuadorian Party, the Popular
experience. \Ve have experi·
cnccd triumph and gains in movement, achieving the unity of Democracy party, the Conservative
many forms. Firs1, the Ecuadorian peoples. is really a tri- Party. and the party led by Mr. Noboa.
increased coverage of the Indigenous umph. For us. it means an historic All have invested money. and what they
movement's struggle, the extension of step. It signifies having initiated a dif- want is to get back, with interest. their
the Indigenous movement's political ferent process in the country. and one investments in the political campaigns.
realm to other social sectors. and the that is unique in Latin America. I However, they are not the only ones
formation of the Movimiento Unidad· would say this time we believe we have who personaH)' make investments but
Plurinacional Pachakutic-Nuevo Pafs. gained a lot.
also other businessmen. I would say
In general , could you cvalua1e 1he

For us, this is a move forward. Now,

election process from the poi•u of
view of the Indigenous w'inncrs- not
just the significance of the number of
votes, but also of this e lection and of
the participation of Indigenous can·

Indigenous peoples are not alone. but

F
18

Abya Y News
ala

�SELF

DE T ERMIHATIOH

this is how corruption in electoral cam-

meaning between a traditional cam-

paigns begins. Once they are in power,
the debts accumulated b)' the electoral
machine have 10 be paid 10 the businessmen. In this last election, it was an
incredible machine, as never before in
the history of Ecuador.

paign and the traditional fonn in which
the political parties have driven their
electoral campaigns. First, we focused

AHD

TERR I TORY

on contenl. It was obvious to rely on

Ecuadorian people a government program. Everyone has to submit 10 what
they think. There is no consultation
abou11he needs of the people, the community. So thats another difference.

the candidates at a local, provincial and

Theirs is an individual effort, the work

national level. \Ve favored a govern*

\¥e were also at a disadvantage con-

ment program. \Ve didn't want to imi·

cerning time, but the Indigenous candidates quickly achieved a national
presence with people in positions a1 a
local, provincial. and national level. In
two months and two weeks. we saw the
election of approximately seventy
authorities at a national level. For us,
this is a triumph. I

tate the traditional political ways: the
cheap offers 10 the Ecuadorian people

of an aristocracy that scorns the people.
Another difference is in electoral
spending. They have spent millions of
dollars in this electOral process. In my

in an attempt to convince them and

opinion they raised an offensive cam-

auract their votes. the discourse of paign

what everyone

is accustomed to.
don 't
want to say we are

in second or third place. We believe we
are the first political force at a national
level. Ours is a political force that lsn·t
necessarily sponsored by any political
party. Civil society expressed its political will with decision. I would say that
in this game the lndigenous movement
has played an important role. Before
the convoking of the Indigenous movement, all the social forces, all the popular forces of our coumry decided 10
organize a national minga (communal
work) to build something different,
something that hasn·t been seen in the
history of our patria.

What were sonte of the differences
between the campaigning style of t he
Pachakutik movement and that of
the traditio nal political parties? How
did you implement the campaign?

There is a radical difference in
Vol. 10 No. 2

against

the

political clientelism, and nothing more.
This clientelism is

The difference is our proposals
don't originate from the presidential
candidate, nor from the candidates for
deputies. Our proposals come from the
people. We have been working on
them for years. They are a collective
effort, a collective force. They are the

Ecuadorian peoples-an aggressive campaign. They
have appeared on television and on the
radio puuing out a series of lies to our
peoples. They use these publicity spots
to appear together with a poor woman
or with a poor child. With these images
the)' try to make an impression on the
people. Also, the other urban sectOrs
that see them are definitely affected. It
may not reach the majority of the people, but it reaches a wide social sector

"We didn't want to imitate the traditional political ways: the
cheap offers to the Ecuadorian p eople in an attempt to convince them and attract their votes, the discourse of political
clientelism, and nothing more."
result of uprisings, struggles, and the
marches of our peoples. This then
1ransfonns itself into a political proposal, into a government program. This

isn't how Mr. Nebot proceeded. who
only presented his political proposal,
or Mr. Rodrigo Paz. What they do is sit
down at a desk with their two specialists. write whatever, and show the

of the country. If we had 10 describe
our country right now. we would say
that there it is absolutely covered in
paint. The walls, trees, rocks, and paths
are covered with posters. Everything is
covered.
We can observe the differences in
the campaign proceedings. There are
posters everywhere. Where did this
19

�S

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DETERMINATION

A N D

TERRITORY

paign to every last corner of our country- from the last community in the
Amazon region, to the last plateau in
the sierra region, to the last beaches in
the coastal region. This has been our
way of running a campaign. \ Ve have
had to walk. We have been accompanied by these people. We anended
meetings in plaz.1s. many of which
were designed by the people. Because
they asked . we had to walk to such
places. \\1c had w auend serninars in
such places. Everything was done in a
collective and coordinated way. in common agreement , in a great minga.
These are the differences we were able
to establish.

money come from, we ask ourselves?

ence. A very wealthy campaign facing a
These expenses&gt; There, I would say, is campaign of programs that visits the
where the corruption of the politics of communilies. How have we instituted
our count ry is initiated. The aristocrats our candidacy&gt; We have gone to the
of national politics have an under-

communities. We have gone to the

standing of political work. What. for

neighborhoods. We have gone to the
families. We have gone to the coopera-

me, personally is a sacred act, for them
it is a civic act, transformed into one of

buying and selling, of business.
Because, neither at a provincial nor at a
national level can you explain the polit-

ical staying power of these men. I
would be ashamed. For example,
Nebot is a candidate for the second
time. This is his second electoral cam-

paign. For Abdala Bucaram. this is his
third time. Even though the
Ecuadorian people don't want them,
nevertheless. these men keep appearing
in our politics.

There we established another differ-

20

tives. That is, we have gone to the peo-

ple. We have gone to our peoples. to
the Indigenous communities. V/e have
•
gone with a message. wilh a proposal.
Our campaign has been absolutely differenL \ Vith this government program,
what we have done is hold workshops.
seminars, assemblies. Thankfully, the
Indigenous movement has a national
structure, as do the workers and some
campesino organizations that are part
of
the
Movimiento
UnidadPiurinacional-Pachakutik. These struc·
tures have helped us to bring the cam-

What does your new pOSlltOn in
Ecuadorian national politics imply
for the project of establis hing a
plur'i-national s tate in Ecuador? ls it
compatible? Or, if it isn't, what is the
principle objective of CON AI E now?
I believe that parallel to the beginning of this process, to the great calling
of the Indigenous movement in
Ecuador, there has been a great answer
from the Ecuadorian peoples. But what
was the proposal? \Vhat was the content of this political process that called
ian peoples? It is preto the Ecuado1
cisely this proposal. one of the construction of a modem state and a sHne
that responds to the needs of all
Ecuadorians. We have said that in
Ecuador the legislation provides for-i n
theory at least- individual rights, rights
of the citizens, rights of the family, but
it doesn't consider collective rights, the
rights of Indigenous peoples. We are
going to insist that it is time. in the
ough in
stage our country is living thr
latin America, for a change, a qualitative transfonnation in the way we conceive the state and the nation, to put
ourselves at the height of the advances
humanity has achieved in these recent
times.

The construction of a plurinational
state responds to this-to raise. to dignif)' the rights of Indigenous peoples.
However, we are not only talking about
benefits for Indigenous peoples. We
Abya Y News
ala

�SELf
wam to stan to revise the trndmonal,
archaic legoslauon. We think ours Is a
Constitution that doesn\ respond to
this era. this information age. It
absolutely does not respond. It benefits
only a few groups in power in our
country. In this, we have a great backing. h os because of this that we arc
now a grc::n pohtical force in our coun·
try.
Secause there never was one before.
all the Ecuadonan peoples have assomolated themselves to this proposal.
Before. no polotical pany was capable of
doing It, nor did they ever intend to
change our country. Therefore. things
only changed liule by little. We are
going to continue fighting in the
Nauonal Congress with or without sup.pon. Obvoously, we are going to look for
the necess:&gt;ry suppon in different sectors and progressive poliucal mo,·emcnts. We will buold a polhocal fooce on
the parhament so that the interests of
the people, and those of the Indigenous
peoples. can be defended.
What would you say to someone
who Ignores the potential benefits of
the CONAIE proposals and the general project o f the Pacha.k utikl How
would you lnvite other sectors to
unite: with P:tcha_ utik?
k
Our proposal is a national one.
although ot has not been finished and
presented to the others. What we want
Is a nauonal debate. Everyone should
particip:ltc in this. First, in our countr)'•
we think the changes should be global
and structural. The changes can't apply
to only a minimal sector or society. one
\vith economic or political power. \Ve
want all Ecuadorian people to assess
actl\'ely panocipatong in the neohberal
model. Thos polocy is agaonst the
Ecuadorian people. What we want IS to
g1''e d1gmty to politics in our countr)'·
We thonk the structure and traditional
ways of doing politics in our country
should be changed. This representative
democracy has to transform itself Into
a participatory democracy. Could there
possibly be equality without participation in Congress? No. Haven't

Vol. 10 No. 2

DETERMINATION

lndogenous peoples htStoncally been
o
solated from Congress?
I definitely believe that of we don'
begin to understand ourselves. in the
framework or mutual respect. if we
don't begin to be conscious of each sector and it's particularities. our country
Is finished. We believe It is necessary
ond imponant that everyone have the
opponunlty to panlcopate on the benefits tht statt can gl\·c: thtm. Htrt, we
are obviously speakong not only of bettcnng the lives in the lndoos and the
campesinos. but also of all Ecuador's
citizens.
On the other hand. we arc called to

AND

TERRITORY

political institutions or the s tate:
deputies, advisers. mayors. etc. How
do you think this will change Lhe
future of the Indigenous movement?
I think this question is very important. The Indigenous movement is
going through a cruclol stoge, precisely
because of our great achievements.
First. I would say there are people
we have struggled Mth: regional organizations. grassroots organtzattons.
provincial organtz.at•ons. communities.
And, at least for me. this makes me
think the Indigenous movement in
Ecuador in general and CONAIE will
undergo a great development.

"I will continue working on the proposals that come from
organizations and not just those from myself and from the
National Congress. Proposals from underneath, from the
communities, will be delivered to the National Congress. Only
like this can we speak from a parliamentary level, instead of
an individual one."

a great chore. We have to search for an
ideological focus point. I beheve the
fundamental issue all Ecuadorians have
spoken to us about IS odentny. Thos is
onother of the cnses we hve \vith.
Although in recent years we ho,·c seen
an appropriate response to thos problem, there still isn't the rccognotion of
human vnlues in ourselves. We arc not
going to be able to change politically
:md economically because we are living
in o global crisis. Thos crisis is the
absence of self-recognition. the
absence of the recognouon of the
human values in one's self. as well as
the \oalues of the collecuve group.
Therdore. we are also m0\'10&amp; towards
thts odea. What the lndogenous movement proposed years ago 1sn't an
empty discourse. We believe the
resources ror the development of our
people are in ourselves.
There are various elected Indigenous
people who 'vill occu py places in the

Second. our fundamental objective
wasn't only tO win positions in these
last elections at a local. provincial, and
national level. Our fundamental objec11\'e was searchang ror a. way to consol·
idate our organazatrons. Here l belie,·e
we have taken an amponant step. This
will serve to strengthen the organizations in their respective levels.
We think that if there Is a collective
decision our peoples will respond to
the correct needs. At least, I personally
think I shouldn' seule down and I
won't. For example. I will cominue
working on the proposals that come
from organozatoons and n01 just those
from myself and from the N3lional
Congress. Proposals from underneath,
from the communities. \viii be delivered to the National Congress. Only
like this can we speak from a parliamentary level. instead of an individual
one. This is what we propose. Because
of this. I think it os a dofficult challenge.
but we ha,·e to take it on. 't
21

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                    <text>E c o-Jusrt c E

A Poisoned Culture: the
case of the Indigenous
Huichol Farm Workers
+ by Patricio Dlaz-Romo and Samuel Solino~Aivorez

'I

I'I
I

Migrant workers and pesticides

Knous mdscators of the su~uon which
nug.runt \\'Orkcrs tncounttr In 1993 1t
w.tS esumated that to each plaming season opproxnnatel)• 170,000 Oeld workers
Qrlive m the valleys of Sinaloa. 1\n average
cl 5.000 agricultural workers $Uffer from
tOXtCpoiSOning 3$0 result o( the handling
or. or prolonged t.'q)OSUr&lt; to, pesll&lt;:tdes
that •rc used m cuJu,-.uon Olthe 35.000
•81'&lt;"'hur&gt;l labor&lt;rs that worked m rhe
S.n QUIImn Valley of B&gt;J• C.hlom~a m
1996, 70"m:rc lod1gtnou.s Artl&lt;l&lt; 20o(
the 11.0 Convenuon 160 emphatically
calls for signatory govenuntms 10 do
~urc. because the contractOr$ do not pro-cvcr)•thmg possible to prc:v-em workers
,;de them with &gt;.1fcty cqUtpmem, and from being subject to contractual work·
btouse tht condtuon.s 10 which they lave: lng conditions dangerous to the.r htol!h.
and work m the a~trotndiiS(rto! fidds pn:- panteularly ·as a con5"CIU&lt;n&lt;:e of their
\'rolS them. lor example. from bathmg &lt;xpo&lt;ure to pcsuctdcs or othtr dangerous
and from "-ashlng thetr clothes after subsl•nces•.
bemg m contact wtth pesundes recently
•PI&gt;lied or wuh n:stdual pes!ICldes.
Accordmg to researchers. the maJOrity
uf the Indigenous m•grnnt workers who
The cases of !&gt;ot~nlng and dearh work m lhe agroindustrinl fields m north·
(rom peSI.icidc.-s count among the most ern Mex1co are: MiXIC'COS. lflqms. 3nd
~

exposure to pesll&lt;1dcs 1S one or
the greatest nsks wt lndtgenous mtgrant
workers face. In MeXICO, the tobacco
oompanies with agro1ndustnal cuhh~tlon
usc enormous quantlllcs of these danger·
ous agrochc.mtcal produce$ ,OJithout com·
plytng wllh the lnternauonal levi
I'&lt;Sinctions dCSlgntd tO prot&lt;ct hum:tn
hie The lndtgenou$ wori&lt;us •~ esp&lt;·
Cllllly vulnerable to the pernlC:tous dfttl-'
o( the pesltddes for di\'CI'SC re&lt;~SC&gt;ns,
among thent the r..ct that they lack mlor·
malton regarding the dongers or expo-

10

Zapotec&gt; from Oaxaca. Nahuas. Munccos
and TI•pcnecos from Guerrero and
Purh'epechns from Michoac•n. The
dcmogn•phlc data indicates a cx~remely
serious shuatton According 10 Estel•
Guzm~n A)'lllo, women (34%) ond ehtl·
dren undtr 12 years o( age 02'4) constt·
lUte 66, of the lndtgcnOUS f&gt;bor (c&gt;rce tn
tbe ogncuhural regions In northern
Mexico Ruth franco. a docror spec1:&gt;lt:•
mg m work-related health and the coor·
dmator of the Progmm for D•y Loborers
o( the IMSS delevtion In Slnalo:t, C51i·
mOles th111 25% of rhe 200.000 workers
tn the Smalo.1 valleys during the 1995·
1996 ..ason wtre children bctwtcn the
agu of 5 •nd H . 01 the t blldrtn from
southern Me;aco. 63% •re ht1ed by tntern~td1011c&gt; tn thetr place or ongtn ond the
rtSitn the state of Smaloa forty lour per·
c&lt;nt of these chtld laborers are female ond
Ofty SIX percem male. 55% of the d11ld
farm workers ha"e been workmg in the
fields (or I to 5 years and 14% for over 5
years At the conclusion of the agrlcultur·
al sc;uon, 72, rtturn Wl!h !httr r~mthcs
to tht1r rcspecu''t States, 20$, R"m:un in
Sm•loa. &gt;nd 9% conunue along •he
nug.rant v.'Orktr rome to Other desnna·
uons

The extenr of the mdtS&lt;:nmlnate use
of pesticides has been frequen!ly exposed
and dcnaunctd 1 the Mex1a1n prtss.. his
n
esumJted thai thousands of used contruntrs and tOXIC n:s•ducs that an: gener.lltd
by the ann~! use o( upw•rd.s o( 8 mtlhon
1ons o( pt&gt;ttddcs arc cnmmall)• diSposed
of tn •d hoc trash btns. channels. drams,
mcmer.nors. ;.nd recycled to store dnnk~
fng Willtr The hannfuJ cffCC\S ()[ pt~l·
cides on human health t'lnd on the en''l·
ronm.ent h:we been dearly docum~med

�ECO·J U ST t CE
Huichol~s

and

p~sticides

The Huicholes sptak a l~nguage
belonging to Lhe uto·:Ul&lt;'«~ linguistic
f,tmoly that •lso mdudes N~huad, Hop•.
ShMhon&lt;, Comench( .1nd m."Uiy other
t.ngwges m a \'liSt lftllon tlut extends
nonhward to tht Umt&lt;d Smrs and
southward 1nto cenml MexiCO. Some
stud~&lt;s est•mate that betwecn 15 and 20
thousand Huicholcs. Inhabit th«:: moun·
tams or the Sierrn Madre Occldemal with·
in ,, territory that comprises pans of the
Mexican SL&gt;t&lt;s of J.•Hseo, Nayam,
Oumngo, and lacatcw
Ynr oft&lt;r )nr. approxonuttly -10$ of
.1l1 Hutchole famJhcs t('.Wt the1r &lt;Jommu·
nutes m the dry season 10 find employ·
mem. IXX&gt;rly p01d and dnngerous. m the
tabat'&lt;o fields of the Nay&gt;lit coast. The
&lt;."1mses of this tempornry migmuon stem
rrom the socioecononuc Situa.uon or the
Indigenous people and from thm ritual
c-•ltnd.ar
In tht rainy sc~n the llu~tholts tl':l·
d1!100&gt;lly culn\'au'd • rombmauon of
conl, ch1lt, ~ans.
THE "VALUABLE
squ:t,.h, 0\nd runa-

AND APPRECIAT·
ED" HUMAN
MERCHANDISE
INCLUDES

r " n t h
Unfonunatel)•, the
Mcxlcon govern·

mcm
$1IC:·

PREGNANT
WOMEN AND
BABIES
INCAPABLE OF

promotes

exactly the oppo-

monocultura1

pbnung·by diS·
tnbuung hybrid
se-eds of com that
r&lt;qu~re the usc of
pesticides
and

nnificl:t1 renilizcrs.

r&lt;plactng
the
rn~&gt;ed seeds that
CRYING, MUTE
v.-trc trodluonally
FROM PAIN, WHO used by Huteho!es

HAVE RECENTLY
BEEN BORN TO

•nd
other
Indigenous ogn·
cuhuml peoples.
Monocuhure agri·

MALNOURISHED

culture nnd other

MOTHERS

modem develop·

mC"nlS brt:ak down

the lnd•gcnous tn1dmons of coopenmon
m tht communal agncultutal work and
1ncr~3.5e.. at

an at.vmmg rntt. tht tnci-

dcnce or malnutrluon and olcohohsm
The mtroducuon Of herbiCides like
P~raquat and 2,4·0 gradually destroys
commun:~.l farm practices, puts the ht31lh
of cult"·ators and th&lt;•r famihu In danger.

Vot 11 No.1

and dettnorates ranntng th&gt;l typically
occurs on lnllsides.
With increasingly fewer opp&lt;Jnunlties
to $Uf\•hte in •he mountrtlns, the
Hu•eholcs fed forctd to mtgmtc tn $&lt;:1r&lt;h
or work '" the tobacco f~tlds '" tht
c:oasl.tl pl.lntauons of N'.l)'ant
Tht
HuiCholts also mtgnte for cultural rta·
sons Ncgnn cll•ms that "they ha•·c the
rdlgtou; nectSSit)'
to vi~n the ocean,
:m
ancestral
female f1gurc associ.1ltd with fenih·
1 3nd t h.c tanh
y
Once they reach
'"" (OJ$[

howt\'&lt;r,

thty fmd that tf
they don' work m
the t.tb&lt;tC&lt;'O plan·

HUtcholts and the loetl landowners -

the huter Actmg as imermcdlarlcs
between the labor force and the ' IHg
tobacco c•punl - usually takes place tn
the pl.w or the commumues, on the
m.11n lughw-.ty•. ur ut the houses of the
&lt;mpiO)-trs Som&lt;umes the Hutchol« osk,
hesitantly, for .som~ •txtra.s-: a «M31n
quantity of tOrttlla.s a da)' per f•m•ly &lt;&gt;r
some ration or

w:uer.

worker&lt; ore
these
For tho:&lt;t
5Uccted. '' Is
grtat ac:c:om·
plishmtnt. The
r&lt;St wtll ha\'t tO
drink water from

the

1rngauon

uuions, lht.y can-

channels deriving
not t'ttum home
from the S•ntl.tgO
to 1hr mountams_·
River. one or the
most comamtn~t·
TabJcco Ius
td in M&lt;Xt&lt;O, or
bttn grown in
from the wells of
Nay.tnl \10('-t long
tht rtg•on, \\·h•ch
before the •mv:tl
are also com~nH·
of the Sp:mish.
nated in th.lt,
but It WO\S in the
o wing 10 the
1940~ when the
11\tensive usc or
tab.lC:c:o market
pestictdts tn the
took orr ... result
zone, thc dongtr·
of the Second /kMIIddpiWOIIftJe:hlbli'-'"'-""*" ous agrochtmlals
World W•r The ~blto~lo:m.
ha,·e k.u:htd Into
muntdpalny or
the •qu1ftr
SantL1go lxcutmla
m Naynnt 1s the Me.;..1can eapnnl or tabacOne of the reasons •hat the Hu•cholts
oo production. Every year, local l.mdown· contrnct to work in the cuumg (lnd
crs mcc1 1n lhcir town plazas to hire the: stringing of tobacco. and not m other
Huichole workers and subcontroct them agricultural work, •s because these opera·
as a chup labor for« HuJchole workers tions :lrt done tn lht 1.3tt afternoon or
are •PP""'I.Itcd because their \\ork wtlh mom1ng. wh(n th~ tempcnnurt ts rnorc
the tobacco lea,·cs (hang•ng ond agr&lt;tablt compared wuh '"" h&lt;at or th&lt;
bundhng) ts practically an •n
nuddle of the d•y Dunng U.. hang1ng
and bundling of the lea•·cs one stays
The Hu•choles make the Journey from under the shadt or the "branches." Tht

the ~1cms unde-r subhuman conduions.

apparent 'ldvnmnge of working i1\ the

nrrlvtng at the tobacco fields hungry • shade becomes a henlth thr&lt;at when the
thirsty ond exhausted. The "v.tlu.lble and Huteholcs arc cutting the moLSt lr:wes
apprtdatcd*
human
mrn-hnndise: and they be&lt;~&gt;me wet from he&lt;td to tot.
mcludts preg.nJnt women ;;and tx\b1es Moist slun .•bsorbs pesuodts more •~•ly.
lnc.opoblc or ''&gt;'ng. mute from ~n. who Tht \'tT)' DICOCUW ln tob3cco (:aU5($ dun
ha'T m:cntly bten bom to malnounshtd imtauons and hl\'es, symptoms whtch, tn
mothers or mothers with tuberc:tJlosts the Untttd St&gt;t&lt;&gt;, ha~e bten identified as
Vulnemble tlders and t\-tn the ·s~rong" Green Tobacxoo S1ckness.

men nrrivt nt these ccntcf"!i' m Wt3k con·
dhion,

The

The children, who actively p.1nlcll)atc

ncgotUn1ons

belwctn

the

in the CUl ling of the lea\'eS. art paniculnr·
ly susceptible to the harmful effectS of the
11

�Ec o - J u s TI CE
pesticides and the nicotint. It is considered ..easy.. for them to work in the first

ph&gt;SC of ~1e cutting because they can
gather the leaves at the base of the plams.

Mexican government's health and envi·
ronmental Institutions have taken the

migmnt workers, in the Indigenous com·
munities of1he Hukhole sierra, a.~ well as

necessary measures to pro•ect the h~altl&gt;

i!'1

the principle municipalities of the
tobacco zone in the coast of Nayarit. In
these workshops they showed, in both

furrows, cuning

of the wol'kcrs that handle these toxic
substances. The endemic malnutrition

the leave-s. their bodies are smeared with

that the Huicholc populftlion suffers

Huichola and Spanish,

the sticky gum t~nd resin that covtr$ the
tobacco. At the same time. they inhale

becomes more ~cute \vith the rise in aleo·

As they work along

t~e

the video

and absorb the residues of the toxic pesticides that hove been applied to the
planes.

holism. which increases during the work·
ing season on the coast. This in wm

Huicho!es and Pesticides. whtch includes
the tesumonies of Indigenous and mesti·
zo farm workers who have suffered from

oggnwmes 1he tox
icological problem.

problems of pesticide poisoning.

The families li\'C and sleep in boxes,
or under blankets or plastic. beneath the

T
h
e
Huicholes and
Pesticides
Project
•s

smngs of tobacco leaves that are drying.
In their makeshift shelters, they try to
protect themselves from the inclement

health

sun during the day and from the wet cold

between

at

night ,

themsth•cs

undertaking a

study

exposing

in

the

process to the toxic
substances that cover

References:

latrines. Even the food
is cooked beneath the
hanging strings of

S101emenrs by Diego Ag&lt;ciiM
Acuna. leadu of rhe Narional
Union of Wag&lt; Field 111&gt;rkus
(CTM). El Univusal,

tobacco. Oceasionolly
the Hmchoks use the

out p."l.ying notice to
the gmvc dongc•-s that
this represents. since
the majority cannot
read the mslrtiCtions
on the labels which may be wriuen in

English. Other wnes 1hey bring these
containers back home to the mountains

as ..practic-al souvenirs"'.

Pesuctdes 1\re poisons spcctfically
designed to kill. They arc toxins that con·
taminate and degrade- everything wilh
which they come into oomaet; there are
no remedies or cures against them :md.

contrary to their manufacturers· clairns,
they are destroying the cycles of life and
the ecosystem of 1he planet and Its inhabitants.

Nowmlxr 9rl•, 1993. Pmonal
communfcatlon &lt;&gt;/ Ramiro
CMd"" orwkl the ogo ol I 2ci!Ollilllte 3~ of
A1't&lt;&gt;yo Scpul"edc1, (ltlvisor lO
""lt&gt;digM!M la1&gt;x (l)((t in ""o¢clltlif0f
lh&lt; Ncuional PtogY&lt;m~ of
togioos ol N011htm H•xico.
Agricultural WOrkers. \\~th the
Surerary of Social
Devdopmtnt. Magcltdrna
Gomrz. I"dfan Rlglu$. Uaurc prcs.:rued ar
Indigenous and mestizo workers the 1691h Convention of tht lntttnationaf
designed in coordination with the Organitcnion of \\1&gt;rit. INI. 1991. Pg,78. La
Pesticide Education Center of San jornada,july 22. 1996. Esrela G~ttman
Frnncisco. California and lnch.tdes col lab· Ayala. Healrh a1 worl.: rhe case of rhe agrioration from the University of cultural workers, rtported in La)ornada.
Guadalajara and the Autonomous Ap•il 19rh. 1997. pg.46. Excelsior,
University of Nayarit. The study began in Ftlmcary l71h. 1996. El Universal, july 28,
1995 and includes perfomting two blood 1996. juan Negrin. The liuichol Cr&lt;&lt;llion of
an:)lyses to dc-tennine the levels of cry· rhe World. Yam Tablas by j&lt;&gt;s&lt; Bcnll&lt;t
throcyle chohnesterase. The pesticides Sanch&lt;t and Turukila Cm·rfllo. E. B.Crocker

Neither the national and tmnsnatton·

al companies that manufacture pesticides.
nor the tobacco producers. nor the
12

'11

inhibn the activit)' of this neurotransmitter. producing various effects on oneS

Arr Gallery. Sacramcnro, CA.

health. including death. As of this wming

111t outh01s work wiJb Jht HukhM•s oM Ptstitide1
Projttl in ll.~rico Gly, Mtt.K(I. For mote inf01mo6on1
plt-~m con/tXt: Hukholes y Plogllitidos~ (mjfio (txtt lot
111·9, 11560Mtxko, Mexk•.
(·m1l;l: biDk@moil.inltmtJ.com.mr

the study is :u the stage of data analysis in
collaboration whh imponant Mexic~m
non govcmmcmal organ1zations dedicated 10 the epidemiological investigation.
4

Urgent need for
an investigation

the large pharmaceutical
companies and tob.1cco grow·
crs Olre "iolating rights to
infomlation and health and,
in the process, are polluung
land. rivers. aqu1fers, and
finally the ocean. whom the
the Sea" Haramarn.

water,
nor any

empty ptSticide con·
tainers w caiT)' their
drmking water, w1th·

in the agroindustrial fields.

Huicholcs cali "Our Mother of

the lca,,es. Ther:e is no
potable
drainage,

There is no doubt that, with
the massi\'C use of pesticades

ll&lt;tween 1996 and 1997. the team
working on the Huicholes and Pesucides
project produced vt~riO\IS mfonnational
workshops on the human rights of
Abya Yala News

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                <text>A Poisoned Culture: the Case of the Indigenous Huichol Farm Workers</text>
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                <text>Patricia Diaz-Romo</text>
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                <text>Samuel Salinas-Alvarez</text>
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                    <text>1000 INDIANS MARCH TO PROTEST
ARMY'S KILLING OF COMMUNITY LEADERS
(Colombia) last November the principal Indian
leader of the Arhuaoo lndlans, Luis Napolc6n Torres, his
brother, Angel Maria Torres, and another Arhuaoo, Hugues
Chaparro were travelling by bus from the local city ol
Valleclupar, the Colombian capital of Bogotll. They were
going to protest to government authorities about anny and
police harassment of their communities.
At a stop along the way, ncar the town of
Curumani, soldiers forced the three off the bus and took
them away. The bus driver reported this to the local police
but they appear to have done little o r nothing. Two weeks
later the Indians' bodies were discovered in three different
places- all had been severely tortured.
About a thousand Indians later marched to
Valleclupar in protest and to take the bodies bad&lt; to the
mountains for traditional funeral rites. Two of the dead
were traditionalmmno (shamans) and all were highly
respected Indian leaders.

On the same day as the three leaders disappeared,
another Arhuaoo, Vicente Villafafle, and his brother had
their house searched for anns- none were found. They
were taken to the army base in Valledupar where they were
beaten and tortured. Two days later, November 30th, one of

Gran Chaco Indigenous
Peoples Call for
Land Commission
(Bolivia) Indigenous peoples of the Gran Chaco
region of the Bolivian Amazon have requested the Bolivian
government to establish a commission to deman:ate their
territory. In an open letter to President Jaime Paz Zamora,
the Mataoo and Tapiet~ peoples, who live on the banks of
the Plloornayu River, Informed the President that they
conducted a general assembly last November (1990) in
Villamontes. At the end of the gathering. they issued a
resolution calling on the President to take immediate
measures to halt the injustices and abuses they are suffering
at the hands of colonists.
The resolution denounces the " ... total paralysis of
our attempts to acquine property rights and land tiUes, a
process that has been dctained by the National Agrarian
Reform. We demand to be treated the same way as our
Sirion6 brothels and sisters at lbiato. The Sirion6 have been
able to press for the approval ol Supreme Decree# 22609
which declares as 'indigenous territory' the lands they
inhabit." Indigenous peoples of the Gran Chaco explain

Vol6 Nos 1&amp;2

them was taken by army helicopter to the Indian community of Vlndivameina (Santo Domingo) where soldjers
searched houses, shot their rilles into the air, and stole food
from the school and equipment from the health post.

The Colombian army views all peasant and Indian
communities as potential guerrilla collaborators. In other
areas of Colo mbia, guerrillas themselves have killed Indian
leaders who refuse to affiliate with their particular antigovernment group of which there are several. In many
areas the Indians suffer at the hands of both the rebel and
government forces.
A Colombian court has begun an investigation into
the killings but this is unlikely to bring any results without
a show of support for the Indians and protests at the
violations of their rights.
Please write to the President of Colombia, protesting the army's killing and torture of lndlan people.

Senor Presidente
Dr Cesar Goviria, Presidente de lo Republica
Coso de Noriiio, Carrero 8 No 7-26
Bogot6, COlOMBIA

\,~·-:........
-'
.
that the agrarian reform paper work has been suspended.
They arc accusing the government of stalling the approval
of previous documents. The Mataco and Tapiet~ said that in
July of 1980, agrarian reform officers instructed them to
proceed with the land tiUe paper work and that native
authorities visited the Indian commu.nities to explain the
objectives. With economic aid from the Swedish Mission in
Bolivia, along with the approval ol the agrarian reform
officers, they Initiated the paper work along legal path$.
They paid the required fees to the local judge Hilda
Palavlsino, a SECretary, and a land surveyor. The local judge
is now advising cattle ra.nchers and pits them against the
Indians. She has been responsible for the legal curtailment
of paper worlc that was to benefit the Mataco.
In the meantime, the Mataco and Tapiet~ say that
the governmental commission must be formed by the
Ministry of Peasant Affairs, the Indigenist Institute, CIOOB
(Indigenous Confederation of Eastern Bolivia) and representatives of the Mataco and Tapict~. They warn against
colonizers encroaching on their lands. They also denounce
Judge Hilda Palavlsino for bias towards catUe ranchers
because of her friendship and familial ties. "'four petition
falls through, and is not resolved favorably and immediately, the Indigenous Peoples of the Gran Chaco will adopt
other de facto measures," they warn.

19

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                    <text>C 0

N F R 0 N T_:_.!:.....:~_.::,_,'-"- T U R A L
:..._: I N G
C u L-'

E X T I N C T I ., N' - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0'---'-'

New and Old
Disease
Threats in
the Peruvian
Amazon:
The Case of the
Urarina
by Ritchie Witzig
An estimated 90% of Indigenous people in the Americas died after exposure to
novel infectious diseases brought by Europeans- and over half the Indigenous
groups once present in the Americas have become extinct. Biological extinction
mandates cultural extinction, although in the modem era cultural loss may preclude physical extinction. Isolated Amazonian peoples that have managed to keep
their culture and language intact remain at risk of biological and cultural extinction.
The Urarina of the Peruvian Amazon are one group still struggling with increasing
threats to their physical survival as a people.
he Umrina have lived in the
Chambim and Urituyacu river basins
for at least half a millennium. The
word ·umrina" is thought to be
derived from the Quechua root words
of "people" and "below"-meaning the "people
from below." The)' call themselves "KacM," meaning "the people." The Umrina have remained relatively isolated due to the remoteness of their settlements and by choice. The blackwater river
basins where the)' live are supplied by a giant

T

Rircltie IVitzig is an irifeuious diseases physician currently direc1ing medical projects in 1he Amazon and
Andean regions of Peru.
6

aguajal. or swamp, providing insulation from an)•
incursions from the nonh. east. and west. The
Umrina are ecologically flexible, able lO live both
on the low-nutritional blackwater rivers or in the
rainforest. They have resisted missionary influ.
ence and cultuml integmtion (from colonists). All
these facwrs may be the reason the Umrina speak
a unique language, and have survived as a distinct
people. However, in the present their traditional
territory has been invaded, and they have yet to
affiliate with any Indigenous rights group. Not
surprisingly. the Peruvian government has not
officially registered their lands.
Incursions of "foreigners" (non-Urarinas) intO
Urarina traditional lands are currently from river
Abya Y News
ala

�CONFRONTING

traders. loggers. colonistS. oil explorntion teams. and recently. "drug·
voyeur· tounsts. All of these groups
ha'-e brought s•gn•fic:~nt dlS&lt;asc pressure on the Uranna that threatens thear
way of life and Sul'\ival.
Rl\'er trnders. loggers. and colomStS
commg from lqunos to explon tht
Ur.mn• and thear land for natural
resources are known to ha"e transport·
ed two measles ep1dem1cs m the latt
1980s and 1991. They cenamly
brought the cholera ep1dem1c of
September 1991 and October 1993
upri"er from tqu1tos. as well as dengue
r.-·er and different strams of g;~Strom­
testinal and respiratory d1seases to
which the Urarina have had no preVIous
immunological exposure. The traders
and colonists also bnng m poor nutri·
tiona! quality foods such as nee and
sugar that arc altering the d1ct in some
Urarina villages. The Urarina tr:Jditlonol
diet is high in protein which prc"ents
malnutrition. even under the stress of
several infections. Once their diet
includes more refined foods. malnutrition and consequently disease morbid ity (the rate of Incidence of a dl.sease)
and mortality will prob.1bly increase.
The oil explorntion and dnlling
teams are from Petroperu facihtlcs bordering Urnrina territory. but their personnel arc imponed from \"Orious areas
in Peru. An oil pipehne crosses under
the Chambira nver JUSI before the connuence of the Tignllo. on llS way from
Trompeteros on the Comentes to
S:lramuro on the Maral\on. The p1pehne
then coursts across the Andes to th&lt;
Pacific. The northern secuon of th1s
pipehne crosses Uranna l•nd JUSI nonh
of the agua)&lt;JI (S\\"Omp) suppl)•ng the
\Vater lOr thear nvers. Pcuoperu has
planned a huge Chambu-a 011 drlihng
project tn the center of Uranna land as
soon as they rece1ve stanup moneys
The cultural. b1olog&gt;eal. and ccol&lt;&gt;g~col
effectS on the Uranru~ '"II hkely be devastating. 01l dnlhng teams are
renowned ror transportang new strams

of malaria and sexually tr:msnuned diS·
eases mto temtoncs they explon. The
Urarina do not marry outside thear
Vol. 10No. 2

CULTURAL

EXTINCTION

group and se&gt;&lt;-ually transmitted diseases
are not yet a problem among them. New
StrainS or malart.1, however. are CUrrtnt·
ly dcc1mat1ng the Urarina peoples.
In the past twoyears.twoAmeric:~ns
ha"e amnged "Jungle ecology tours·
that mclude a two wetk trip up the

.,

Amazon and Marafton ri\'ers. and

recently the lower Chamb1ra nver.
Dunng the n'·er tour. a ·shaman· from
tquuos manufactures the sacred halluCinog&lt;niC ayahuasca (Banistcriop&lt;is
caapt) for the tounStS to dnnk and
·expcntnee the JUngle hke the ru~ti,-es."
Fmally. they am"&lt; m Uranna villages to
"look at the lnd1ans" and take pictures
Right after a tour mthe spring of 1995.
most or the children m one ,;llage
which had been "isned c:~me down with
a rcs1&gt;1ratory ailment requiring antibi-

l

1

Petropcu operations on the Maral'lon.

otics to recO\•cr. This infection was most

likely SUI&gt;phed by these "drug-voyeur"
tourists rrom overseas. The Urarina are
alanned at this invasion. especially as
they know the tour operators arc anned
with weapons and Hike drugs, effectively mocking the Urarina religious ceremonies. The affected ,;llages organized
to write n compktint

lO

the P
eruvian

Ministries of the Interior and Tourism in
lqunos. and the rlmericon Embassy in
L1ma. demandmg that the indi\iduals
respons1ble be barred from their lands.
In August 1992. a medical sun-ey
was IOHlally conducted in Urarina territory As the Urarina had pre\'iously
ne\'er seen a ph)'Stcian, 1t took eight
days before a four-year-old girl was
brought forward 1n critic:~l condition
suffenng from malaria. amotbic dysen·
tery. and three l)'ptS of wonn mfect1ons.
After she reco\'ered. commumty members were Interested m complementing
thear 0\\11 soph1st1cated tthnobotanical
med1c1nes to prc\'ent morbidity and
monaht)' from""''' d1seases. These maJ.
ad1es mcluded mostly recently introduced d1seases. such as the deadly
cholera and ma.lana. Uranna communi·
tits suffered gra"ely from the introduction of cholera into the Chambira river
system m September 1991 (cholera \\'35
remtrodueed into South Americ:~ in
january 1991). Some communities

... they arrive in Urarina villages
to "look at the Indians" and
take pictures. Right after a tour
in the spring of 1995, most of
the children in one village which
had been visited came down
with a respiratory ailment
requiring antibiotics to recover.

7

�CONFRONTING

CULTURA L

Children are especially at risk of
diseases like malaria.

reported population losses of up to
20%, an incredibly high population
mortality rate even rrom this well·

known disease that can kill in less than
12 hours. A second epidemic of cholera
in the Chambira with significantly less
monality followed in October 1993
after village heahh workers had been
trained to treat cholera.
Urarina communities also suffer
from endemic vi\'W: malaria. which still

produces significant mol'bidity and contributes to mortality especially among
children, pregnant women, and the
elderly. Other important illnesses documented in Urarina cotnmunities in the
initial 1992 survey were helminth infections. dysentery (amoebic and bacillary). and viral and bacterial respiratory
infections.
After the initial medical survey was
performed, the Urarina communities

elected 3 village health workers (VHWs)
who were then trained to diagnose and

treat the most common medical illnesses. The VHW communities were provided medical supplies for their village
as well as any surrounding Urarina
comrnunity in need. VH\oVs and the
Urarina people are encouraged to con·
tinue using and developing their own

medical system for r
nany ailments
8

EXTINCTION

which it can ameliorate. further medical surveys from August to October
1993, February to April 1994, January
to April 1995, and October to
December 1995 revealed progressive
disease threats. furt hered training of the
VHWs. and replenished medical supplies. When the second wave of cholera
came up the Chambira, the VHWs were
ready to give oral rehydration solutions
and tetracycline to the sick. Only one
fatal case was reponed from the VHW
villages after that outbreak.
The most recent disease th reat to the
Urarina has been the deadly Plasmodium
falcipan~m malaria strain. Previously
confined to small areas of Peru. in the
last 5 years this strain has spread across
most of northeastern Peru. h first
appeared in the Urituyacu river system
2 years ago, and spread into the
Chambira river from the Tigrillo river in
1995.
The Urarina region has been the
most affected. The malaria research lab
in lquitos has identified a staggering
79% of all P. falciparum cases in July.
August. and September 1995 to have
originated rrom the r
nain river systems
in which the Urarina live (Chambira,
Urituyacu. and Corricmes). However.
these figures still underestimate the
severity of the new malarial suain on
the Urarina. since most of their cases ar
c
never reported . A further p roblem is
that the new strain has grade II (two)
drug resistance. While colonists on the
lower Chambira and Tigrillo rivers arc
seeking the most effective drug trcatrnent at medical posts on the Marat'\on
and Amazon rivers, it is unavailable to
the Urarina because of logistical and
financial reasons. To illustrate the seriousness of the epidemic, the Urarina village of Tagual had 6 people (5 children
and one pregnant woman) out of 80 die
or the new strain the week before the
last medical survey and supply trip
arrived. All other Urarina communities
experienced monalit)r from the new
strain, ahhough at a lower rnte.
What is to become of the Urarina?
The most negative spin on the future
must be confronted as a potential reali-

ty. If the past is an)' measure regarding
Indigenous peoples in Peru. the govern-

ment will attempt to assimilate them
into Peruvian society. Young Urarina

men, for example, will be drafted to do
their mandatory military service ror
• fatherland" Peru. Colonists will continue invading Urarina territory. Petropent
will drill in the Chambira oil field.
Ecological destruction and introduced
diseases will gradually decimate them.

Urarina mao dying of cholera, treated for
the d isease just in time. Many people do
not survive this treatable illness.
for the optimistic spin, the Urarina
could remain where they are, in their
own territory and self·sufficient. Since
Peru is a signatory of the International
Labor Organization Convention 169

which e£rectively advocates for the
defense of Indigenous cultures, it could
legally recognize their territory. This
would lead to their self-detem&gt;ination.
and the control of their own destiny.
Thankfully. a few optimistic signs
have emerged for the Urarina. First,
Peruvian anthropologists have succeed·
ed in petitioning the Peruvian
Department of Agricuhure on their
Abya Yala News

�CONFRONTING

behalf to conduct a population survey,
the first step necessary for land titling.
The survey is being conducted by the
Peruvian NGO CEDIA (Centro Para el
Desarrollo del lndlgena Amaz6nico).
The s11rvcy started in November 1995.
with expected completion in late 1996
or early 1997. However. this is only a
start. With the odds stacked against
them, the Urarina will likely ne&lt;!d political support from outside Peru or they
will join the long line of extinct cultures
and peoples left behind by the ongoing
colonization of this continent. 1'

CULTURAL

EXT I NCTION

Map showing
Urarina territOI)' in
the blackwater systems of the
Chambira and
Urituyacu. The rivers
drain from a swamp
to the north, helping to isolate the
Ucarina.

Thanks to Rafad M&lt;za, !..dis Ri\•era Chdi'&lt;Z,
)ost Morosco. jotge Quintana Zurita. Luis
Icomcna, and Massitl Astendos Linares for
their comribulions ro Urarina stlf-dtttnnfnation and d1e Urarina medical project To
call aw:ntion to and protctl d1t Urarina~ territorial iruc:grity:
\\~tt the Pr'tZ.itlent of Ptnl, Alberto Fujimori,
urging him to secur~ the Urarina and other
Indigenous peoples' tenitorial rights and to
stop destruaive~ invasive tourism into
Indigenous peoples communities. Send your
letters to Ministerio de Ia Presidencia, -1297
Paseo de lc! Repti.bliat, Uma 1, Peru.

To proUGl Indigenous peoples from importtd
diseases:

If you ar&lt; working with isolated lndigtiiOIIS
peoples (aruhropologists. l1uman riglus workers. ttc.), please co&gt;ifin" that bo&lt;h you and
your local guides ha\'t all tile ncU$Sar)' \'DC·
cinations and prophylactic medications. A.ny
ptfSCn panicipating in rlfe project who is curn:ntly Ill should dtl&gt;er b&lt; left lxfli,d, or the
project should lx delayed until that person
has r&lt;eovcn:d.

8AAZil

If you a•• engaging in e&lt;Olowism, please do
1101 enroll in •exotic'" tou~ pmmising to mttl

isolat&lt;d p&lt;oples. Then: is no advantage for
them to meet you. Tl1e tour opemtors arc in
business to makt money. Tour operators l1a\'e
no incentive to P'~'·tnt diSCQS( or impto\'e
httdth among thes&lt; peoples. Please Inform
local Indigenous organizations or 01hcr adequate cnririts of tour operacotS operating
u.ndcr such co11ditions.
Vol. 10 No.2

i
i
·Map Areas
oil operation contracts
and areas d irectly operated by Petroleos del Peru: Blod&lt; 8 falls directly on top of the
Urarina's territOI)'.

9

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                <text>6-9</text>
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                <text>Since the first Europeans came to the West, the Indigenous peoples have dwindled due to warfare, but more importantly, biological warfare. This article details the struggles of the Urarina people of Peru as the try to maintain their isolation from the outside world as to avoid biological deterioration, as well as cultural deterioration.</text>
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                    <text>1000 INDIANS MARCH TO PROTEST
ARMY'S KILLING OF COMMUNITY LEADERS
(Colombia) last November the principal Indian
leader of the Arhuaoo lndlans, Luis Napolc6n Torres, his
brother, Angel Maria Torres, and another Arhuaoo, Hugues
Chaparro were travelling by bus from the local city ol
Valleclupar, the Colombian capital of Bogotll. They were
going to protest to government authorities about anny and
police harassment of their communities.
At a stop along the way, ncar the town of
Curumani, soldiers forced the three off the bus and took
them away. The bus driver reported this to the local police
but they appear to have done little o r nothing. Two weeks
later the Indians' bodies were discovered in three different
places- all had been severely tortured.
About a thousand Indians later marched to
Valleclupar in protest and to take the bodies bad&lt; to the
mountains for traditional funeral rites. Two of the dead
were traditionalmmno (shamans) and all were highly
respected Indian leaders.

On the same day as the three leaders disappeared,
another Arhuaoo, Vicente Villafafle, and his brother had
their house searched for anns- none were found. They
were taken to the army base in Valledupar where they were
beaten and tortured. Two days later, November 30th, one of

Gran Chaco Indigenous
Peoples Call for
Land Commission
(Bolivia) Indigenous peoples of the Gran Chaco
region of the Bolivian Amazon have requested the Bolivian
government to establish a commission to deman:ate their
territory. In an open letter to President Jaime Paz Zamora,
the Mataoo and Tapiet~ peoples, who live on the banks of
the Plloornayu River, Informed the President that they
conducted a general assembly last November (1990) in
Villamontes. At the end of the gathering. they issued a
resolution calling on the President to take immediate
measures to halt the injustices and abuses they are suffering
at the hands of colonists.
The resolution denounces the " ... total paralysis of
our attempts to acquine property rights and land tiUes, a
process that has been dctained by the National Agrarian
Reform. We demand to be treated the same way as our
Sirion6 brothels and sisters at lbiato. The Sirion6 have been
able to press for the approval ol Supreme Decree# 22609
which declares as 'indigenous territory' the lands they
inhabit." Indigenous peoples of the Gran Chaco explain

Vol6 Nos 1&amp;2

them was taken by army helicopter to the Indian community of Vlndivameina (Santo Domingo) where soldjers
searched houses, shot their rilles into the air, and stole food
from the school and equipment from the health post.

The Colombian army views all peasant and Indian
communities as potential guerrilla collaborators. In other
areas of Colo mbia, guerrillas themselves have killed Indian
leaders who refuse to affiliate with their particular antigovernment group of which there are several. In many
areas the Indians suffer at the hands of both the rebel and
government forces.
A Colombian court has begun an investigation into
the killings but this is unlikely to bring any results without
a show of support for the Indians and protests at the
violations of their rights.
Please write to the President of Colombia, protesting the army's killing and torture of lndlan people.

Senor Presidente
Dr Cesar Goviria, Presidente de lo Republica
Coso de Noriiio, Carrero 8 No 7-26
Bogot6, COlOMBIA

\,~·-:........
-'
.
that the agrarian reform paper work has been suspended.
They arc accusing the government of stalling the approval
of previous documents. The Mataco and Tapiet~ said that in
July of 1980, agrarian reform officers instructed them to
proceed with the land tiUe paper work and that native
authorities visited the Indian commu.nities to explain the
objectives. With economic aid from the Swedish Mission in
Bolivia, along with the approval ol the agrarian reform
officers, they Initiated the paper work along legal path$.
They paid the required fees to the local judge Hilda
Palavlsino, a SECretary, and a land surveyor. The local judge
is now advising cattle ra.nchers and pits them against the
Indians. She has been responsible for the legal curtailment
of paper worlc that was to benefit the Mataco.
In the meantime, the Mataco and Tapiet~ say that
the governmental commission must be formed by the
Ministry of Peasant Affairs, the Indigenist Institute, CIOOB
(Indigenous Confederation of Eastern Bolivia) and representatives of the Mataco and Tapict~. They warn against
colonizers encroaching on their lands. They also denounce
Judge Hilda Palavlsino for bias towards catUe ranchers
because of her friendship and familial ties. "'four petition
falls through, and is not resolved favorably and immediately, the Indigenous Peoples of the Gran Chaco will adopt
other de facto measures," they warn.

19

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                    <text>_ _ _ _ _ _ _ __;~~
S E L_cF

DETERMINATION

AND

TERRITORY

Indigenous Peoples and Peasants of Bolivia
Press Government for Solutions
~

s the month of September
brings the spirit of spring to the
Andes, Indigenous organizations have again challenged the neoliberal government of President S~nchez
de Lozada and Aymara vice-president
0\rdenas. The call to march to La Paz
by Indigenous peoples follows governmental failure to implement previously
signed decrees in favor of Indigenous
peoples--a Slate version of the ancient
dictum, "I obey but I do not comply."
The government has obstructed the
application or laws and delayed measures aimed at solving the problems
over Indigenous territories. The main
demand of the march is to enact at least
nine Decrees signed by the Government
after the massive Indigenous peoples'
march of close to 1 million to La Paz in
1990, and to have ntral laborers integrated into the General Labor Law
Indigenous
leader
Marcial
Fabricano, representative of CIDOB
(Confederation of Indigenous peoples
of Bolivia) called for the march. He also
organized the 1991 "March for
Territory and Dignity." joining Mr.
Fabricano in the organizing process are
Roman Loayza, representative of the
CSUTCB, the national peasant confederation and Modesto Condori, representing CSCB, an organization of landless peasants also known as "colonizers." It is the first time, Indigenous peoples, peasants, and landless rural workers have come together in a strong

A

coalition. Urban workers, who have

fared poorly because of neoliberal policies brought by governing parties MNR
(Nationalist Revolutionary Movement)
and MRTK (Revolutionary Movement
Tupaq Katari), have lent their active solidarity.
The Decrees in question, which
agreed to grant rights over land, should
Vol.10 No.2

have created Indigenous territories for
the Siriono Indigenous peoples of the
lsiboro National Park , Secure, Pillon,
Chiman, Tim, Araona, Moseten,
Chiman, Yuqi. Chiquitano, and
\&gt;/eenhayek (Mataco), all located in the
eastern Amazon region. Their noninforcement prompted the march, as
well as more ongoing problems no different from similar areas other nationstates share in the Amazon basin.

Ranchers, lumber companies, miners,
and landless peasants consider the
Amazon ·an empty area," lawless., and
ideal for "colonizing." Indigenous peoples have worked to defend their rights
coordinating themselves nationally and
forging international alliances to
denounce this situation. Ranchers and
landowners in the area continue to benefit from the conditions or lawlessness,
and are actively pressuring the government to declare these lands (and territories) "negotiable" at market prices.
The march constitutes a strong
indictment against President Sanchez
de Lozada's administration regarding
the environment, biodiversity, and land
and territorial management. Recent statistics published in Bolivia by LlDEMA
(Environmental Defense League),
demonstrate that the rate of deforestation has increased to unprecedented
levels, as well as the percentage of
national territory adversely affected by
soil erosion. President Sanchez de
Loz.ada,

whose

administration

is

plagued b)• inefficiency, has answered
by menacing the marchers to postpone
a debate over a law drafted by the
National Agrarian Reform Institute,
lNRA-Iikely due to strong pressures
from ranchers and agroindustries
whose interest he strongly supports.
Indigenous peoples conflicts in
Boli\•ia have been widespread since the

election of President Sanchez de Lozada
in July 1993. His administration has
seen the return of old forms of rural
labor enslavement and debt peonage in
cattle ranches and other estates in the
Departments of Chuquisaca, Beni,
Santa Cntz, and Tarija (Chaco). There
have been no significant actions taken
by his administration to eliminate such
illegal practices, although many
Indigenous nations, such as the
Guaran, have publici)• denounced it
within the last four years. Practically all
the well-known Indigenous peoples
such as the Yuqui, Moseten,
Chiquitano, Araona, Guaran, Chiman,
and Weenhayek. have persistently
endured physical abuse, enslavement,
forced prostitution, debt-peonage, and
the theft or their wages and lands.
Long marches are a recent strategy
by rural inhabitants to press for their
human rights in Bolivia. This 1996
march differs from recent ones because,
rather than simply complain, it explains
Indigenous peoples' overdue demands.
The Bohian case, amidst those of the
other Amazonian countries, is another

example where governmental measures
could stop the environmental collapse
this area is currently undergoing,
Indigenous peoples in the area have a
long-term commitment to restore this

forest, but not when under heavy pressures from non-sustainable forms or
land management. Obviously, land
tenure laws cannot be implemented
without the input or peasant and
Indigenous peoples' organizations.
Although the Sanchez de Lozada
administration ran and enacted a
Popular Participation Law, little has
advanced in tenns or participation, and
most decisions in ract continue to

exclude Indigenous peoples' large representative confederations . ...
27

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                    <text>Flu Threatens to Annihilate the Nukak
(Colombia) One of Colombia's last nomadic
peoples, the Nukak, are being decimated by outside
diseases. 1lleir numbers have already been brought danger·
ously low by continual attacks from colonists and coca
grower$. Over 100 Nukak have died from flu over the last
three years. Now their children are threatened by cerebral
malaria • which is usually fatal.

As one of Colombia's last nomadic tnbal peoples,
the Nukalc's future depends on their land being legally
recogJiizcd and colonization halted. But the Colombian
Government has not recognized 90% of their land, and
taltcn no steps to protect the Nukak from hostile invasions.
1lle Nukak have had little non-Indian contact.
What contact they have had has proved devastating. With a
population of around 1100, the tribe cannot afford more
losses.
In 1987 approximately20Nukak were attacked
and killed by colonists in the north of their territory. 1lle
survivors of the massacre fled to the south. deep into the
heart of their rainforest lands. At the same time, another
group had been attacked by coca growers. 1lle survivors of
these two groups joined up and emerged out of the forest
on the outskirts of the town of Calamar. However any
Nukak who had lived in the area were killed off by colonists during the 1940's rubber boom. It seems that other
Nukak had been shot at by the Colombian army from the
air; they were mistaken for coca growers or left-wing
guerillas. Meanwhile 20 Nukak children had been stolen by
colorusts to work as unpa;d laborers.
1lle disoriented survivors of the 1987 massacre·
mostly women and children • only spoke Nukak. so could
not speak with the townspeople about the attacks. 1lley
were unused to life outside the rainforest and became
depressed and sick. A missionary from the extremist USbased organization, New Tribes Mission (NTM), arrived,
claiming to speak Nukak.lt then emerged that N1M
(whose activities amongst tribal people worldwide have
done untold damage) had had a base in the north of the
Nukak lands for at least 12 years.

18

1lle Colombian goverruncnt's response to the
Nukak's plight has been totally unacceptable. Despite
protests, the government new some of the Nukak back to
the New Tribes Mission base.1lley were already infected
with the flu virus after living in Calamar. 1lle Nukak have
no resistance to this new disease and no way of treating it.
At least 109Nukak have died as it has spread through their
territory. 1lley were returned from the NTM base to their
forest homes with no medical care and no protection from
further attacks. As well as the fust cases of CErebral malaria
in children living near the NTM base, cholera has also
appeared in the region.
1lle Nukak traditionally live In the headwaters of
the lnfrlda and Papunaua rivers and the southern basin of
the River Cuaviare.
1lle Nukak will only survive If their rights to all
their lands are fuUy recognized and properly enforced. 1lle
Colombian government must also initiate a health project
for the Nukak.
Please write courteous letters urging the Colombian government to tiUe aU of the Nukak's lands to them. an
area of approximately 1 million hectares in Cuaviare
province. The government must ensure that there is no
further colonization ofNukak lands. A properly funded
health project must be initiated, to allow small medical
teams to treat the Nukak before more of them die. Every
effort must be made to recover those Nukak children who
have been captured by colonists.
Source: Survit&gt;U lnJ.tmal'iDiriZI

Pleose send your leHers lo:
Seilor Dr Cesar Govirio, Presidenle de lo Republica
Coso de Noriiio, Carrera 8 No 7·26, Bogot6,
COLOMBIA
and lo:
Dr Femondo Cotroles Cruz
Centro Administrotivo Nocional , EcSficio INCORA
Gerencia General, Bogot6, COlOMBIA
SAIIC Newsletter

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                    <text>S E LF

D ETER M IN A TIO N

A ND

T E R R I T O RY

In Our Own
Words
Ac~~~~w~

Gaspar Pedro Gonzalez
Gaspar Pedro Gonzalez is the author of A Mayan Life (La otra cara), first published in 1992. It is considered the first novel by a Mayan author. A Mayan Life traces the rich life of Lwin, a Q'anjob'al Maya,
whose eyes reveal to the reader the bitter realities of Mayan existence in contemporary Guatemala.
Gaspar Pedro Gonzales was born in 1945 in San Pedro Soloma, and attended the University of Mariano
Galvez, majoring in Educational Planning. He is a member of the Academy of Mayan Languages of
Guatemala. He has written on Mayan languages, Mayan literature, and educational policy in Guatemala.
In continuation, we present excerpts from two separate interviews. The majority of the material comes
from an interview conducted on May 5, 1995, by Bob Sitler, from the Department of Foreign Languages
at Stetson Univer.sity, Florida. The other was conducted by SAIIC on July 5, 7996
any
people,
when they read
my novel. take
it to be autobi·
ographical. In
some ways, there are indeed parts of
Ill)' own life that relate closely to this

''

ble, that is immaterial. They also sa)'
that all those who are born on this day
hold these qualities. This is like the
horoscopes of Western culture. you sec.
I lived a good portion of my infant
life in the community. So most of what
1 write is real, not imaginary. l lived it.

work. For example, the initial seuing.

I had the novel son of simmering in
head for several years. I was always

that initial education that I absorbed in
the heart of the home.
l was born in 1945 in San Pedro
Soloma, in the department of

In)'

Huehuetenango. I was born on a very

moving forward because, first, I had no

special day when the Ma)"'n people
hold a ritual celebrating the first ripening fruits of the Earth. That day is called
Ox Tz'ikin in the Mayan calendar. and
signifies "Three Birds: · The expert
priests who study this say that this

idea how to go about publishing my
work. Second. there was a stage in the
political life of Guatemala at which no
writer. let alone a Mayan , had the certainty of living freely and s.~fely.

..tz'ikin" is in other contexts the spiril.

attempt to publish it. But someone told
me, ·why don't we wait a little.' The

creativity, initiative, all that is inlangi-

22

aching to write. I would jot down
notes, and then I carne up against a
period of stagn:uion, in which I wasn't

Yes. It was J978 when there was an

national political conflicts had begun .
When the tide of violence hit in the
1980s, anyone with paper or pen in his
house was risking his life. So I took the
drafts and stuffed them into a cardboard box. and saved them from the
80s, for the 90s.
The 90s brought the movement of
cultural revival and the fost-approaching commemoration of the 500 years of

Columbus. It then seemed to me to be
an opportune time to publish this
thing.
In the end I reached my goal. It was
a struggle for someone with few
resources, with liule influence in society. to achieve publishing. I think it was
a ke)' experience that strengthened my
spirit of resistance in the sense that I
never threw in the towel. This is so

important. I reach out to my fellow
Attya Yala News

�[

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __,~ L _!F_D E T E R M I N A T I 0
S E~

Mayan friends and I tell you that )'OU
have to persevere. If you accept defeat,
you'll never reach your objective.

When 1 had to turn all this into
Spanish. I took refuge in poetry, and
lyrical and rhetorical speech in
C..1Stilian. For that reason, as 1 was writing the novel. sometimes I would get a
little ahead of myself in Spanish so as
not to lose emergent ideas. There are
ne,·enheless ways to say these things
through the Mayan parallelism that
exists in our oral literature. There are

literary resources in Maya such as repetition. There are literary figures that I
had to study to adapt these ideas to
Maya. llS a bit ironic because poetic
speeches are uncommon in Q'anjob•
at
The culture offers us another type of
rhetoric. known by the elders, who in
turn use it for ceremonies and special
occasions.

.

"I

thought the novel in Maya, and

when the time came to bridge

everything, I had to work it out theo·
retically and avoid being too materialistic in Spanish. For example, concepts
as love. God, and metaphysical manifestations are difficult to write with

Mayan words. In our culture these
experiences are felt . In the Mayan languages, these things are refereed to
through material experience. 'love,' for
example,

has

no

translation

in

Q'anjob'al. lt"s not that these experiences don't exist. They are lived. They
are not for analyzing or conceptualizing

critically. No. they are lived situations.
When I wrote the pan of the novel
where Lwin and Malfn fall in love. I

realized what love signified for a more
complex, perhaps more sophisticated
society. But for Mayas it"s feeling, experimenting. and living. \\1ords are not

spoken. One lives, dances. is lured to a
spiritual realm internally to the sounds
of the marimbas. That night when they
dance for the first time. they don"t say a
word . There are no discourses. no
sweet words.
Vo1.10No. 2

" Writings abound on Mayans by
non-Mayans. But a novel of
this nature. written in the Mayan lan·
guage. is, to the extent of my knowledge, the first. There is a novel. for
example, juan Ptre:;:jolore, that presumably deals with the Tzotzil Maya, written by Ricardo Pozas, a Ladino author.
There's El desrino del Indio, by Oliver L1
Farge. a novel on the Maya in Chiapas
and Guatemala.
Miguel Angel Asturias obtained the
Nobel Prize in Literature in 1967 precisely due to his writings on the Maya.

N

A H D

TERR IT ORY

He is respected as one of the foremost
Latin American authors. But our worlds
are so completely different. The day more
Mayan authors emerge. we will expand
our different interpretations of Asturias.
He is a m.m of the literary medium
whose raw material is the Maya. much
like contemporary painters. sculptors,
and other Ladino aniSts. Though. his
identification with the Mayan people is a
whole different story Asturias" thesis is a
scientific endeavor where Asturias the
artist and Asturias the impassioned novelist are not present. If you get a ch.tnce
to read this thesis. you won) see his later
opinions on the Maya. In this work. he
comes ofT as full of stereotypes and prejudices. as when he says that Mayas are
indolent, filthy... He sees the plight of the
"Indian" as the perfect opponunity to
better himself. but in no way does he
'"'lue that humatl being. When Miguel
Angel Asturias tra,·els to Europe, especially France, he begins to mature and
learns to appreciate the Ma)'lln civilization when faced with his hosts. His
'"sion of the Maya is that of a Ladino.
There is a certa.in tendency to engage
in 'positivism,' to portray the Maya as
stoic, battle-hardened. This in turn
serves to construct a nationalist identity
based on certain values. You have, for
example, the case of Tecum Un&gt;an (the
leader of a Mayan rebellion]. The military
adopts this Mayan symbol, shrouds it in
myth , and shines it back on the Ma)'ll to
entice them into the military. He
becomes a warrior that defends the
nation. But, whose muion is it? lt is a
nation of the few. of Ladinos and for their
benefit, not of the Mayan people.
More concretely. I think that in
Asturias' Men of Com (Hombres dt Mar:;:),
this phenomenon occurs. He seeks to
depict our society abroad, a society he
recreates based on personal criteria, and
he puts on display for the world after
applying some literary cosmetics. But the
Maya fail to appreciate it because it is like
a bad ponrait. In A Mayan Ufe. 1 try to
diston these stereotypes, and present the
Maya with their values, their anguish,
their view or the world, and of mankind
in that pan of the world.

23

�S

E L f

DETERMINAT I ON

"A P""and estheuc expression. lA
rrom the necessity ror anisuc
Mayan U/el Is m a cenain sense a
staunch cnuque or the social conditions
and, l&gt;-1rttcularly. an attempt to make
the Q'anjob'al cultUre known. A Mayan
Life falls into the genre or testimonial
novel because it is a testimo ny to the
exploit:'ltion :md marginalization then is

rampant ncross Mayan society.
I think that thanks to a Mayan presence In different circles. in different
stages or national life. it is becoming
accepted that the Maran people speak.
that they express thetr thoughts. and
th.1t the bws be more closely heeded.
In A Mayan ufc. there IS no invention.
nor IS On)1hmg that we describe surreal. We are stmply transferring a son or
radtography or a society that is ]i,ing.
that IS dynonuC, that iS aware of a book
published by a Ma)oan. Many non-

Mayan rncnds have congratulated me
ror the work. h has been an interna-

tional success. I think that it is beginning 10 be seen as a key part or the culture or this diverse society.
or course there are sectors or the
populouon that still spurn this voice.
There are sectors that oppose the
strengthemng or the ~1a)&gt;an languages,
or thot MO)&gt;an tdcnuty be reinforced.
They want to standardaze the counuy.
or "lodmtze" n, much as in past periods.
~lay.an soctety today is being born24

A N 0

TERR I TORY

bardcd Ill " scnes or cultural im'3Sions.
Progressl\·tl)• people arc less and less
,
responswc to m.1n1festations of spirituality. The medta tS a key factor in theSe
invasions. The maJority or Ma)'3n houses have a radto. That radio says nothing
about the Maya. It plays no Mayan
music, nor do we hear Mayan languages.
On the same side or the coin, the
present religions, the religious sects,
have divided the Mayan people. One
village is rmctured into 4 or 5 churches.
Social coheston •s wantmg. Society is
diSJOined. Each factton tries tO pull the
other to tts stde. We arc becoming complacent because our collective identity
has d\\ondled.
Nevertheless. 1 percetve that there
exists a rovorable cm'\ronment to publish. ror example. the results or scientific investigations in Guatemala. or the
works or people who write novels o r
poetry. You can't conceal the truth
indefinitely. Eventually these things
must be tOld, and the political atmos·
pherc must give In, and begin to develop a conscience or these things.
Still. It remains the reality that
Ma)•an authors ha,·e great difficulty in
publishmg thctr work, because the cconomtc factor tS so cructal. I know people who ha,·e wnucn documents or lit·

erature, and there they are locked up in
a box because they dont ha,·e the
resources to pubhsh n.

&lt;&lt; T

he reality is that education poll·
cics, or simply. education. is constructed on philosophical bases. If in a
n a tio nr~l education

plan, the policies are

not well defined, ot· even the philosophies, it Is hard to imagine what the
goals or an education system arc.
This IS the tOpiC or another work or
mine. In Mayan Languages and
Education (Las ld1ornas mayas y Ia tducact6n escolar) . I try to present some
ideas as an educ:monal planner. to suggest mcchamsms. pohctes. and educational phtlosophtcs ror this country
with multthngunl. multicultural. and
muluethmc charactensucs. I also proposed to wnte what turned out to be
my other book. llecouse. the first step
in the construclion or ll:ltiona1hy is precisely th'! or education. But if we rail tO
construct our education rrom and within a culture, we nrc probably distorting,
or we're dcstroymg the idcmity or an
entire porttOn or the population which
in thts case is primartly Indigenous
and-in thts country-above all Maya.
Various mswutcs tn 1hc mterior of

the country are usmg A Mayan Life in
courses hke lnerature or anthropol&lt;&gt;g):
On the same token we are stri,ing
to coordm:nc w1th educa11on authori-

ties. to present to them these sugges·
tions

to

tmphcate

them

in

curricula-because we have known first
hand the effects or an education based
on dcstntclion.
Chi waltoq skawllal he k'ul ayex he

masanil yul hin q':'lnej. yin mas.c\n k'ulal
jetoq ko mns.,nil. ("From here I greet
you all in my language. may peace reign
in the hearts or all.") "

To obtam atopy of A Ma)'an Life. writ&lt; to:
Yax Te' Press. 3520 Coolhe~ghts Dri•·c.
Rontho Palos Vcrdrs. CA 90275·6231;
Td/Fax 010) 377-8763

Abya Yala News

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                    <text>A MESSAGE FROM
THE HUAORANI
¥

(Ecuador) Under increasing pressure from indigenous peoples uf the Ecuadorian Amazon and tnVironmenllll organizations
within and outside Ecuador, C = Oil Comparty announad on October 11 that it tooS withdrawing from all oil develqpment in the
regicn of the Amazon that comprises the traditional territory of the Huaorn11i lndums. Conoco's decision came thrre w«ks after the
Inter·Amerialn Commission on Hurnan Rights hmrd arguments by SAIIC coordinAtor, Nilo Cayuquro and IAuri Adams of the Sieml
Club Legal Defense Fund. They argued that actions by the government uf Ecuador apprwing Conoco's massive oil deve/qpmenl project
in the hMrl uf the HIIQOnmi's traditionallllnds violates the Indians' a.sic human rights to life, hMith, hame, family, and cullurt.
The following Idler wzs sent to Canoco by the Huaomni organiz.aticn in the Ecuadorian Amazon (ONHAE). See issues Vo/5
Nos 3&amp;4 of the SAIIC NttDSldter far more information on theUmoc:o • Huaomni case.
General Manager
DuPont - Conoeo Company
Un ited State8 of America
Dear Sir:
The Orqaniution o! the Huaorani Nation.&gt;lity of the Ec\l.odorian 1\mozon
Region (ONHAE) , in a.n extraordinary meeting held on the lOth and 11th of January,
1991, adopted the following re301utions:
1. 'n\at oil exploitation in the ftuaora.ni territory rrust be provontod,
because the pollution hao killed """Y anift.lo, tiohos and plants, and haa produoed many diaeasea. 'n\at is what we have a.oen, and it is th.reat6t\i.ng the life of
th4l Hua.oranie.

2 . 'll\o.t tho oil OOCTpa.nies enter ovr territory without t akinq ue into
acoount. '11\at thoy como in a.nd do thoir work doepito tho fe.ct that thoy know wo
have the proporty ri9hte over this land., disrupting our orga.niz.ational process;
tho Co.nooo ~y wants to work by itself, uei.nc), in an iaolat«:l fashion,
Hua.ora.nis from Cononaoo and Yasuni .

3. That the Ccnooo ~ is discussing the fate of the Huaora.nia in
fn60ting-s in whidl tho Hua.ora.nis are not preet~nt and that we a.re t~t.cl as it we
are gue.st~. We mJet not be treated as questa when the dia.cussion is about our
lives . We rrust eorr.ct this situation, because our liv&lt;ts au on the liM.
4 . 'Ibat we, tho ONHAE, ratify our opposition to the construction ot any
roads in Hua.ora.ni tor-rito.ry.

S. Thot th• drillin9 of oil wolls pollut•a tho rivers.
6. That the Huaorani culture sunrive and prosper. We do not want
nie.s to oocro a.nd civiliu us.

OOftt)O.-

7. 'Ihet vo do not want to be doc::eivod by the oil &lt;XX'fl)41\iea.
8. !bot vo aro aware of the problems of the world. Despite thea.o, wo will
oontinue to defend our land.
Awaiting your respo.nse to caja Postal 17-21-166, Quito, Ecuador, we
rotn11in sincerely,

Ro.m' n Hua.noni COb&amp;,

Moi Enoman9a Na.ntohua,

President, antA&amp;

Vioe

Vol6 Nos 1&amp;2

President,~

Eugenio Qu-ri C.

Secretary, ONKAE

17

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                    <text>S

E L F

DETERMINA T ION

A N 0

TERRITORY

Gold Miners Invade
Yanomami Area, Again
ince the government suspended its surveillance operation of the Yanomami area on March, 1996, thousands
of gold prospectors have re-invaded the Yanomami
area in Northern Brazil. Since then there has been no
attempt by FUNAI (National Indian Foundation), the
police, or the armed forces to stop the gold miners from
invading the demarcated Yanomami area.

S

Davl Kopenawa Yanomami, the Yanomami representative

·we Yanomami und a message to you. \Ve are very worried that our Yanomami area is being again h1vadcd by
gold mineN. TJ1is is why we Yanomami arc informing that
the gold mi"trs &lt;H't in the ri\'t.:r Cauimani and the high
Cacirimani. They an: also around Xiteia, Homoxi. Papili,
011d for the moment there are: 35 illegal runways in the
Yanomami area. The number ofgold miners has ani,,ed at
3000 in Brazil and 4000 in Venezuela.

leader. writes:
:De-~t'l; o!S .il~ q;...~o • .o~~ •"•
C:4 r o'

a-~ .

elC Jt~olo

•.nlO..

,

c.o.r t'&lt;~o. ,.,...-... .J,~...,..

The invasion of the gold miners has set off
a dramatic rise in malaria cases, and resulted in the deaths of at least three Indians,
shot with guns supplied by gold miners.

"'\Vc Yanomami want help from you to publicize the inva·
sion of gold miners. \Ve ask that this dcmouncemeru arrive
to the \'arious countries of Europe and the Urlited Stale$ so
that they know what is happening in the Yanomami area.
\Vt ask that d1e organizations of those countries SUfJport us
and S&lt;nd leuers &lt;o &lt;he Pre.sidell! of Brazil asking rhar he
free &lt;he funds for the op&lt;m&lt;ion of removing the gold miners so this situation e.ruls."

Letter sent by David Kopenawa in tne hopes of stop-

ins tne latest invasion of Yanomami land. .
s

Voi.10No. 2

The invasion of the gold miners has set ofr a dramatic
rise in malaria cases, and resulted in the deaths of at least
three Indians, shot with guns supplied by gold miners. In
April alone 12 Y
anomami died from malaria and pneumonia. Tuberculosis and venereal diseases are also increasing
throughout the Yanomami area. The gold miners are also
supplying guns and ammunition to the Yanomami in
exchange for food or sexual relations with Yanomami
women. The presence of guns has heightened the level or

(

25

�SELF

DETERMINA TION

\OOiencc among 1he Yanomam1. lradmg
10 numerous dea1hs and InJUrieS. One
Yanomami leader lostlhe use of an ann
after bemg sho1. In early May lhree
Yanomami were sh01 de.1d during !riba! conflicls. There are reports thm gold
minc1·s arc encouraging ~ribal conflicts.
FUNAI officials fear lhat al any
moment Venezuela will also expel several1hous.1nd more Brazilian gold nuners who crossed 1he border as the resuh
of earher eviclions from 1he Yanomam1
area. FUNAI also said 1ha1 planes have
been seen flying over 1he l':lrima,
Cmrimani, Parafuri, Paapi. X1dea. and

other rivers in the area. The mmcrs :md

ANO

T E RRITORY

1heir machinery ha•·e been seen workmg in 1he Ca1nrn.1n1 Paap1u Aracaca.
Curimala, and Mapula rivers.

The Yanom::um reserve was officially dcmarca1ed by 1hc llmzilian government in 1992 :t(tcr international
protests over the mass invasion of up
to 40,000 gold miners at 1hc end of 1he
1980's. nr.een pcrccm of the
Yanomami popula1ion died as a resuh.
Besides 1he 1crnble efTec1 on the
Yanomami people, 1he presence of 1he
gold prospec10rs also causes huge em;.
ronrnemal damage. contaminating
rivers and destroying riverbanks and
fores1.

We urge you to appeal to President Fernando
Henrique Cardoso to free the funds needed
(approximately US $6 million) to restart the
miner removal operation.
Sample letter:
Presidente Fernando HenMque Cardoso. Palacio do
Planalto. 70 159-970. Brasilia OF Brazil; Fax: 06 1-2267566
Dear President Cardoso.
The survival of an ancien! people. the Yanornami. is in
your hands.
The Yanomami are known throughout the wolid as one
of the last large groups of Indigenous peoples who have
been recently contacted. Now they are threatened by a
new illegal invasion of gold miners and your inexplicable
delay in authorizing the funds needed for their expulsion. an operation already jointly planned by differenl
departments of your government in cooperation with
the government of Venezuela.
We would like to remind you that on 29/ 3/96 in London.
Juslice M inister Nelson Jobim promised the intemalional press and non-governmental organizations that
this operation was imminent. Three months have
passed and nothing has been done to stop the entry of
new gold miners or remove those who are illegally
inside the demarcated Yanomaml area.

26

The good resul1s oblained by 1hc
Com1SSA0 Pr6-Y3nomami's (CCPY)
heahh programme, will be complclcl)•
undermined if 1he invasion is allowed
to contmuc.
for the Yanomami it is a mmtcr or
life and dca1h. For 1he Brazilian government it would be a mauer of honoring 1hctr word. During his reccnl
VlSil 10 Europe Justice Minister Nelson
job1m promiSed 1ha1 1he federal pohcc
and 1he armed forces would be used 10
expel 1hc gold prospec1ors. '!I

lrifonnarlon from CCPY (Comissllo Pr6~mommni)

Sec bdom

We know from reports from the area itself that the consequences for the Yanomami are disastrous: there has
been an increase of malaria and venereal diseases and
cases of injuries and even deaths caused by firearms
supplied to the Indians by gold miners. Many rivers are
being polluted and contaminated.
A visit by members of the Human Rights Commission of
the OAS to the Yanomami area in December. 1995,
found that a binational operation to put an end to the
chronic problem of invasions on both sides of the fronlier by mostly Brazilian gold miners was needed.
The internatiOnal commun.ty expects that you. Mr.
President. will fulfill your commrtments and protect a
people who are vulnerable. but have the same right to
life as anyone else.
Therefore we appeal to you to free the necessary funds
for the operation to remove the gold miners who have
illegally entered into the Yanomami reserve in Brazil
immediately and introduce a system of permanent vigilance to prevent them retumlng.
Yours sincerely.
For more information contact:
Claudia Andujar. Comissao Pro-Yanomami. Yanomami
Campaign Coordinator. Rua Manoel Nobrega 111 cj .32. 0400 1-900 Sao Paulo SP Brazil: phone (011&gt;
5511 -289-1200: fax(011) 55 11 -284-6997: email: apccpybr@ax.ibase.org .br

Al:::l(a Yala News

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                <text>This article details the Yanomami Valley, which was under government supervision until 1996. Since the supervision was stopped, numerous gold miners have come to valley seeking riches and ultimately destroying the land for the people who live on it.</text>
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                    <text>AMAZON

Amazon
Indigenous
Coordinating
Body Elects New
Officers
The Coordinating Body for the Indigenous Peoples" Organl?.atlons of the Amazon
Basin (COICA) held Its annual meeting 1n
November. 1992 In Manaus. and elected
Valei10 Grefa ofCONFENIAEtn Ecuador as Its
new General Coordinator.
The delegates also approved a new.
more hor!.zontal structure. abollshtng the
posltlonofPresldent.Inits place. they created
a Board of DireCtors to preside over the General ASsembly. a Coordinating Committee
compriSed of the leaders of each of the ntne
national afllllates or their delegates. and an
Executive Committee compriSed of four thematic coordinators. Antonio Jacanamljoy
(ONlC. Colombia) w1ll be the coordinator for
Territorial Defense. Jose Luis GonzAles
(CONlVE. Venezuela) w1ll be the coordinator
for Environment and Natural Resources.
Evartsto Nugkuag (AIDESEP. Peru) w1ll be the
coordinator for Economy and Development.
Orlando Melguetro da SUva (COIAB. Brazil)
w1ll be the coordinator for Human. Political
and Social Rights.
COICA also expanded Its membership to Include the national Amazonian federations from Venezuela (CONlVE). Surinam
(O!S). Guyana (OIG). and French Guyana
(FOAG). COlAB was selected the representative from Brazil. COICA"s headquarters w111
move from Lima to QuJto.
A working meeting between COJCA"s
Coordinators and U.S. environmental and
h uman rights oxgaruzatlons w1ll be held tn
Washington DC on May 11-12.
COICA has also moved Its offices from
uma. Peru to Quito. Ecuador and can be now
contacted at:

Colle Alemonio No. 832 y
Av. Mariano de Jesus
Casillo Postal 17-21-753 1
Quito, Ecuador
Telephone and Fox: 553-297

Vol7 Num 1 &amp; 2

Si6 Kaxinawd and Paulo Cipass~ Xauante from Brazil

visit New York

Amazon Initiative: A
working conference to
protect Indigenous rights
The Amazon Initiative conferencew111
beheld on May 11 and 12. 1993tnWashlngton. DCwtth the purpose offormtng a permanent coalltlon of NGOs wtth Interests In the
Ama7..on Basin. The conference w1ll brtng
together northern NGOs and Indigenous representatives from the Amazon to develop
concrete strategies for protecting the nghts of
Indigenous peoples and safeguarding their
environment. The conference w1ll also focus
on the logtstlcs of creattng a permanent coalition based In Washington. DC.
Co-&lt;:oerdinators and participants Include: Cultural Survival. Environmental Defense Fund. Friends of the Earth. Global
Exchange. OxfamAmertca. Rainforest Action
Network. Rainforest Foundation International. Sierra Club . SAIIC. World Resources
Institute and World Wildlife Fund.
For more Information contact SAn C.
15

�</text>
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                    <text>A VICTORY FORTH E PEOPLE OF THE
PERUVIAN AMAZON
(Peru) On September 19th, the Peruvian Minister of
Energy and Mines publicly announced that Texas Crude
had decided not to sign a contract to explore for oil in Lot
61, home to some 180 Amaz.onian indigenous and nonindigenous river communities for whom the park and its
resources constitute their sole means of survival.

One year ago, newly~lected President Alberto
Fujimori signed a landmark environmental code prohibiting the exploitation of non-renewable natural resources and
banning oil drilling in the nation's parks and reserves. In
April of 1991, under pressure from powerful economic
interests, Fujirnori reversed his position and granted the
Houston-based Texas Crude Incorporated a vast tract of
rainforest, known as Lot 61. Opposition to the
Corporation's plans to begin oil exploration developed
immediately as national environmental and indigenous
groups discovered that over three-quarters of Lot 61 lay
within the Pacaya Sarniria reserve in Peru's northern
Amazon jungle. It is the oldest and largest protected area in
Peru's national park system.
The ptospect that Pacaya Sarniria- already contaminated by the activities of petroleum companies allowed
to operate in the reserve prior to the passing of the environmental code- could be further jeopardized galvanized
local, national and international opposition. l.n june, a local
priest, along with AIDESEP {Association of Indigenous
Peoples of the Peruvian Amazon) organized a general strike
in the jungle town of Jquitos, and succeeded in brieOy
paralyzing the community. Two months later, AIOESEP
issued a declaration denouncing the Peruvian government's
manipulation of environmental codes and its willingness to
grant transnational corporations a dcgrcc of security never

16

acoorded to Peru's own citizens. A document prepared at
AIDESEI"s 15th General Assembly stated that "neither the
people nor the environment bear the responsibility for the
extreme poverty our country faces. White this poverty may
indeed require urgent remedies, actions which threaten to
irreversibly destroy food and natural resources cannot be
justified, particularly since the presumed wealth which will
be generated will never be seen by the people." Internationally, San Francisco's Rainforest Action Network
launched a joint campaign with Global Response to bornbard Texas Crude headquarters with !etten protesting the
proposed project.

The President of Texas Crude cited numerous
reasons for the corporation's decision, including: the threat
of legal action by the Peruvian Environmental Law Society
(SPOA); the "substantial number of letters endeavoring to
discourage exploration for environmental reasons" (over
1000 !etten were sent!); and the recent letter sent to President Fujimori by 54 Peruvian house representatives and
senators showing their disapproval of the contract.
In early October the Peruvian Ministry of Enetgy
and Mines began negotiations with the U$-based Santa Fe
Energy Rcsourccs Company for two other oil exploration
tots, both outside of Pacaya Samiria. Although the contract
has yet to be signed, and must be approved by the full
Peruvian cabinet, it is considered likely that the project will
be given the go-ahead given the extreme economic situation
Peru is confronting. It is important to note, however, that
Santa Fe Energy and Resources specifically opposed any
contract involving areas within national reserves or parks,
stating that the environmental concerns were too great.

SAIIC Newsletter

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