2 12 1190 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/c9cb3bbba83b302f25c7a9ed4ae037b1.pdf 5d3f3e9ecd8d72d6e224e0044968ac18 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (20).pdf PDF Text Text AUTQDETERM!NACIÓN y TERRITORIO struyeron una base militar en el mismo lugar durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. A costa de todo, los Kuna lograron que esta base fuera abandonada por los colonizadores. Sin embargo, esta región sigue siendo de mucho interés para arqueólogos, y para compañías y algunos especuladores en busca de los recursos naturales de la región. 111 1111 a propuesta para establecer una base Naval Militar en territorio Indígena Kuna, con la intención de combatir el tráfico internacional de drogas, ha provocado un intenso debate entre la población Kuna y Panameña. A mediados de 1996, la propuesta incluía la construcción de una base en Puerto Escocés, un sitio de mucha importancia histórica para los Kuna. El Pueblo Kuna se opuso a la colonización del Puerto Escocés, primero por los Escoceses y más tarde por los estadunidenses quienes con- Aunque el gobierno de Panamá dice que Puerto Escocés esta deshabitado, la bahía pertenece y es utilizada por los Kuna, quienes cultivan cerca de los ríos. Ahí también pescan y cazan y recogen provisiones de la selva. Las bellezas naturales de el área son descritas como un paraíso de aguas cristalinas y vegetación verde. En respuesta a la propuesta del apoderamiento de estas tierras, por primera vez a principios del 1996, los Kuna locales exigieron un estudio sobre el impacto ambiental, negociaciones con acuerdos, y pago por tierras confiscadas. Estas demandas se encontraron con la oposición del gobierno, quien expresó indignación hacia la actitud de los Pueblos Indígenas, al involucrarse en negociaciones indemnificadoras. A partir de la primera propuesta, los Kuna, quienes tienen una reputación como defensores de la autonomía de sus tierras y de la preservación del medio ambiente, han movilizado resistencia. A pesar de varios intentos de dividir a la comunidad y a sus líderes, atentadós que incluyen amenazas, trampas y ofrendas de privilegios especiales para ciertos líderes, el congreso General Kuna ha establecido una comisión para estudiar el tema. En junio de 1997, el Congreso General Kuna decidió unánimemente a oponerse a la base militar en Puerto Escocés, localizada en territorio Kuna. Sugiriendo en su lugar el puerto de Obaldía que se encuentra en la frontera con Colombia. La frontera Colombiana misma, según ellos, es un lugar ya perturbado por la guerra entre fuerzas Colombianas y grupos guerrilleros, así como también, por los narcotraficantes. Puerto Obaldía es ya un refugio para muchos Colombianos empobrecidos que huyen de la violencia de la región. Varios grupos, incluyendo a misioneros en Kuna Yala, grupos de Derechos Humanos y la Federación de Mujeres Kuna, han hablado y dado su apoyo a la decisión del Congreso Cerovac. De interés especial en esta discusión es el papel que jugó el embajador de Estados Unidos en los debates en respuesta a la base. El gobierno de E.U. acordó financiar la construcción de la facilidad (muchos creen que fue su idea, después de que las bases estadounidenses fueron cerradas alrededor del canal.) Pero las autoridades Kuna nunca supieron sobre los arreglos o la cantidad de dólares prometidos. Cuando los líderes Kuna vieron que había problemas para que Panamá negociara, un grupo de ellos fue directamente al Embajador para presentar su caso. El Embajador dijo que no quería meterse en temas intérnacionales, pero que si los Kuna persistían en oponerse a la base, Estados Unidos se llevaría el dinero a otra parte. Por esto, los Panameños incrementaron su campaña de intimidación, hasta producir un falso "acuerdo" en el cual ellos declaraban que era un acuerdo firmado por líderes de las comunidades locales. Los que se oponían a la base, fueron públicamente categorizados como "narcotraficantes o sus aliados". Como Atencio López dice, "el territorio que se disputa tanto en Colombia y Panamá es Dulé o Kuna, por eso nos duele también que los que debían de preservar la naturaleza del lugar lo han convertido en otra tierra ensangrentada (de donde proviene la palabra ABYA YALA o continente ensangrentado)." La agitación y debate sobre este tema ha puesto en peligro la política, y la autonomía territorial de la Comarca Kuna Yala, la más antigua y distinguida autonomía Indígena en este continente. Con este esfuerzo, los Kuna han demostrado su capacidad política otra vez. A pesar de todo, han detenido el proyecto promovido por los gobiernos de Panamá y de Estados Unidos. '9 ( Este artículo ha sido revisado y alterado del original escrito por Atencio López, Abogado Kuna y Presidente de Napguana, una organización Kuna.) 20 Noticias de Abya Ya la � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Negaciaciones sobre Base Naval en Territorio Kuna: Panama Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Abstract Note Conflict has broken out between the Kuna and the Panamanian government over the proposed placement of a naval base on Kuna lands. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 20 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/1a5952cee733ae488c3953251959466e.pdf e1dc6b7dbf7077318c9c84f201ca0bec Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (21, 38).pdf PDF Text Text AUTODETERMINACIÓN la decisión del Consejo del Estado de Colombia, en marzo de 1997, que sostiene la validez del permiso que se le otorgó a Occidental, con lo siguiente: "Colombia es un experto para firmar tratados internacional que protegen a los Pueblos Indígenas, pero ni siquiera práctica los derechos cons'titucionales que Colombia ya tiene." l jefe U'Wa, Roberto Cobaria viajó por segunda vez a E.U este año para ganar apoyo de solidaridad y financiamiento para la causa de su Pueblo Indígena. También vino para hablar directamente con la compañía Occidental y su socio la compañía Royal Dutch Shell y pedirles que cancelen sus planes de extraer petróleo en su territorio. El representante Indígena de la Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (CONIC), Abadio Green pre- Roberto Cobaria, jefe del Pueblo U'Wa sentó el caso de los U'Wa ante la Comisión de Derechos Humanos Interamericano (IACHR)-un organismo de la Organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA), pidiendo que se cancelara la explotación de petróleo en el bloque Samore. El Sr. Green respondió a Martín Wagner del Fondo de la Defensa Legal por la justicia de la Tierra enfatizó que los derechos humanos de los U'Wa, internacionalmente reconocidos han sido violados y por lo tanto el gobierno debería: 1) proteger la vida de Roberto Cobaria y de cualquier otra persona que este involucrada, 2) tomar las medidas necesarias para asegurar que los derechos de los U'Wa son protegidos hasta que la Comisión examinar el caso profundamente y 3) que resuelva el asunto sobre la demarcación de tierras U'Wa. Mientras tanto, en respuesta a la demanda del gobierno Colombiano, la OEA junto con la Universidad de Harvard han hecho varias recomendaciones en cuanto al bloque Samore, lugar donde viven los U'Wa. Estas recomendaciones son una guía para resolver el conflicto entre los U'Wa y las compañías petroleras. Este aboga por el Pueblo U'Wa y sugiere la cancelación inmediata e incondicional de las actividades en el bloque Samore y una resolución al conflicto de territorio de los U'Wa antes de que se comience la explotación de petróleo. "Hay dos aspectos de este reporte que necesitan mejorarse" dijo Terence Freitas del Proyecto Subterráneo, una organización ambientalista. Lo primero "es que antes de que el gobierno haya un dialogo, Colombiano y Occidental deberían aceptar que el desarrollo de petróleo no es viable y que los U'Wa tiene el derecho de vetar proyectos de desarrollo que amenacen su cultura y comunidad." El derecho de Colombia dice que los recursos minerales son propiedad del estado, pero la Constitución de Colombia de 1991 también protege los derechos de las comunidades para proteger su identidad cultural, social y económica. Colombia también ha firmado el Convenio 169 de la Organización Internacional del trabajo, OIT, el cual garantiza derechos a la consulta. y TERRITORIO "El segundo aspecto es un análisis de los efectos negativos de la violencia política que ocasionaría cualquier proyecto de petróleo en la comunidad U'Wa, lo cual no fue considerado por la Universidad de Harvard," dijo Freitas. La Compañía de Occidental en Cano Limón ha sido bombardeado 508 veces en once años de su existencia, derramando 1.5 millones de barriles en pantanos frágiles. Treinta y cinco personas fueron asesinados en 1997. En una conferencia de prensa, en frente del edificio de la compañía Petrolera Occidental, en Los Angeles, Roberto Cobaria denunció públicamente la amenaza de muerte y los golpes que recibió por rechazar firmar un "convenio" con los "encapuchados." Al no firmar el acuerdo, Cobaria fue amenazado de ser colgado. Después de ser golpeado lo tiraron en las orillas de un río. Durante la segunda semana de febrero de este año, las fuerzas militares de Colombia entraron al territorio U'Wa, Roberto demandó ante la comunidad internacional de derechos humano que el gobierno respete el territorio Indígena. "El gobierno quiere transformar el territorio U'Wa en una base militar para asegurar la tierra para el desarrollo de petróleo, "dijo Cobaria, "pero ellos están deteniendo a los U'Wa y están diciendo que somos guerrilleros. Nosotros no somos guerrilleros, nunca lo hemos sido, pero con el ejercito aquí no podemos caminar en nuestro propio territorio por la noche." A pesar de estas amenazas los U'Wa están dispuestos a continuar protestando en contra de Occidental. No están dispuestos a vender su territorio para ser contaminado por ningún motivo. "Para nosotros el petróleo es sagrado, y lo que es sagrado no lo vendemos o negociamos," dijo Ebarista Tegria, un abogado U'Wa. El petróleo o "Ruiria" en U'Wa, es la sangre de la Madre Tierra y es crucial para mantener el equilibrio de los mundos paralelos del cielo y la tierra, un equilibrio que los U'Wa sienten que es su misión protegerlo. Durante su visita Roberto Cobaria advirtió que "si se usa la sangre (petróleo) se pierde la luz del cielo y sin luz, no hay vida. "En una entrevista con SAIIC, Roberto explico como el petróleo existe antes de la creación del mundo. La comContínúa en la llágína 38 Vol. 10 No. 4 --------------------- 21 �VARIOS Convenio 169 ... de la página 11 manteniendo esa perspectiva integracionista. Los Artículos 8 y 9, que tratan las costumbres y derecho consuetudinario, son buenos ejemplos de este caso. El Artículo 8 garantiza a los Pueblos Indígenas el derecho de mantener sus costumbres e instituciones pero siempre y cuando sean compatibles con las leyes nacionales. El Convenio 169 no refleja los deseos de los Pueblos Indígenas de ser reconocidos como pueblos, la sección sobre territorios no incluye los conceptos de consentimiento y control. En este sentido se podría concluir que el Convenio 169 no es realmente un paso adelante en el reconocimiento de los Pueblos Indígenas como naciones. Por otro lado, era necesario proveer situaciones diversas a nivel mundial y un acuerdo no se pudo tomar sobre muchos de estos aspectos. Es obvio que los gobiernos no ratificarían el Convenio si se les hubiera exigido cambiar sus sistemas legales; y sin requisitos no hay obligaciones estandarizadas. Es importante recordar que los Convenios de la OIT son estandares mínimos y que ningún gobierno puede crear una nueva legislación bajo el Convenio 169, y por lo tanto ignora las regulaciones nacionales que otorgan más derechos. El Convenio 169 es uno de los instrumentos que están a la par con las leyes nacionales y el marco legal. El Convenio 169 ha probado tener un cono-cimiento bastante amplio sobre asuntos Indígenas desde la adopción del 107 en 1957. Este Convenio conocimiento, tiene la capacidad de contribuir al mejoramiento de los derechos humanos de los Pueblos Indígenas en el mundo.~ Imataca ... de la página 31 la reserva, ha indicado que continuará concediendo derechos mineros en el área. Argumenta que 100,000 mineros perderían su medio de subsistencia si la decisión de la Corte es aplicada estrictamente. Dice que estas personas tendrían que migrar a centros urbanos, agudizando más los problemas sociales que se derivan de los altos índices de desempleo en el estado. Según Teodoro Petkoff, Ministerio de Planificación (Cordiplan), uno de los 38 principales defensores de la minería en este lugar, habrá más reacciones negativas como consecuencias de esta decisión de la Corte Suprema. Considera inconcebible que alguien pueda estar en contra de las actividades mineras en cualquier lugar del país, mientras el 80 por ciento de la población se encuentra sumergida en la pobreza, y el índice de desempleo excede el 15 por ciento. Argumenta que estas actividades generarían miles de empleos, que la gente local se beneficiaría; que se contribuiría con el desarrollo del país y se facilitaría el pago de la deuda externa. Petkoff también dijo en un espectáculo público, organizado por la Cámara Minera y la Gobernación del estado de Bolívar, que ".. .los venezolanos son como las Hindúes, que prefieran morirse de hambre antes que comerse a sus vacas, por razones éticas y religiosas." Los pequeños mineros han sido convertidos en una conveniente cortina de humo detrás de la cual se esconden los verdaderos beneficiarios de la media gubernamental, tales como; M&M Corporación Comercial Internacional; Recursos Greenwich; Minera Krysos; Latinvan, parte del Oro y Diamante Americano, Zuplan C.A., y muchas otras empresas nacionales e internacionales. ~ NOTA: para más información, veáse: http://www. ciens. ula. ve!-jcenteno/ Gracias a julio Cesar Centeno, PhD por su ayuda con este artículo. U'Wa ... de la página 21 pañía Occidental no respeta esta forma de ver la vida y en cambio ha ofrecido valores a la comunidad, esperando a tener acceso al territorio. Pero los U'Wa preguntaron a Oxy que quien les ha dado autoridad para comprar, vender o explotar lo que no es de su propiedad. Poco después, en una conferencia de prensa ca-patrocinada con el Proyecto Subterráneo y RAN en San Francisco, Roberto Cobaria dijo que "Si negociamos, solo nos contaminaríamos. Nosotros, el Pueblo U'Wa de Colombia, continuamos peleando por nuestro derecho a proteger y preservar la integridad de nuestra tierra y nuestra cultura." La compañía Royal Dutch Shell esta vendiendo sus acciones del área Cano Limón y también hay rumores de que esta vendiendo el 37.5% de sus inversiones del bloque de Samora. ~ Chiapas ... de la página 35 sus derivados, y el 90.6% de sus petroqmmlcos. Chiapas produce también el 55% de la energía hidroeléctrica en México, y contiene el 20% de su biodiversidad en la selva Lacandona. Finalmente, el cumplir justamente con las demandas de los Pueblos Indígenas, requeriría una transformación radical de las estructuras de corrupción de los últimos 70 años. Esto no significaría solo permitir a los Zapatistas, pero a toda la sociedad civil Mexicana, tener el derecho de transformar el gobierno en un mandato que obedezca las necesidades y el consenso del pueblo Mexicano, en lugar de continuar representando una élite global de intereses económicos, instrumento de represión. Por ahora, el presidente Zedillo ha hecho su elección, mientras habla de paz, va a seguir adelante con su guerra de exterminación. Desafortunadamente México actúa con el apoyo seguro de sus socios comerciales, los Estados Unidos y Canadá. La única cosa interpuesta en el camino de México hacia su inaceptable política para· con los Pueblos Indígenas es la sociedad civil, tanto dentro del país como globalmente. La sociedad civil, a través de sus iniciativas políticas y sus acciones, podrá ponerle un fin a esta guerra genocida. Los Pueblos Indígenas están seguros que la solución no va a venir de ninguna otra parte, y de que no lo van a poder hacer solos. "Ni la paz ni la justicia va a venir del gobierno. Esto vendrá de la sociedad civil, de sus iniciativas, de sus movilizaciones. A ella, a usted, es que le hablamos hoy" Crystal Echohawk es una miembro de la Nación Pawnee, que trabaja en la Comisión Nacional por la Democracia en México. Tiene un Bachillerato en Historia, y una Maestría en Pensamiento Social y Político, escribiendo su tesis sobre los Zapatistas. En 1996 participó en la Delegación Norteamericana India de la ONU, en el grupo de redacción sobre la Declaración de los Derechos Indígenas de Ginebra. Viajó a La Realidad, Chiapas, y produjo un reporte sobre Chiapas. Desde que empezó su trabajo en la CNDM, ha viajado extensamente reclutando el apoyo público para la causa Zapatista, en particular, organizando a las comunidades Indígenas Norteamericanas, en apoyo a la lucha Indígena Mexicana. Noticias de Abya Ya la � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource El Pueblo U'Wa y su Lucha Contra las Companias Petroleras: COlombia Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Abstract Note The U'wa continue to fight the Colombian government over oil drilling concessions on their land. American groups have become involved to help negotiate between the two groups. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 21, 38 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/6048de16457db3084040e0e192a87df5.pdf 7e3da3c59776cb4c1150104938be523b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (22-24).pdf PDF Text Text sociedad Boliviana, para que puedan influir Indígena al público y obtener posiciones de poder pro- Aymara, es directora general teger su cultura y sus derechos. Alicia nos de el Centro del Desarrollo de habló sobre su trabajo en CDIMA cuando licia Canaviri, la Mujer Aymara (CDIMA) en La Paz, Bolivia. CDIMA trabaja para ayudar a las comunidades Aymaras, especialmente a las mujeres y a los jóvenes, a superar la discriminación y la pobreza, proporcionando capasitación y talleres educativos. Ella también es miembro de la Fundación Abya Yala. CDIMA surgió de la severa crisis social, económica, política y cultural que asecha a las mujeres Indígenas que sufren de discriminación y explotación por ser mujeres, por ser pobres y por ser miembros de un pueblo Indígena. Las mujeres Indígenas veían los precios de sus productos caer; su trabajo desvalorizado, mal pagado y despreciado. Actualmente no existen leyes para la protección del trabajo de las mujeres Indígenas lo que resulta en una grave injusticia, problema que Alicia quisiera remediar. CDIMA, está desarrollando programas para enpoderar y educar a las mujeres Indígenas y a los jóvenes de los sectores más marginados de la 22 visitaba Oakland, California este verano. ¿Qué efecto ha tenido la globalización neoliberal en las comunidades Indígenas y que medidas ha tomado usted como mujer Indígena y fundadora de CDIMA, para habilitar a las mujeres y a los jóvenes Aymaras a enfrentar esta nueva ideología del desarrollo económico? Es cierto que esta situación está afectando a todos los Aymaras y todos los Pueblos Indígenas en Latinoamérica. Yo hablaré específicamente sobre como el neoliberalismo ha afectado a las mujeres Indígenas. En Bolivia, los problemas que enfrentamos las mujeres Indígenas son muy graves. Una mujer que no sabe leer ni escribir es despreciada. Para poder asistir a la escuela se necesita saber el español. Por eso cuando tuve diez años aprendí a hablar el español por necesidad. Si solo hablara Aymara, sufriría mucha discriminación en esta sociedad. Mi destino ya estaba decidido porque era mujer Indígena que se vestía con camisa de pollera y una chompa de obeta (ropa tradicional) y por eso no valía nada. De hecho, yo no importaba. Esto no ha cambiado. Es una experiencia que he tenido toda mi vida, no solamente cuando era joven o cuando asistía a la escuela. Cuando las mujeres Indígenas buscan trabajo, nunca reciben el mismo trato que otras mujeres. Existe una triple discriminación contra la mujer Indígena: por ser mujer, por ser Indígena y por ser pobre. Yo, junto con mis compañeras Indígenas en Bolivia y Latinoamérica hemos sufrido esta discriminación cada día de nuestras vidas. Por eso, CDIMA, un grupo de mujeres Aymaras, nació. Nos organizamos para educarnos y capacitarnos para que poder defender nuestra cultura y lenguaje. El lenguaje Aymara ha servido para alcanzar nuestras metas, las cuales han sido la defensa de las ideas y el saber de nuestra gente. Al principio, empezamos a trabajar solamente con voluntarios para luchar contra la marginalización, explotación y distintas formas de opresión de las mujeres Indígenas. Empezamos a trabajar con organizaciones locales de mujeres en algunas comunidades rurales. En estas comunidades, las mujeres no tenían la oportunidad de entrar en la esfera pública, ni recibían el apoyo para hacerlo. Nos encontramos con muchas mujeres que habían recibido capacitamiento para ser buenas amas de casa. Les habían enseñando pocas destrezas manuales, medios de cocinar y cuidar a sus niños, todo en el modo occidental. Cuando empezamos nuestro trabajo, solo había este tipo de capacitación para las mujeres. Tratamos de corregir esta situación ofreciendo otro tipo de capacitación. Les enseñamos a analizar las condiciones en sus comunidades: ¿Cuál es el papel de la mujer Aymara al nivel local? ¿Cuál es su papel a nivel nacional? Todo este Noticias de Abya Yala �H _ _ _ ______:: autoanálisis demostró a las mujeres que son marginadas. Cuando ellas empiezan a cuestionar sus papeles en la comunidad entonces empiezan a resistir esta marginación y discriminación teniendo la confianza que aunque son mujeres ellas pueden realizar hazañas útiles para el bienestar de su comunidad. CDIMA no trabaja solamente con mujeres. También educamos a los hombres y tratamos de concientizarlos. Antes, trabajábamos solamente con mujeres pero, para cambiar efectivamente la situación, hay que aconsejar a los hombres también. Las mujeres invitaron a sus esposos a las conferencias de CDIMA y ellos empezaron a venir y empezamos a trabajar juntos. Hemos tenido éxito en muchas comunidades con esta estrategia. Es un avance positivo tener hombres y mujeres participando juntos porque es muy crítico que los hombres y mujeres colaboren en la lucha para obtener control de nuestras comunidades. ¿Qué tipo de capacitación recibieron las mujeres? ¿Es posible darnos algunos ejemplos? Inicialmente, las mujeres hablaban sobre sus experiencias: la historia de su pueblo, la participación de la mujer Indígena, todo eso. Esta práctica llegó a ser muy provechosa. Después, empezamos a tratar de organizar a nivel de las bases. Durante varios cursos y actividades, las mujeres eligieron representantes de sus comunidades con el mejor potencial de liderazgo. De las ocho comunidades, cuarenta mujeres fueron escogidas. Trabajamos con esas mujeres dándoles cursos intensivos para ser líderes. La primera cosa que les enseñamos a esas líderes potenciales, fue a dejar su timidez y miedo. Estas mujeres tenían mucho miedo de hablar en público y les ayudamos a aprender esa destreza porque muchas mujeres Indígenas no están acostumbradas a hacer esto. Las tres etapas de nuestro programa son: identificar sus temores, mejorar su auto-estima y confianza para que superen sus temores y finalmente, aplicar esta nueva confianza a sus relaciones personales. Estas tres cosas son fundamentales antes de que una mujer se convierta en un individuo indeVol. 10 No. 4 pendiente e influyente en sus comunidades. Esta es una de las metas de nuestro trabajo. Las cuarenta mujeres ahora están liberadas, facultadas y organizadas para defender y luchar por los derechos de la mujer Aymara. Nuestra organización está dedicada a proporcion¡¡r capacitación y oportunidades educativas para todas las mujeres Aymaras. Es necesario que las mujeres sean capacitadas para asumir posiciones importantes. Si no son capacitadas, no van a participar en el sistema. Otro objetivo de CDIMA es de trabajar con otras organizaciones Indígenas, no solamente con organizaciones Aymaras pero con todo tipo de organizaciones al nivel nacional. Existe un vínculo entre Aymaras y Quechuas y entre distintas organizaciones de mujeres. Manteniendo la comunicación entre estas organizaciones nos permite pensar sobre nuestra situación actual, poniendo en duda y comparándola con otros países de Latinoamérica en relación con la globalización. Trabajando juntos, investigamos problemas económicos creados en estos países y también la destrucción del medio ambiente. En nuestros pueblos, muchas veces no sabemos cuales serán los resultados cuando las grandes compañías vienen con sus maquinas y cortan los bosques. Por ejemplo, muchos bosques han desaparecido antes de que los pueblos Indígenas se dieran cuenta. Pero gracias a que nos estamos organizando y educando podemos defender nuestros derechos y podemos defender a la tierra. También Uds. educan y capacitan a los jóvenes Aymaras para que puedan defender su herencia Indígena. ¿Qué tipo de cursos hay para estos jóvenes? CDIMA ha tenido mucha experiencia trabajando con jóvenes. Como decía antes, por la mayor parte, trabajamos con los dos sectores más· marginados de la sociedad, las mujeres y los jóvenes. Hemos observado en la sociedad Boliviana que estos sectores son completamente olvidados por el gobierno central. En nuestro país el gobierno domina a los jóvenes y los trata como una minoria. Lo que queremos es un espacio para esta minoria dentro de la estructura gubernamental, a nivel nacional e internacional. En primer lugar creemos que los Pueblos Indígenas se deben gobernar ! J A S D E A By A Y A LA así mismos y también estar representados en el Parlamento Boliviano. Ha sido muy importante capacitar a las mujeres adultas porque funcionan como modelos en la sociedad. De tal modo trabajamos con maestras de niños jóvenes porque influyen el futuro de nuestro país y el futuro de los Aymara también. Capacitamos a este sector marginado porque ellos son responsables del futuro de nuestra gente. Hicimos un diagnóstico sobre la situación de la juventud en las comunidades Aymara. En la cultura Aymara, cuando una persona es de cierta edad y aún no esta casada, no se le considera como persona y entonces le llaman "jaque". A causa de esto, los jóvenes se casan y se les exige cargar responsabilidades sin conocimiento o experiencia y son fácilmente manipulados por los diferentes partidos políticos. Por eso es sumamente importante capacitar a este sector. Al principio, los jóvenes (los que tenían 13, l4 o 15 años) huían de nosotros cuando llegábamos a las comunidades. Por eso, cambiamos nuestra metodología. Empezamos a traer pelotas y jugábamos en las canchas y después de algunos juegos les preguntábamos acerca de su papel en la comunidad. Era muy aparente que los jóvenes fueron abandonados. Por eso nos reunimos con las autoridades y los padres de las familias para preguntarles que estaban haciendo para beneficiar a los jóvenes para que pudieran ser hombres y mujeres productivos en el futuro. Descubrimos que, por la mayor parte, los jóvenes fueron considerados como niños, no como gente activa en la comunidad. Hablamos con las comunidades sobre lo que pasa cuando nuestros jóvenes crecen sin recibir ninguna educación o capacitación. Empezamos a organizar clases de bailes y música tradicional para los jóvenes. Les estamos enseñando nuestros cuentos tradicionales. Actualmente, estamos organizando una competencia sobre los cuentos de nuestros ancianos. Los jóvenes que sepan las tradiciones ancestrales y que sepan narrarlas se ganarán un premio. Queremos que sepan el significado de nuestras tradiciones y relatos. A - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - · --·--2-3 �H 1J A S D E B '1 A Y A L A través de estos cursos ayudamos a los jóvenes a conocer su identidad Aymara y a conocer su tierra porque sin saber estas cosas, van a perder su identidad. Si antes les gustaba la música occidental, ahora les gusta su propia música tradicional. Por ejemplo, uno de los jóvenes que asistía a las clases y escuchó la música tradicional dijo, "Esta música es diferente. Siento algo diferente cuando la escucho. Me impresiona. No sé. La música cambia algo dentro de mi. Antes cuando yo la escuchaba no sentía nada. Pero ahora, no sé, me pone triste, melancólico." Experiencias así demuestran que nuestros esfuerzos son exitosos en ayudar a los jóvenes a sentir que nuestra música es suya. Una hazaña notable de CDIMA es que nuestros jóvenes se identifican como Aymaras y como hijos de Aymaras. Estamos orgullosos que ellos se identifiquen como Aymaras. Quisiéramos que los jóvenes asistan a los colegios y a las universidades y busquen trabajos buenos pero que permanezcan Aymara. Queremos que ellos aprendan sobre sus derechos como indígenas y que formen ideas concretas sobre el futuro. Actualmente, tenemos casi treinta jóvenes en algunas comunidades que ahora están desarrollando una propuesta que toca la participación popular al nivel local. Esta propuesta defendería nuestros derechos efectivamente y nos ayudaría a protegernos de la influencia de la globalización. Si no educamos a nuestros niños, van a ser manipulados por otra gente. En nuestras comunidades es necesario defendernos contra varias formas de explotación. Necesitamos defendernos por medio del conocimiento, información e capacitación. Si esto no pasa, los pueblos indígenas van a continuar siendo manipulados, explotados y van a sufrir en las manos del sistema neoliberal del gobierno Boliviano. Los jóvenes, las mujeres y los hombres están formando sus propias ideas para el desarrollo de sus comunidades sin perder su identidad, tradiciones y lengua. Un obstáculo grande para nosotros en el sistema de hoy es que los jóvenes Aymaras no tienen la oportunidad para ser profesionales. Se quedan en sus comunidades o van a las ciudades principales a ser obreros diurnos o asistentes de 24 la gente blanca o mozos o simplemente a ser borrachos. Esta es la vida de los jóvenes Indígenas en las ciudades. Lo que queremos hacer es capacitar a la juventud Aymara para que sean hombres y mujeres importantes, tanto en las ciudades como en sus comunidades. Por causa de nuestros esfuerzos los jóvenes piensan diferente ahora. Quieren ser profesionales. Tiene ganas de ser capacitados. Tienen una mejor educación, más confianza y por eso alcanzan posiciones de poder. Por supuesto, comparado con la población total, este es un pequeño grupo de jóvenes. Incluyendo a los jóvenes ya capacitados y a los que estamos capacitando ahora, hay alrededor de 369 jóvenes en nuestro programa. Queremos que al menos cincuenta porciento de estos jóvenes lleguen a ser profesionales y si no llegan a serlo esperamos que la mayoría ganen empleo influyente en diferentes esferas como dirígentes o directores. También esperamos que obtengan puestos importantes en la esfera pública, que no sean manipulados por A partidos políticos, pero que permanezcan fieles a su ser E que es fundamentalN mente Indígena. e D A ..' '' ' Nuestra meta principal es tener jóvenes Aymaras capacitados como profesionales y en el Parlamento Boliviano dentro de diez años. Hay nuevas posibilidades para que esto pase ya que se han implementado nuevas leyes en Bolivia. Si logran esto, sus metas serían realizadas a nivel gubernamental y ellos estarían dentro de la estructura del poder gubernamental, trabajando para su gente y su país. Esperamos que en diez años al menos diez jóvenes se hayan ingresado al gobierno. Para nosotros y para CDIMA esto sería un gran éxito. Si hubiera más, sería mejor todavía. Ellos pueden ser modelos para los otros jóvenes de la comunidad. Yo creo que es una meta realista porque los treinta jóvenes con que estamos trabajando ahora ya demuestran confianza. ¿Qué mensaje le gustaría dar a los jóvenes Indígenas? A los jóvenes yo les quisiera decir que, en primer lugar, hay que considerar bien lo que le esta pasando a nuestra gente. ¿Cuál es nuestro papel dentro de la sociedad y que es lo que pasa con los jóvenes en nuestros países? ¿Qué dice nuestro gobierno sobre la juventud? Si podemos responder a estas preguntas, tal vez evitaríamos las condiciones en que hoy se encuentra la juventud. Los jóvenes nos permitirán avanzar con nuestras iniciativas y las iniciativas de nuestros antepasados. De tal modo, lo que quiero decir es que necesitamos continuar la lucha. No podemos abandonar nuestra cultura. Como Pueblos Indígenas tenemos que enfrentarnos con la situación y seguir adelante, asegurándonos que nuestra gente y nuestros derechos sean respetados y también que los jóvenes estén educados y capacitados. Con capacitación, es posible llevar a cabo todo lo A 1' M A R AA e que quisiéramos. Si no tenemos conocimiento, información, ni educación no podemos avanzar. Este es el hecho más importante que yo he observado. Cuando los jóvenes estén bien informados y cuando estén conscientes de los que pasa a sus alrededores, ellos podrán reflexionar y proponer idea2.Para mejorar los problemas de su gente.~ Noticias de Abya Yala � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Alicia Canaciri habla con SAIIC sobre la Mujer...: Los Jobenes y la Globalizacion en las Comunidades Indigenas de Bolivia Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Abstract Note Alicia Canaviri talks about training indigenous women and youth to enter professional fields. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 22-24 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/8ee3c0e5883ca82f1cd1bd37a966110a.pdf 291dd01a5f3d000e167909c44ae4ec5e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (25-29).pdf PDF Text Text --------------------------------------------------------------~~E~D~i_O~~A~M~~B i E N T E la Batalla Contra res a rsiste ientras los Ataq es Comu idades Pe uenc e el Co nuan + por: Dorio Jana o edio T ESTE ARTÍCULO HA SIDO REVISADO, EDITADO Y ACTUALIZADO. "¿De qué sirve la luz eléctrica si esta luz viene a iluminar la muerte de una comunidad?" - tomado de una declaración pública por el Concilio de Líderes Indígenas de Chiole (Consejo General de Caciques Chiole) os debates acalorados continúan, mientras Endesa, la más grande y poderosa compañía eléctrica de Chile, planea construir la represa Raleo en el Alto Biobío. Este megaproyecto forma parte de la "Serie Hidroeléctrica del río Biobío" que com- raleza, tierra y Che= pueblo), han habitado la región central de los Andes por varios siglos. Al ser gradualmente exterminados por los constantes conflictos entre los gobiernos de Argentina y Chile, por su oposición a la "delimitación de las fronteras," los Pehuenche fueron expulsados de sus tierras ancestrales y se concentraron en la región del Biobío, junto al río del mismo nombre. Actualmente solo unos 10,000 viven en este accidentado territorio junto a las partes altas del Biobío. Ellos han sobrevivido los ataques armados de las fuerzas coloniales incluyendo al ejército Chileno, así como también décadas de legislaciones asimilistas. Hoy en día, los Pehuenche se enfrentan a la poderosa Endesa, el gigante eléctrico Chileno. prende siete plantas hidroeléctricas independientes, que están siendo construídas en un estilo escalonado en la parte alta del río Biobío, en. donde habitan siete comunidades Pehuenche. Los "Pehuenche," cuyo nombre quiere decir pueblo de la tierra (Pehuen = natuVol. 10 No. 4 El río Biobío y su cuenca acuática es incuestionablemente, en lo cultural como en lo ecológico, una de las bio-regiones Chilenas más importantes. El Biobío se origina en los lagos de lcalma y Galletue en los altos Andes y baja hasta el mar. Tiene una longitud de más de 400 Kilómetros y cuenta con aproximadamente unos 15,000 tributarios o deriva- dos. Su curso se divide en dos caminos: el "Alto Biobío," que toma una compleja ruta a través de las partes más accidentadas de la cordillera de los Andes, y el "Bajo Biobío," que corre por el valle central, es más ancho y más caudaloso que el Alto. Sin embargo, el Bajo Biobío está gravemente contaminado por los deshechos industriales, deshechos de madera, petroquímicos, pesquería y las aguas negras de más de 100 pueblos y ciudades. El área del Gólfo de Arauco, que se ha transformado en un depósito de aguas negras, ha sido considerado por el estado El autor ha hecho estudios del medio ambiente y actualmente persigue un grado en Ciencias del Medio Ambiente en Berlín, Alemania. El ha convivido con las comunidades Pehuenche del Alto Biobío y ha participado activamente en el Grupo de Acción por el Biobío (GABB), así como en debates con el gobierno y la comunidad nacional sobre las implicaciones y el impacto de los proyectos propuestos por Endesa G.a Corporación Eléctrica Nacional) en el Alto Biobío. Actualmente trabaja en Berlín, organizando debates y escribiendo artículos sobre el tema. ···--·-··--------------------- ----- - - - - - - ----=-=- 25 �E O 1 O AMBIENTE ------~ y por grupos ambientales internacionales como una "Zona de Catástrofe Natural." De un millón de personas que dependen de las aguas del Biobío, unas 500,000 beben directamente de sus aguas. El Megacomplejo Hidroeléctrico resulta ser una amenaza para la salud y las vidas de cientos de miles de personas que dependen del río. Yuraszeck Troricoso, también presidente de Endesa y de Pangue S.A. creó de esta forma el monopolio de la empresa que controla el 87% de la electricidad de Chile, la cual, es también propietaria de SIC, la entera red eléctrica del país (Sistema Inter-conectado Central). A finales de 1989, Endesa creó algu- marzo de 1997, a pesar del descontento público masivo y la controversia que envuelve el proyecto. Desde 1950, Endesa ha estudiado el río Biobío, lentamente acumulando estudios y reportes para apoyar sus argumentos sobre la idea de que Chile se podría Orígenes del Proyecto A partir del golpe de estado de 1973, los modelos económicos del mercado liberal se han venido implementando con énfasis en la privatización de las empresas estatales y la extracción de recursos naturales para su exportación. En este nuevo ambiente, empezaron a surgir algunos grupos de "clase alta" que ganaron y establecieron su influencia económica, sobre toda la economía Chilena, concentrándose en actividades tales como comunicaciones, minería, explotación de bosques, construcción e industrias energéticas. Junto a este fenómeno, un gran sector de la población pasó a ser la "clase baja," inmigrando en forma incrementada hacia las ciudades del país, abandonando las zonas rurales. Con este nuevo ambiente económico, la energía pasó a ser la prioridad para el gobierno, mismo que empezó a hacer grandes inversiones en la construcción de plantas hidroeléctricas. No obstante, dadas las tasas actuales de inversión, los recursos naturales para sostener la industria hidroeléctrica podrían agotarse en el año 2020. La sección del Biobío designada para los proyectos es una de las que más ha contribuido a la economía nacional, a través de sus recursos naturales, a pesar de ello y paradójicamente. Cuando Endesa finalizó su proceso de privatización en 1988 (bajo el régimen dictatorial de Pinochet), la mayoría de sus accionistas se componía de personal militar y de clase alta. De acuerdo a un oficial del estado, las operaciones le causaron pérdidas al país que se calculan alrededor de los mil millones de dólares, con una subsecuente deuda cercana a los seiscientos millones de dólares. La mega-corporación actualmente se concentra en Enersis (Grupo Eléctrico), el segundo y más poderoso grupo económico del país, el cual a su vez controla Chilectra, uno de los distribuidores de electricidad en Chile. El director de Enersis, José 26 nas filiales para aparecer un poco menos amenazante dentro de la industria eléctrica. Pangue S.A. es una de las "hijas de la compañía" con un enfoque en la materialización de las plantas de poder hidroeléctrico en el Alto Biobío. Endesa ha concebido una masiva interconexión de plantas hidroeléctricas de gran escala y las ha estado diseñando desde los años 60's. Los siete proyectos combinados anegarían cerca de 26 mil hectáreas de rio, 35 mil hectáreas de bosque nativo y desplazarían unos lO mil habitantes Indígenas de las comunidades MapuchePehuenche. Las decisiones sobre la construcción de la planta Raleo son tomadas no solo por Pangue S.A., pero por Endesa junto con el gobierno Chileno. Estos planes se están llevando a cabo sin consultar al pueblo Chileno, las comunidades regionales o el pueblo Pehuenche, quienes son los más gravemente afectados por estos mega-proyectos. la Planta Pangue La planta Pangue, la primera de la serie propuesta, fue inaugurada el 6 de beneficiar con la construcción de las represas a lo largo del río. La energía generada por los proyectos sería consumida primordialmente por las ciudades de Valparaíso y Santiago, localizadas a unos 500 kilómetros al norte, además, Endesa contempla la posibilidad de expandir la venta de energía a Argentina. La primera planta de energía es el complejo Pangue (seguido de Raleo, Huequecura y Aguas Blancas, otras que están siendo estudiadas son Quintraman, Ranquil, y Queuco) que anegó unas 500 hectáreas ocupadas (hasta hace unos pocos meses) por las comunidades Indígenas de Callaqui, Pitril y Quepuca-Ralco. Estas fueron forzadas a abandonar sus tierras ancestrales sin ninguna compensación, y ahora no tienen ningún acceso directo ·al río o al Bosque de Araucaria, lugar tradicional de cultivo de la fruta del mismo nombre. De acuerdo al Grupo de Acción por el Biobío (GABB), una ONG Chilena, la tierra Pehuenche que quedó en las riberas del lago artificial formado por la contención de agua del Biobío, ahora son terrenos de la propiedad de la compañía. La destrucción ambiental del proyecNoticias de Abya Yala �-----------------------------------------------------------------~~E~D~I~O~_~A~M~~B~I_E_N T E _____ to Pangue es severa, y muy probable- crédito de la Corporación Financiera mente será igual en el caso del proyecto Internacional (International Financia! Raleo. Debido a lo irregular de las corri- Corporation, IFC) y del Banco Mundial, entes del Biobío, la calidad del agua que con un monto de 150 millones de dólares entra y sale de la presa se ha alterado Americanos. Otros prestamos provienen drásticamente. Se dañan las formaciones de Suecia y Noruega, los cuales se calcubiológicas en las riberas del río, el clima lan alrededor de los 35 millones de circundante, así como las micro y macro dólares americanos. Los convenios credactividades biológicas que ocurren en el iticios contienen estipulaciones para la área. Seis especies de peces (conocidas protección del pueblo Pehuenche y el solamente en esta área) no se van a poder medio ambiente del área. adaptar al nuevo medio ambiente, y por lo tanto, se les empujará a la extinción. En noviembre de 1995, GABB (Grupo Los estudios de impacto del medio ambi- de Acción por el Biobío) le pidió al panel ente, independientes a los realizados por independiente del Banco Mundial que Pangue S.A., demuestran que 192 investigara sus acusaciones de que IFC especies de pájaros, 24 mamíferos, 9 había violado los acuerdos del crédito. anfibios, y 8 reptiles van a lAS Después de reclamar inmusufrir impactos ecológicos negIMPliCACIONES nidad del panel investigador, at1vos a consecuenCla del , el banco finalmente accedió a SOCIAlES MAS evaluar la situación. El año proyecto. Así mismo, la aneSERIAS DE lA pasado, el antropólogo de la gación y el drenaje alterno de la presa para crear "energía de HIDROELÉCTRICA Universidad de Arizona, pico" van a causar erosión, Theodore Downing introdujo su crítico reporte sobre las afectando las vías fluviales de PANGUE, Y PROPUESTA medidas de reubicación de las las regiones bajas, alterando el PlANTA RALCO, comunidades Pehuenche, monto de las aguas del manantial disponible, y el nivel de los ESTÁN REPRESEN- reprobando el pobre trato que canales acuáticos utilizados la compañía ha dado a los lADAS POR LA Pehuenche durante la toncomo vías de transporte. El clima también va a ser trastor- LENTA DESTRUC- strucción de la represa CUL- Pangue. El ex-director de la nado por ambos proyectos, CIÓN DE con una humedad incrementa- JURA PEHUENCHE Unión Mundial de da que afectará a tan solo lO Conservación, ]ay Hair, comkilómetros de distancia de la DEL AlTO BIOBÍO. pletó un estudio de 379 págiplanta hidroeléctrica Pangue. Los estu- nas sobre las violaciones ambientales y dios conducidos por Pangue S.A. con- sociales causadas por la construcción de cluyen que no existe peligro alguno para la represa. Se dice que el estudio de Hair las plantas hidroeléctricas, puesto que declara que las violaciones ambientales han sido diseñadas para soportar los efec- son aún más graves que los alegatos de tos de una erupción. GABB que dieron origen a las investigaciones. Se calcula que los efectos ecológicos de la planta Raleo van a ser igualmente Después de revisar los dos reportes devastadores. Se predice que cerca de independientes que investigaron "el com3,400 hectáreas de bosque virgen será portamiento del IFC, y su cumplimiento inundado afectando negativamente el con los estándares ambientalistas y 45% de la fauna y el 60% de la flora de la sociales del Banco Mundial," el Presidente del Banco Mundial, james Wolfensohn, región. condenó a Endesa por "lo poco construcEl contenido fluvial de la represa tivo del cumplimiento de sus obligaPangue sobrepasa los 175 millones de ciones ambientales y sociales." Una vez el metros cúbicos de agua, con una capaci- rumor de que Wolfensohn había amedad de generación de 450 megawatts. El nazado con declarar públicamente que costo de la hidroeléctrica es superior a los Endesa era culpable de haber violado los 4 70 millones, una parte de este costo está acuerdos de inversión, Pangue S.A. pagó siendo pagada por Endesa ($190 millones rápidamente sus prestamos al IFC para de dólares Americanos). El resto del evitar cualquier implicación, con las viofinanciamiento viene del sistema bancar- laciones de las condiciones sociales y io internacional, como por ejemplo, un ambientales de crédito que se alegaban en Vol. 10 No. 4 su contra. Mediante el pago de sus préstamos, se autoabsolvían de la responsabilidad de cumplir cualquiera de las estipulaciones a las que se hubieran comprometido, cuando prestaron los fondos de la filial del sector privado del Banco Mundial, y de otras instituciones Europeas. La compañía alega que se cambió al Banco de Dresder porque estos últimos ofrecen tasas de interés más bajas. Las implicaciones sociales más serias de la hidroeléctrica Pangue, y de la propuesta planta Raleo, están representadas por la lenta destrucción de la cultura Pehuenche del Alto Biobío. La construcción de caminos de acceso a las plantas de poder van a permitir la entrada de las industrias madereras a los pocos bosques vírgenes que quedan en el área. La construcción de puentes, la instalación de cables y cercas de alambre (para "proteger" las plantas eléctricas) son responsables de la muerte de la ya limitada fauna, y en algunos casos incluso han quitado la vida a seres humanos. La inmigración masiva de trabajadores hacia estas tierras está teniendo un impacto negativo sobre las comunidades Pehuenche. La pérdida de acceso a los territorios que circundan el Biobío va a limitar su habilidad de cultivo y la accesibilidad a sus tierras sagradas en donde hacen sus ceremonias y entierran a sus muertos. Todo esto con lleva severas repercusiones para la cultura y las tradiciones Pehuenche. Lo peor de todo es que su falta de habilidad para encontrar trabajo, o para obtener una justa compensación por el daño causado por la planta hidroeléctrica, está dividiendo a sus comunidades. No obstante, se ha venido presionando para que Pangue S.A. haga una serie de compromisos con el pueblo Pehuenche. Dentro de las mismas está la contratación de 1200 Pehuenches (como trabajadores temporales), y más a la medida que se necesiten, hasta que la construcción se termine. Otro proyecto incluye una "Estación Ecológica" que va a "revertir" el daño ecológico causado por la Represa Pangue, y la "Fundación Pehuen" que está a cargo de mejorar sus condiciones de vida y el reforzamiento de la herencia cultural del pueblo Pehuenche. La Fundación Pehuen está constituida por una junta directiva compuesta por tres representantes del pueblo Pehuenche, y cuatro representantes de la 27 �E D ._O:__~Ac_ M B 1 E N T E compama. La compañía escoge a los tres representantes Pehuenche, un número que no es representativo de la población que está siendo afectada por la construcción de la represa. En este sentido, los lonkos (caciques o líderes Indígenas) de la región han acusado a la Fundación Pehuen, junto a los otros programas iniciados por Pangue S.A., de ser el vehículo por medio del cual, la compañía está sobornando al pueblo Pehuenche. La función principal de la Fundación hasta el momento, ha sido el subsidio del 60-80% de la compra de los productos de consumo básico del pueblo Pehuenche, a cambio de su firma de aprobación, haciéndolos "socios" del proyecto. Es interesante anotar que a la Corporación Financiera Internacional (IFC), se le presentaron listados de fírmas como "prueba de la aprobación del pueblo Pehuenche" para la construcción de la represa . Sobre todo, la Fundación Pehuen no reconoce la existencia del proyecto Raleo, mismo que afecta alrededor de 500 habitantes Mapuche-Pehuenche de las regiones Quepuca-Ralco y Ralco-Lepy, y que anega 5,597 hectáreas, enfatizando que la represa Raleo "no cuenta con el apoyo financiero de Pangue S.A." No obstante, dichas declaraciones son falsas, puesto que Pangue S.A. le da más del O.l% de sus ganancias (más de 120,000 dólares Americanos) cada año, y que dicho monto se ha incrementado a un 0.3% este año. La compañía ha inventado un lema: "represas o pobreza," imponiendo la idea que sin la represa no habrá otras oportunidades de desarrollo económico para el pueblo Pehuenche, para elevar su nivel de vida en el futuro. A pesar de su propaganda, la Fundación solo pretende ayudar al pueblo Pehuenche. Desde que se creó el verdadero motivo de la Fundación ha sido engañar y amenazar con desplazar a la comunidad Puehuenche, lo cual es una violación de la reciente Ley Indígena. las Comunidades Pehuem::he y su Ardua Oposición Desde 1989, las comunidades Pehuenche del Biobio han venido expresando su oposición a la construcción de represas en el Alto Biobío, a través de audiencias públicas, visitas a organizaciones ambientalistas, sociales, tanto a nivel 28 local como regional. Desafortunadamente Eduardo Freí está ignorando las demansus esfuerzos, aunque con mucha deter- das del pueblo Pehuenche, quienes ya minación, han tenido poco éxito. Las rechazaron las tierras que les fueron ofresiete comunidades aledañas al Biobío han cidas como compensación por su reubicoordinado sus esfuerzos a través del cación -tierras que ya habían sido comGrupo de Acción para el Biobío (GABB). pradas por Pangue S.A. mucho antes de Este grupo de activistas ha sido muy obtener el permiso del gobierno para inielocuente en su lucha contra la construc- ciar el proyecto Raleo. En agosto de 1995, ción de las presas, estudiando y analizan- el GABB presentó un documento firmado do los daños causados por los proyectos, por 300 Pehuenches, expresando su clamando por el apoyo internacional para oposición a la construcción de la planta las comunidades Indígenas y la biodiver- Raleo, demandando (1) El reconocimiensidad de la región. Su logro mas grande to de sus tierras como está estipulado en tuvo lugar en septiembre de 1992, cuan- el artículo 13, y el derecho de los do GABB presentó una Indígenas a participar en la demanda por daños causados " ... NO SALDREMOS toma de decisiones que AUNQUE. lOS por Pangue S.A., mediante un afecten sus vidas como lo documento con más de 3,000 estipula el artículo 34; (2) ENDE.SA NOS firmas. El 22 de junio de La salida inmediata de OFREZCAN Y Endesa de las comunidades 1993, la corte decidió que es PORQUE LA TIERRA Quepuca-Raleo y Raleoilegal cambiar el curso del Biobío, secar el Biobío, usar ES NUESTRA, Lepoy; (3) que la Fundación de sus escapes de agua o ane- uuo•11ur NACIMOS Y Pehuen sea conformada en gar un área en particular. Sin su totalidad por Pehuenche CRECIMOS ..." embargo, Pangue de S.A. miembros, electos por sus argumentó que era muy difícil detener la propias comunidades; (4) que los fondos construcción en esos momentos debido a dados por Pangue S.A. a la Fundación los contractos de trabajo que ya se habían Pehuen sean incrementados del 0.3% al1 %. firmado con los trabajadores. Al día siguente, Endesa presentó su apelación a Las comunidades Quepuca-Raleo, la Corte Suprema de justicia de Santiago, Cauoicu, Callaqui y Malla Malla presencuestionando la veracidad de los hechos taron un documento en el que expresapresentados por GABB. Al mismo tiempo, ban su rechazo al proyecto Raleo y su Endesa conjuntamente con el gobierno, frustración con respecto a la falta de atenamenazaron con incrementar los precios ción gubernamental. Dicho documento de la electricidad si el proyecto Pangue no decía entre otras cosas que "hemos conse completaba. Dos meses más tarde, la testado muchas veces que no queremos la Corte Suprema revirtió la decisión anteri- presa Raleo y nos oponemos a su conor, argumentando que en ese momento strucción. Queremos que las autoridades no había forma de determinar cuáles nos escuchen y consideren nuestra podrían ser las consecuencias de la con- opinión. Nos oponemos porque La strucción de la represa. Central Raleo nos afecta a todos como Indígenas Pehuenche del Alto Biobío ... Una vez completada la planta Pangue, sabemos que este problema, las siete Endesa continúa con sus planes de un represas que se quieren construir, preocuproyecto hidroeléctrico subsecuente. pa a todas las comunidades Indígenas en Nuevamente las comunidades Indígenas el país. No queremos injusticias con se oponen fuertemente a un proyecto, nuestras comuLA COMPAÑÍA cuyas consecuencias constituyen una vio- nidades porque si lación a los Derechos Económicos, llegan a hacer ese HA INVENTADO Sociales y Culturales, así como al Artículo lago, el gran volcán UN lEMA: lro. de la Constitución Chilena. En esta con su poder se enooportunidad ellos están usando su expe- jar y se reventar para "REPRESAS O riencia previa y las leyes Indígenas y del hacer justicia y de POBREZA," Medio Ambiente para defenderse. Su Raleo no quedar desalojo, como la ocupación de Endesa nada, porque el volcán tiene la ley más de su territorio, es una violación de la Ley grande para castigar con fuego, saldría Indígena de Desarrollo de 1992. agua y cenizCJ caliente si se enoja y el volcán no se calmar aunque le amontonen la A pesar de ello, el gobierno de plata. Las compensaciones que se nos Noticias de Abya Yala �E D 1 O ofrece no pueden ser 20 hectáreas, 80 sacos de harina, esto no va a durar toda la vida, no va a alcanzar para nuestros hijos y ellos quedaran sufriendo. Nosotros decimos a CONAMA que no nos iremos de nuestras tierras, no saldremos aunque los de ENDESA nos ofrezcan plata y porque la tierra es nuestra, donde nacimos y crecimos ... Estamos cansados de hacer esta demanda y no cambia nada. Nosotros, como dirigentes y lonkos del Alto Biobío, vamos a tomar la iniciativa para que las cosas cambien porque no es justo lo que están haciendo con nosotros. Estamos conformes con nuestras palabras y queremos que el gobierno nos escuche." En esta batalla Raleo, el Presidente Frei esta abiertamente del lado de los gigantes industriales. Mauricio Huenchulaf, el director de CONADI (Comisión Nacional de Desarrollo Indígena), declaró que Raleo violaba la Ley Indígena de Desarrollo de 1992, la cual fue establecida para proteger y promover las culturas Indígenas y para ayudar es su desarrollo autodeterrninado. La ley le garantiza a las comunidades étnicas la posesión de sus tierras y autoriza al director de CONADI el inicio de procedimientos legales para impedir la destrucción o canje de dichas tierras. Por oponerse a la construcción de Raleo y cuestionar su legalidad, el señor Huenchulaf fue relevado de su cargo. El director de CONADI se ha convertido en un obstáculo que impide la implementación de una política económica. Las políticas de línea dura de Frei se hacen más aparentes en la medida que la controversia continúa. Además, el gobierno Chileno parece estar buscando una forma sutil para eliminar a Domingo Namuncura, en nuevo director de CONADI, debido a su posición en el asunto. Ellos están actuando de una manera muy cautelosa para no provocar el descontento público. Actualización Vivianne Blancot, la Directora Ejecutiva de la Comisión Nacional del Medio Ambiente, (CONAMA), ha declarado que el plan de reubicación de Endesa "está bien hecho y garantiza que, en cualquiera de las circunstancias, las comunidades Pehuenche tendrían un mejor estándar de vida con el proyecto." Las tierras otorgadas como compensación a las comunidades afectadas por Pangue Vol. 10 No. 4 no fueron de la misma calidad, en ninguna forma mejoraron las condiciones de vida de ninguna familia Pehuenche. Después de una visita a principios de agosto a los terrenos de El Barco (la tierra ofrecido por Endesa a las comunidades indígenas del Alto Biobío para ser relocalizadas) el director de CONADI declaró que dicho territorio presenta condiciones absolutamente inhóspitas. Debido a condiciones climatológicas adversas, el equipo explorador no pudo ni siquiera llegar a la propiedad. El hecho de que sus vehículos se atascaran, además de la cantidad de nieve, les dió una prueba de "las dificultades que el área representa para la vida normal y corriente." AMBIENTE energía solar, geotérrnica y de las mareas, y mediante la creación de mini-plantas de poder capaces de generar suficiente electricidad para satisfacer la demanda local. El enfoque debe de colocarse en la planificación del uso de la energía, dirigiéndola a donde más se necesita, con énfasis en la protección del medio ambiente. El usar nuestros recursos de una manera sostenible ayudará a las naciones a recuperar el balance perdido. Parte de este balance con la naturaleza es el respeto hacia el pueblo Pehuenche y su cultura, dándoles así la oportunidad de vivir sus vidas sin perder su cultura. Uno de los más grandes logros hacia este balance ha sido la creación de la Ley Indígena que ha estado en efecto por más Alternativas para Pangue y Raleo de dos años, misma que nos da la esperPangue y Raleo son un claro ejemplo anza de que las comunidades Indígenas del verdadero costo social, ambiental y van a tener la oportunidad de vivir sus económico de hidroeléctricas a gran vidas con dignidad y justicia. La ley le escala. Su impacto sería incalculable. El otorga a los Indígenas la oportunidad de costo humano y ambiental y las repercu- asumir un papel activo en el desarrollo de siones de estas grandes presas nunca se proyectos en estas áreas. Tales como recuperarían: el embate a la biodiversi- proyectos agrícolas y de pastizaje, así dad, los cambios climatológi- MEDIANTE EL USO como proyectos de artesanía cos, la inundación de tierras DE LOS RECURSOS en madera. El pueblo que más tarde es golpeada por NATURALES MAS Pehuenche puede particip~r sequías. Si acaso es posible para en la productiVIdad del pms los seres humanos aprender del EFICI,ENTEMENTE, mientras genera un ingreso pasado, deberíamos de considPAISES COMO para sí mismo. El ecoturismo erar a las grandes represas, con se ha sugerido como otra el daño que estas han causado CONTINUAR SU alternativa. El economista mundialmente, como una tecCRECIMIENTO Michael Nelson ha señalado nología obsoleta a la que los ECONÓMICO SIN que en el futuro, las áreas bancos de desarrollo deberían APOYARSE EN aledañas al Biobío podría dar dejar de subsidiar. TECNOLOGÍAS unos $45 millones de DESTRUCTIVAS. dólares al año a la economía Por supuesto existen alternacional. nativas para el anegamiento, el genocidio El desarrollo del pueblo Pehuenche de comunidades enteras y la destrucción del ecosistema que rodea el Biobío. no depende de la construcción de Mediante el uso de los recursos naturales hidroeléctricas junto al Biobío, como mas eficientemente, países como Chile tampoco la productividad de Chile pueden continuar su cree1m1ento debería de depender de ellas para su crececonómico sin apoyarse en tecnologías imiento económico. Los Pehuenche no destructivas. Lo principal en este nuevo están sólos en esta lucha puesto que el método de planificación es la educación IFC y el Banco Mundial han financiado popular para entender el precio que proyectos que violan los derechos de envolverá la creación de represas, junto a comunidades Indígenas alrededor del un gobierno que esté dispuesto a adju- mundo en nombre del "desarrollo." Las dicar recursos eficientemente, al mismo ganancias a corto plazo deben de ser tiempo que controla la generación, dis- sopesadas contra las repercusiones a largo tribución y uso de electricidad de una plazo de proyectos dañinos de tal magnimanera inteligente. Por ejemplo, mejo- tud. Chile debería investigar energías alterrando la actual combustión de energía, nativas que tomen en cuenta tanto la diverlos motores eléctricos y el alumbrado, a sidad social como la ambiental, y el potentravés del uso de alternativas como la cial de sostenibilidad de las mismas. ~ 29 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource El Alto Biobio de Chile: La Batalla Contra la Represa Hidroelectrica Ralco Persiste Mientras los Ataques Contra las Comunidades Pehuenche y el Medio Ambiente Continuan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Author Dario Jana Abstract Note Indigenous communities along the Biobio River are fighting to prevent the building of dams along the river that threaten to displace them and alter the surrounding environment. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 25-29 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/5b7bc8773998f8a7fe8999a37a697bb0.pdf 0e306ae33d4981290d34c37edaf0afd1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (30-31).pdf PDF Text Text E D 1 ,O A M B 1 E N_T_E_ _ _ _ _ __ 1 11 ezu l 14 de mayo de 1997 el gobierno venezolano aprobó el decreto presidencial 1850, por medio del cual se regula el uso de la reserva forestal del Imataca. La reserva será repartida entre las compañías mineras y madereras, con el objeto de industrializar la región. Se ha planeado una infraestructura elaborada para la explotación, la industrialización y la comercialización de los recursos naturales de la reserva. El Imataca abarca 3 millones y medio de hectáreas, equivalente al tamaño de Holanda. Es una región rica en biodiversidad, recursos genéticos, agua, energía y minerales como oro, diamantes, mineral de hierro, bauxita (la fuente principal de aluminio), magnesio y otros más. Los antiguos bosques también son el hogar de cuatro pueblos Indígenas- los Warao, los Kariña, los Arawako y los Pemón. Se sabe desde hace tiempo que la protección y la preservación de este región debe ser una prioridad nacional. El "Plan de Ordenamiento" y la regulación del uso de la reserva Imataca sin duda tendrá serios efectos negativos sobre esta selva tropical, sobre los pueblos Indígenas que allí viven, así como sobre el frágil ecosistema de la región. Los pueblos Indígenas se convertirán en prisioneros dentro de sus propios territorios como resultado de esta decisión presidencial. El plan de ordenamiento sancionado a través del decreto presidencial 1850 explícitamente impide la expansión de sus actividades tradicionales de subsistencia. Ignora además 30 los derechos de los pueblos Indígenas sobre su territorio, a pesar de haber vivido allí por siglos, en armonía con el medio ambiente. Con el rompimiento de sus derechos humanos fundamentales y territoriales, el trato a los pueblos Indígenas es vergonzosamente deficiente. Los planes propuestos destacan claramente que a estas comunidades solo se les considera como valiosas atracciones turísticas o como fuentes de mano de obra para los futuros proyectos de desarrollo. Si los 3 millones hectáreas se usan para actividades comerciales como está planeado, los efectos sobre la Reserva Forestal del Imataca serán devastadores. A causa de los contratos con mineros y comerciantes de madera, grandes secciones de la reserva serán deforestadas, promoviendo la erosión. Los ríos de la región serán contaminados y mucha de la flora y fauna será destruída debido a la presencia de la industría. La ratificación del Decreto Presidencial1850 ha violada una serie de leyes y convenios nacionales y internacionales. El fracaso de la prometida consulta popular resalta la manipulación de intereses y la explotación de la riqueza natural de la selva para el beneficio de una minoría. El 7 de mayo, el gobierno convocó a una reunión para presentar este plan al público, como lo estable'cen las leyes venezolanas. Desafortunadamente, la mayoría de los presentes recibieron el documento el día anterior. Se decidió que los participantes en la consulta podían presentar sus opiniones hasta el 30 de mayo. Sin embargo, el Consejo de Ministros aprobó el plan el 14 de mayo burlándose de los procesos democráticos. Irónicamente, en un comunicado de prensa del año pasado el Vice-Ministro Noticias de Abya Yala �M del Medioambiente, Luis Castro, había por anunciado orgullosamente que primera vez el Ministro del Ambiente esta abriendo el proceso de consulta popular para que las personas y organizaciones interesadas en las ramificaciones ecológicas (de los proyectos) puedan escuchar la presentación del instrumento, dar su opinión y planear sus respuestas/observaciones." Aparte de ser considerado "grave" y "deplorable'" el proceso de consulta popular llevado a cabo por el gobierno viola cinco artículos de la Ley Orgánica de la Ordenanza de Territorio, la cual brinda al público el derecho de ser informado y consultado acerca de asuntos pertinentes a este región. El Decreto Presidencial 1850 también viola dos leyes nacionales, donde se exige la aprobación del Congreso Nacional para cualquier proyecto que afecta el territorio nacional, incluyendo las reservas forestales. Según la Ley Forestal de Suelos y Aguas, no es permitido colonizar o transferir las reservas forestales sin la aprobación y la autorización del Congreso de la República. Sin embargo, el plan establece un cambio fundamental en el uso de la reserva de Imataca, y el otorgamiento de grandes concesiones mineras, sin la autorización del Congreso Nacional. El decreto también viola varias leyes internacionales y convenios, firmados por Venezuela y ratificadas por el Congreso Nacional, entre ellas la Convención Washington de 1941 sobre la protección de la flora, fauna, y belleza natural de las Américas; el Convenio sobre Biodiversidad; la Convención sobre el Cambio Climático; el cumplimiento de la Agenda 21, el plan de acción mundial patrocinado por Venezuela en la Cumbre Mundial de 1992 sobre el Medioambiente en Río de janeiro, y la Convención ILO 107 sobre la protección de pueblos Indígenas. También ignora leyes domésticas correspondientes a los derechos territoriales y otros derechos fundamentales de los pueblos Indígenas. Además de estas irregularidades y violaciones, el plan esta creando controversia dentro del sector profesional de la nación. El gobierno dice que la información sobre del impacto ambiental fue obtenido con la asistencia del profesorado de la Facultad de Ciencias Forestales y Ambientales de la Universidad de los Andes. La Universidad niega haber estado involucrada, y declara que el plan esta basado en una interpretación equivocada de su trabajo. Las inspecciones gubernamentales incluyen evaluaciones a escala de 1:250,000 de la Reserva Imataca. Según la Universidad de los Andes, esta investigación miópica no puede proveer información adecuada sobre la mayoría del ecosistema en la región. El 14 de junio el profesorado aprobó una declaración que solicita al Presidente de la República la revocatoria del Decreto 1850. Se han presentado además otras denuncias formales del plan por políticos, académicos y más de veinte grupos ecologistas venezolanos. El decreto 1850 ha causado muchas protestas en el país. La Iglesia cree que el plan para Imataca creará la degradación medioambiental, y que no reconoce los derechos de los pueblos Indígenas. Algunos miembros del Congreso Nacional consideran al decreto como un medio para legalizar la destrucción del Imataca. Según un ex-Gobernador del estado de Bolívar, donde se encuentra la mayoría de la reserva, el decreto 1850 contiene problemas técnicos, legales y policiales. El Partido Social Cristiano de Venezuela (COPEI) ha instado al gobierno a que modifique el decreto, alegando que no represente el interés de la mayoría de la población, y les recuerdan que el consejo de ministros no tiene derecho para decidir sobre el uso de territorio nacional. COPEI solicita que el gobierno estudie la riqueza real de la reserva ecológica, las comunidades Indígenas y la biodiversidad. Algunos científicos han solicitado la derogación del Decreto 1850, crear limites a la minería y llevar a cabo una investigación actualizada para obtener una idea realista de los efectos del plan. A pesar de las protestas públicas, el Presidente Caldera ha dicho que la apertura de la reserva forestal del Imataca a la minería y la explotación de maderas representa el deseo de la población. Un ministro dijo que el plan es la continuación de la política del gobierno venezolano de "rescatar la reserva Imataca", de los mineros ilegales, quienes serían la principal amenaza sobre el territorio.~ E D 1 o AMBIENTE Actualización Hasta mediados de 1996, el Ministerio del Ambiente había estado en contra de las actividades mineras en la reserva. Pero finalmente cedió a la presión. Para finales de 1996 el ministerio acuerda designar 300,000 hectáreas de la reserva para la minería, argumentando que esta esquina de la reserva ya se había perdido a la minería ilegal. Pero con un cambio de ministro a inicios de este año, el plan de ordenamiento fue modificado para aumentar el área dedicada a la minería, de 300,000 hectáreas, menos del10 por ciento de la reserva, a 1.4 millones hectáreas, alrededor de 40 por ciento del área en total. La Corte Suprema de justicia han recibido tres peticiones diferentes para la nulidad del Decreto Presidencial 1850. El primero fue introducido por grupos ambientalistas y por el Colegio de Sociólogos y Antropólogos de Venezuela .. El segundo por la Comisión de Ambiente y Ordenación del territorio de la Cámara de Diputados del Congreso Nacional. La tercera por la Federación de Pueblos Indígenas del área afectada. La Corte Suprema de Justicia le ha ordenado al Poder Ejecutivo que se abstenga de entregar nuevas concesiones mineras en Imataca, mientras que no decida sobre la legalidad o nulidad del Decreto Presidencial que ampara esta actividad en ese lugar. La Presidente de la Corte Suprema dijo que este fallo precautelativo tiene el propósito de impedir daños irreparables a la reserva y a sus habitantes. El fallo final de la Corte deberá pronunciarse en 2 ó 3 meses. La decisión de la Corte Suprema prohibe la repartición de concesiones mineras, u otras formas de autorización para explorar o explotar los minerales en la reserva del Imataca, amparadas en el Decreto 1850 como marco legal. Sin embargo, Jorge Carvajal, el Gobernador del estado de Bolívar, quien tiene jurisdicción sobre un amplio porcentaje de Continúa en la página 38 ---- Vol. 10 No. 4 31 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Destruccion de la Reserva Forestal- Imataca: Venezuela Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Abstract Note Oil and lumber concessions in the Imataca Forest Reserve are being opposed by indigenous groups. The government's granting of these concessions violates two national laws. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 30-31 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/b4a6659989a742240068d01165bbbb9f.pdf 27197619048899123a46587b190b0e0b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (32-34).pdf PDF Text Text DERECHOS H U M A N O S o G) ::J u ::J ¡;,. u ~ z L o o_ ti ·~ o_ ~ urante las últimas décadas, los Pueblos Indígenas han podido impactar las decisiones de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, ONU creando sus propios espacios. Estos espacios dentro del sistema de la ONU han permitido a los representantes de los Pueblos Indígenas a participar en los procesos de decisiones, en lugar de ser sólo objetos de discusión. Uno de los cambios más importantes fue en los años 60s, cuando los Pueblos Indígenas empezaron a organizarse y empezaron a expresar su firmeza por sus derechos de autodeterminación. En los años 70's, con el apoyo de algunas organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONGs), y la organización de conferencias internacionales, los pueblos Indígenas fortalecieron el movimiento Indígena para luchar por sus derechos fundamentales. La Conferencia Internacional de las ONGs sobre la Discriminación en contra de los Pueblos Indígenas en las Américas 32 en 1977, organizado por la ONG, Subcomité sobre el Racismo. Discriminación Racial, y Colonialismo, fue un punto de cambio entre las Naciones Unidas. Como resultado los representantes Indígenas aprendieron que existen varios caminos para tener acceso a los departamentos de la ONU y sus reclamos se empezaron a tomar en serio. La legislación de la ONU permite a las ONGs crear espacios dentro del sistema de la ONU, especialmente dentro del sistema del Consejo Económico y Social (ECOSOC). Pero, los gobiernos nacionales miembros del ECOSOC, tienen que autorizar el estatus consultivo de las ONGs. Hasta ahora, según el Consejo de Trados Indios, CITI existen doce organizaciones Indígenas que han logrado esta relación consultiva con el ECOSOC. Debido a que estas ONGs no cuentan con representantes de los gobiernos nacionales, los gobiernos se sienten amenazados por la influencia que estas organizaciones puedan tener. Como resultado, los gobiernos nacionales ml.:\y pocas veces permiten que las ONGs Indígenas obtengan este estatus consultivo por lo que les es casi imposible partic- ipar en las actividades del ECOSOC. Las organizaciones ~Indígenas también pueden tener acceso a la ONU, si son representados por una organización con nivel consultivo. En la práctica, los representantes Indígenas a veces dependen de las ONGs de derechos humanos. Ademas de su participación en la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) Convenio 169 y otras convenciones internacionales, los Pueblos Indígenas han organizado actividades en relación al Grupo de Trabajo de los Pueblos Indígenas de la ONU (WGIP). Con su participación en las Conferencias de las ONGs ('77/'81), los representantes Indígenas pudieron denunciar violaciones de sus derechos humanos, sus malas condiciones de vivir, su lucha por mantener a sus comunidades, y su falta de representación en los procesos de formulación de políticas que afectan sus formas de vida. Como consecuencia de esta concientización y presión de los Pueblos Indígenas, la Subcomisión de Derechos Humanos de la ONU recomendó que junto con el ECOSOC establecieran un Grupo de Trabajo sobre los Pueblos Indígenas que incluyera a los Noticias de Abya Yala �DERECHOS Indígenas, abierto sin reconocimiento oficial. Desde 1982, el WGIP organiza reuniones anuales en Ginebra a finales del mes de julio, precediendo la sesión de la Subcomisión de Derechos Humanos. El Grupo de Trabajo incluye a cinco expertos, quienes tienen la obligación de estudiar los problemas que los Pueblos Indígenas están enfrentando y a la vez elaborar medidas adecuadas internacionales para proteger los derechos Indígenas. El Grupo de Trabajo se enfoca cada año en un tema. En 1996 se enfocó en los problemas de salud. Se han enfocado también en los derechos de propiedad intelectual de los Pueblos Indígenas y también en la investigación profunda de los tratados que existen entre los Pueblos Indígenas y los estados. Durante 15 años, el Grupo de Trabajo ha hecho una gran contribución en el desarrollo de los estandares que se relacionan con los derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas. Quizás, el resultado más importante ha sido la Declaración sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, creado por la participación de miles de Indígenas y cienes de sus naciones u organizaciones. El borrador es la obra de los Pueblos Indígenas del mundo. En 1993, el Grupo de Trabajo adoptó la declaración, el cual fue unánimemente aprobada por los expertos de la Subcomisión de Derechos Humanos en agosto de 1994. Esta aprobación es muy significativa porque el grupo de expertos de las Naciones Unidas reconoce que el Grupo de Trabajo es competente para crear sus propias propuestas sobre sus derechos. Y aunque, el texto de la Declaración, quizás, no es tan fuerte como sí incluyera solo la voz de los Pueblos Indígenas, de todos modos constituye un reconocimiento de los derechos humanos de los Pueblos Indígenas necesarios para su sobrevivencía como pueblos. Estos derechos Indígenas reconocidos bajo el presente borrador incluyen derechos territoriales, políticos, económicos y el derecho al control absoluto de sus tierras y recursos. El alcance de este borrador es mayor que el de los derechos que se incluyen en el Convenio 169. Desafortunadamente, al ser solo una declaración y no un tratado y no legalmente obligatoria, el borVol. 10 No. 4 HUMANOS rador ya adoptado por la Asamblea General de la ONU se aplica a todos los estados miembros de la ONU automáticamente, sin firma o accesión formal requerida. Por lo tanto esta declaración será una obligación moral de todos los estados del mundo, y se usara como reconocimiento universal de los derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas del mundo. ECOSOC y de ahí a la Asamblea General de la ONU para ser finalmente aprobado. Así como en el ECOSOC, el grupo de trabajo de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos está abierto a las ONGs Indígenas sin requisito de estatus consultivo. En respuesta a las demandas de los Pueblos Indígenas para estar presentes en cualquier toma de decisiones que se refiera a sus derechos, la Comisión introLa importancia de este reconocimien- dujo la posibilidad de participación por to internacional no se puede menospre- las Organizaciones Indígenas. El proceso ciar. Los Pueblos Indígenas fueron libres para aplicar es un poco complicado. La y soberanos antes de la conquista; los organización Indígena o representante derechos humanos son eternos e inalien- debe mandar su aplicación al ables, y no se pueden borrar ni por la vio- Coordinador de la Década Internacional lencia, genocidio o repreEN LA ÚLTIMA de los Pueblos Indígenas. El sión. Así es que aunque los Coordinador entonces conDEl sulta al gobierno de la orgaestados miembros de la ONU no quieren reconocer GRUPO DE nización aplicante, y luego los derechos de los Pueblos manda la información al Indígenas como pueblos, EN JULIO 1997, Comité de las ONGs en sabemos que somos pueblos lAS DElEGACIONES Nueva York. Este cuerpo es con el derecho a libre deter, el que tiene el poder de INDIGENAS decidir cuales organizaminación. El presente borradar reconoce en su articuRECOMENDARON A ciones Indígenas pueden lo 3, que todos los Pueblos participar en el grupo de Indígenas tienen el derecho lOS EXPERTOS QUE trabajo de la Comisión de a libre determinación. El FORO DEBERÍA Derechos Humanos. Con la Nuestra lucha en la ONU, ESTAR Al MISMO aprobación de 87 aplicaciones de 112, parece ser así como en nuestros países, es este reconocimiento. Si la NIVEl QUE que habrá más posibilicomisión de derechos COMISIÓN dades de participación de humanos es incapaz de este los representantes DERECHOS Indígenas en el trabajo de reconocimiento, seguiremos luchando hasta que se HUMANOS, y las comisiones del grupo de reconozca, así como es trabajo. Sin embargo, los reconocido bajo el presente DEBERÍA CONSISTIR gobiernos frecuentemente borrador. El presente bor- DE REPRESENTANTES no reconocen a estas orgarador, en un sentido muy , nizaciones Indígenas, INDIGENAS, DE lOS haciendo que todo este proamplio, es un llamado internacional por el cese del coloESTADOS Y DE ceso de aplicación sea a AGENCIAS veces inútil. Además la nialismo contra los Pueblos Indígenas. reciente reorganización de ESPECIALIZADAS DE las Naciones Unidas ha El Borrador de la hecho desaparecer el cargo ONU, TODOS Declaración está en negodel Coordinador de la El MISMO Década Internacional de los ciación por un grupo especial intersessional de la Pueblos Indígenas, aunque DERECHOS DE sigue su trabajo bajo otro Comisión de Derechos PARTICIPAR. departamento. Humanos. La Comisión es un organismo de derechos Además de influenciar el proceso de humanos que está por encima de la Subcomisión que incluye a represen- decisión de la ONU en cuanto al Borrador tantes de los estados. De esta manera, la de la Declaración, las actividades de los declaración empezó ha ser revisado por Pueblos Indígenas en el Grupo de diferentes grupos de expertos de la buro- Trabajo, también han tenido un gran efeccracia de la ONU. El borrador de la to en la proclamación de la Década declaración probablemente va a ser Internacional de los Pueblos Indígenas enmendado y después pasará por el por la Asamblea General en el año de 33 �1993. Después de la proclamación, varios dirigentes Indígenas del Grupo de Trabajo pidieron un marco de tiempo para adoptar la Declaración durante la Década. Además, varios representantes presionaron a las Naciones Unidas tomar medidas más operativas y demostrar un fuerte compromiso para establecer un foro permanente para los Pueblos Indígenas. Los debates en el Grupo de Trabajo sobre este Foro demuestran que la examinación de esta cuestión está progresando. En 1996, la mayoría de los Pueblos Indígenas estuvieron de acuerdo que el foro no debería reemplazar al Grupo de Trabajo pero que debería ser parte de un nivel más alto dentro del sistema de ECOSOC En la última reunión del Grupo de Trabajo, en julio de 1997, las delegaciones Indígenas recomendaron a los expertos que el Foro debería estar al mismo nivel que la Comisión de Derechos Humanos, y que debería consistir de representantes Indígenas, de los estados y de agencias especializadas de la ONU, todos con el mismo derechos de participar. Cada seis meses en febrero y julio, el foro debería reunirse en Ginebra, y discutir todos los asuntos Indígenas. Estas recomendaciones están siendo revisadas por la Subcomisión sobre Derechos Humanos. Además, las resoluciones han sido presentadas a la Asamblea General con referencia a la Década y el posible establecimiento de este foro permanente. la posibilidad del establecimiento permanente de este foro. Este tema también fue discutido en la reunión especial en Copenhague ('95) y Santiago ('97). Por lo general, el número de las reuniones de la ONU y las actividades relacionadas con los Pueblos Indígenas se ha expandido substancialmente durante los últimos años. Conclusión El grupo de Trabajo se ha convertido en un foro de los Pueblos Indígenas. El impacto de este grupo es indudable, ya que el asunto de los Pueblos Indígenas está sólidamente incluido en la lista de las preocupaciones de la ONU (por ejemplo, véase la proclamación de la Década Internacional de los Pueblos Indígenas 34 por la Asamblea general en 1993). Desde 1995, el tema "Asuntos Indígenas" fue formalmente aceptado por la comisión como tema permanente en su agenda de sus sesiones anuales. Nuestros éxitos han despertado a los gobiernos naci\)nales. Al nivel de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos, el borrador de la Declaración por el Grupo de Trabajo está sujeto a una profunda examinación, y es preocupante que algunas provisiones esenciales adoptadas por el Grupo de Trabajo y la Subcomisión de Derechos Humanos se modifiquen restrictamente. Dentro de la ONU, los gobiernos deciden, no solamente en lo que los Pueblos Indígenas necesitan para tener acceso a los niveles más altos de la ONU, sino también la actitud internacional hacia los Pueblos Indígenas en si, pero mientras que hagan sus decisiones, es de importancia fundamental tener una voz activa y grande apoyando los anhelos de nuestros pueblos, cara a cara con los estados. A pesar de los debates sobre la creación de un foro permanente, la actividad no debería limitarse a nivel del Grupo de Trabajo. Los éxitos deben consolidarse. Durante los últimos treinta años, los Pueblos Indígenas han desafiado con éxito las prácticas degradantes que han caracterizado el pasado, y han logrado que organismos internacionales los reconozca como culturas distintas, independientes con sus propios formas de vida. Sin duda, la participación de los Pueblos Indígenas frente la ONU ha tenido sus éxitos, aunque ha costado mucho en recursos materiales. La ONU no es y nunca será la solución única a los profundos problemas de colonialismo, marginación, pobreza, robo de tierras y territorios, o pérdida de la cultura. Pero si es una estancia importante, especialmente en respaldo a las luchas por los derechos Indígenas locales. '9 Información de: IWGIA (Grupo Internacional de Trabajo de Asuntos Indígenas), El Servico Internacional para los Derechos Humanos, Nilo Cayuqueo, Sharon H. Venne, Alberto Saldamando. Para mas informacion sobre las relaciones consultivas la ONU y ONG's ver: La Resolución ECOSOC, 1996/31 Tuvimos el Margarita Montalva, Mapuche, del Fondo para el Desarrollo de Pueblos Indígenas, .del Banco interamericano de Desarrollo. Ella es miembro fundadora de la Junta ,Directiva de Asodadón Mapuche Urbana/"Kinen Mapu," y Gualinga, Kichwamazonica, representante de CONAI y UNIFEM, ella es instructora de salud y asuntos mujeres. Letty es también doctora en comunidades Indígenas Ellas dieron varias presentaciones en el Area de la Bahía, California. Noticias de Abya Ya la � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Los Pueblos Indigenas en las Naciones Unidas...: Cuanta influencia tenemos? Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Abstract Note Indigenous groups within the United Nations have helped draft important resolutions that have led to an increase in indigenous rights across the world. However, the establishment of a permanent forum is needed to bring about more change. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 32-34 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/0f6190fcaba590f3f57b207e88451f00.pdf f1ff4f8d3ccca718bc4586d9e74503c2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (35, 38).pdf PDF Text Text DERECHOS ---------------------------------------~~ . H U M A N O S • 1 1 "Actea! es ei símbolo de Ia guerra de exterminación, Ia verdadera respuesta a Ias justas demandas de Ios pueblos Indígenas de México. Pero Actea! es también ei símbolo de una lucha de dos frentes: ei del gobierno que busca que Ia impunidad y ei perdón triunfen; y Ia lucha de Ia sociedad civil, que demanda justicia verdadera y reusa olvidarse dei peor crimen de Ios últimos 30 años. La lucha por preservar Ia memoria histórica es Ia lucha por una pazjusta." medios de comunicación, el derramamiento de sangre Indígena no ha cesado, como tampoco se ha detenido el terror y el estrangulamiento militar sobre las comunidades Zapatistas. La guerra de baja intensidad del gobierno Mexicano que hasta el momento ha reclamado la vida de más 1500 personas, desde 1994, sigue sin cesar. Treinta y tres comunidades Zapatistas han sufrido el embate de por lo menos 44 incursiones armadas de tropas federales desde el 22 de diciem--Comunicado de Ia Comandancia bre. En todos estos casos, los soldados General dei Comité Clandestino han allanado hogares en busca de armas, Revolucionario Indígena, del Ejercito han interrogado e incluso torturado a Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, enero 12 algunos de sus habitantes, buscando a los de 1998 líderes e insurgentes Zapatistas. El12 de enero, la Policía Estatal abrió fuego sobre stas palabras sumarizan un algunos manifestantes en Ocosingo, reciente comunicado Zapatista de matando a una mujer Indígena de 25 la situación en Chiapas, desde la años de edad, e hiriendo a su bebé. Unas masacre de 45 Indios Tzotziles, ocurrida pocas semanas después, tres simpatiel22 de diciembre de 1997, en la Villa de zantes Zapatistas fueron encontrados colActeal. Lo que está claro en estas pocas gados Ante toda la retórica gubernalíneas, y en la evidencia reciente, es que la mental sobre sus esfuerzos por llevar a masacre de Acteal no fue un evento aisla- los culpables de la masacre de Acteal ante do. Tampoco fue el producto de un con- la justicia, uno se debería preguntar flicto comunal interno como el gobierno porqué el gobierno insiste en aterrorizar a mexicano quisiera que creyeramos, pero . las comunidades indígenas bajo el premas bien un acto cuidadosamente texto de buscar armas, mientras que los planeado y ejecutado por pistoleros al grupos paramilitares pro gubernamenservicio de los jefes locales del PRI, en tales y el ejercito Mexicano actúan con complicidad con el Estado he incluso con libertad y conducen su guerra de baja las autoridades federales. A pesar de toda intensidad como de costumbre. la retórica gubernamental, no se puede esconder la realidad que Acteal fue el El gobierno Mexicano se reusa a resultado de una estructura mayor de cumplir los Acuerdos de San Andrés violencia y terror creada por los más de sobre Derechos y Cultura Indígenas. 600,000 efectivos militares Mexicanos en Estos acuerdos, firmados por los Chiapas, y por grupos paramilitares aus~ Zapatistas y el Gobierno Federal en 1996, piciados por el gobierno, los cuales han plantean una tremenda amenaza y una actuado en completa impunidad por más contradicción a la realidad actual y el de 3 años. La única intención de la cam- poder de globalización económica en un paña gubernamental desde 1994, ha sido México bajo el PRI. La implementación el reprimir a la comunidad Indígena, sus de los Acuerdos de San Andrés, el proderechos y esperanzas por un nuevo ducto de un diálogo de consenso entre los representantes de cincuenta y seis México. diferentes Pueblos Indígenas de México y A pesar del silencio de los principales los Zapatistas, darían a más de 12 mil- Vol. 10 No. 4 lones de Indígenas Mexicanos, y a los Zapatistas, el derecho de autodeterminación y autonomía. Esto significaría un gran paso hacia redefinir la relación entre el estado Mexicano y los Pueblos Indígenas, y le daria a la gente Indígena el derecho de implementar sus propias formas de auto gobierno. Estos derechos inevitablemente llevarían a una participación más amplia de los Pueblos Indígenas en las políticas que afectan a sus comunidades. Le darían también a los Pueblos Indígenas el derecho de controlar sus territorios y los recursos que se encuentran en ellos, y el derecho de retener y nutrir la diversidad de sus culturas, historia y lenguas. · Finalmente, abriría la puerta hacia un cambio más amplio y profundo dentro del país como un todo, y abriría la posibilidad para un nuevo México, en colaboración con los Indígenas y los Mexicanos. Los Acuerdos de San Andrés fueron diseñados para parar la continua opresión, marginalización y explotación de los Pueblos Indígenas, que la colonización trajo a América. Aún así, está claro que el gobierno Mexicano tiene mucho que perder mediante reconocer la legitimidad de las demandas Zapatistas por una vida digna en México: tierra, vivienda, trabajo, alimentación, educación, salud, autonomía, democracia, libertad, justicia y paz. Primeramente sería una admisión de que las políticas neoliberales, codificadas en el TLC (NAFTA), no han solucionado los niveles extremos de pobreza y miseria sufrida por la mayoría de los Mexicanos. Segundo, el gobierno Mexicano pondría en peligro su habilidad de acceso a los recursos naturales estratégicos dentro de los ricos territorios Indígenas, como los que se encuentran en Chiapas. Por ejemplo, las reservas Chiapanecas de petróleo representan el 81.2% de las exportaciones de crudo en México, el 68.6% de Continúa en Ia página 38 35 �VARIOS Convenio 169 ... de la página 11 manteniendo esa perspectiva integracionista. Los Artículos 8 y 9, que tratan las costumbres y derecho consuetudinario, son buenos ejemplos de este caso. El Artículo 8 garantiza a los Pueblos Indígenas el derecho de mantener sus costumbres e instituciones pero siempre y cuando sean compatibles con las leyes nacionales. El Convenio 169 no refleja los deseos de los Pueblos Indígenas de ser reconocidos como pueblos, la sección sobre territorios no incluye los conceptos de consentimiento y control. En este sentido se podría concluir que el Convenio 169 no es realmente un paso adelante en el reconocimiento de los Pueblos Indígenas como naciones. Por otro lado, era necesario proveer situaciones diversas a nivel mundial y un acuerdo no se pudo tomar sobre muchos de estos aspectos. Es obvio que los gobiernos no ratificarían el Convenio si se les hubiera exigido cambiar sus sistemas legales; y sin requisitos no hay obligaciones estandarizadas. Es importante recordar que los Convenios de la OIT son estandares mínimos y que ningún gobierno puede crear una nueva legislación bajo el Convenio 169, y por lo tanto ignora las regulaciones nacionales que otorgan más derechos. El Convenio 169 es uno de los instrumentos que están a la par con las leyes nacionales y el marco legal. El Convenio 169 ha probado tener un cono-cimiento bastante amplio sobre asuntos Indígenas desde la adopción del 107 en 1957. Este Convenio conocimiento, tiene la capacidad de contribuir al mejoramiento de los derechos humanos de los Pueblos Indígenas en el mundo.~ Imataca ... de la página 31 la reserva, ha indicado que continuará concediendo derechos mineros en el área. Argumenta que 100,000 mineros perderían su medio de subsistencia si la decisión de la Corte es aplicada estrictamente. Dice que estas personas tendrían que migrar a centros urbanos, agudizando más los problemas sociales que se derivan de los altos índices de desempleo en el estado. Según Teodoro Petkoff, Ministerio de Planificación (Cordiplan), uno de los 38 principales defensores de la minería en este lugar, habrá más reacciones negativas como consecuencias de esta decisión de la Corte Suprema. Considera inconcebible que alguien pueda estar en contra de las actividades mineras en cualquier lugar del país, mientras el 80 por ciento de la población se encuentra sumergida en la pobreza, y el índice de desempleo excede el 15 por ciento. Argumenta que estas actividades generarían miles de empleos, que la gente local se beneficiaría; que se contribuiría con el desarrollo del país y se facilitaría el pago de la deuda externa. Petkoff también dijo en un espectáculo público, organizado por la Cámara Minera y la Gobernación del estado de Bolívar, que ".. .los venezolanos son como las Hindúes, que prefieran morirse de hambre antes que comerse a sus vacas, por razones éticas y religiosas." Los pequeños mineros han sido convertidos en una conveniente cortina de humo detrás de la cual se esconden los verdaderos beneficiarios de la media gubernamental, tales como; M&M Corporación Comercial Internacional; Recursos Greenwich; Minera Krysos; Latinvan, parte del Oro y Diamante Americano, Zuplan C.A., y muchas otras empresas nacionales e internacionales. ~ NOTA: para más información, veáse: http://www. ciens. ula. ve!-jcenteno/ Gracias a julio Cesar Centeno, PhD por su ayuda con este artículo. U'Wa ... de la página 21 pañía Occidental no respeta esta forma de ver la vida y en cambio ha ofrecido valores a la comunidad, esperando a tener acceso al territorio. Pero los U'Wa preguntaron a Oxy que quien les ha dado autoridad para comprar, vender o explotar lo que no es de su propiedad. Poco después, en una conferencia de prensa ca-patrocinada con el Proyecto Subterráneo y RAN en San Francisco, Roberto Cobaria dijo que "Si negociamos, solo nos contaminaríamos. Nosotros, el Pueblo U'Wa de Colombia, continuamos peleando por nuestro derecho a proteger y preservar la integridad de nuestra tierra y nuestra cultura." La compañía Royal Dutch Shell esta vendiendo sus acciones del área Cano Limón y también hay rumores de que esta vendiendo el 37.5% de sus inversiones del bloque de Samora. ~ Chiapas ... de la página 35 sus derivados, y el 90.6% de sus petroqmmlcos. Chiapas produce también el 55% de la energía hidroeléctrica en México, y contiene el 20% de su biodiversidad en la selva Lacandona. Finalmente, el cumplir justamente con las demandas de los Pueblos Indígenas, requeriría una transformación radical de las estructuras de corrupción de los últimos 70 años. Esto no significaría solo permitir a los Zapatistas, pero a toda la sociedad civil Mexicana, tener el derecho de transformar el gobierno en un mandato que obedezca las necesidades y el consenso del pueblo Mexicano, en lugar de continuar representando una élite global de intereses económicos, instrumento de represión. Por ahora, el presidente Zedillo ha hecho su elección, mientras habla de paz, va a seguir adelante con su guerra de exterminación. Desafortunadamente México actúa con el apoyo seguro de sus socios comerciales, los Estados Unidos y Canadá. La única cosa interpuesta en el camino de México hacia su inaceptable política para· con los Pueblos Indígenas es la sociedad civil, tanto dentro del país como globalmente. La sociedad civil, a través de sus iniciativas políticas y sus acciones, podrá ponerle un fin a esta guerra genocida. Los Pueblos Indígenas están seguros que la solución no va a venir de ninguna otra parte, y de que no lo van a poder hacer solos. "Ni la paz ni la justicia va a venir del gobierno. Esto vendrá de la sociedad civil, de sus iniciativas, de sus movilizaciones. A ella, a usted, es que le hablamos hoy" Crystal Echohawk es una miembro de la Nación Pawnee, que trabaja en la Comisión Nacional por la Democracia en México. Tiene un Bachillerato en Historia, y una Maestría en Pensamiento Social y Político, escribiendo su tesis sobre los Zapatistas. En 1996 participó en la Delegación Norteamericana India de la ONU, en el grupo de redacción sobre la Declaración de los Derechos Indígenas de Ginebra. Viajó a La Realidad, Chiapas, y produjo un reporte sobre Chiapas. Desde que empezó su trabajo en la CNDM, ha viajado extensamente reclutando el apoyo público para la causa Zapatista, en particular, organizando a las comunidades Indígenas Norteamericanas, en apoyo a la lucha Indígena Mexicana. Noticias de Abya Ya la � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Chiapas: La Masacre de Acteal Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Author Crystal Echohawk Abstract Note A recent killing of Tzotziles by the Mexican government symbolizes the larger struggle between the Mexican government and the Zapatista movement. The Zapatistas continue to push for autonomy and respect. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 35, 38 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/288c20ab74d90e811428d0c2255d70c7.pdf 202471af664fa0960a48aa20f97084a1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (36).pdf PDF Text Text N o T C 1 A S D E S 11 e i AIIC esta orgulloso de tener la presencia de Laura Soriano Morales como nuestra nueva directora ejecutiva. Es importante para nosotros reconocer sus hazañas y dar crédito a su energía y contribución como una mujer jóven Mixteca y Zapoteca originaria de Oaxaca, México. Laura nos explica que ella siempre ha sido guiada por las palabras y consejos de sus mayores, abuelos y familia. Su padre es Mixteco y proviene de una comunidad cerca de Nochixtlán, Oaxaca. Su madre es Zapoteca de Tlacohuaya, Oaxaca. Su familia emigró a la ciudad de Oaxaca donde Laura creció en un ambiente tradicional indígena y al mismo tiempo fue expuesta a un sistema educativo que sigue siendo discriminatorio y humillante contra estudiantes Indígenas. Laura continuó sus estudios y recibió una beca para ir a la Universidad en Principia College, Illinois donde obtuvo una carrera en Relaciones Internacionales con un enfoque en los Pueblos Indígenas de América Latina. Durante su tiempo en la universidad, Laura tuvo la oportunidad de hacer un proyecto especial con el Consejo de Pueblos Mayas en Chimaltenango, Guatemala. Al trabajar con los abuelos de estas comunidades, Laura se dió cuenta que su misión en la vida es servir y dedicarse a la causa de los Pueblos Indígenas. Laura también colabora con el Frente Indígena Binacional Oaxaqueño, una organización Indígena comunitaria que lucha por los derechos indígenas de sus hermanos Mixtecos, Zapotecos y Triques en Oaxaca, México y en Estados Unidos. Laura ha presentado talleres sobre derechos humanos y acuerdos internacionales que impactan directamente a las comunidades Indígenas. Ella ha presentado estos talleres en comunidades mono- 36 lingües. Laura aprendió a ser creativa y clara al explicar estos asuntos internacionales a las personas con quien trabajaba. Laura también trabajó con el Centro de Niños Indígenas de las Calles que provee servicios sociales y recursos para los niños desamparados en la ciudad de Oaxaca. Ella trabajó con los jóvenes, muchos de los cuales son huérfanos indígenas que han migrado a la ciudad de Oaxaca. Laura pudo identificarse con las experiencias de estos niños indígenas en muchos aspectos. Muchas mujeres que están involucradas activamente en el movimiento Indígena ven que es necesario enfatizar el respeto mútuo como un paso adelante para hacer conciencia entre los huombres de nuestra propias comunidades. Existe la necesidad de nutrir continuamente una relación recíproca de respeto y responsabilidad y constantemente valorar los papeles y las reponsabilidades de la mujer Indígena. Laura continua coordinando el programa radial de SAIIC, "Voces Indígenas" que es trasmitido por 123 radiodifusoras y organizaciones indígenas en México, Centro y Sudamérica. Las cartas de apoyo y de aprecio de los radioescuchantes, muestran que su trabq.jo esta teniendo éxito. Actualmente, Laura esta haciendo una práctica por un año en la radiodifusora KPFA en Berkeley, California donde esta aprendiendo producción e ingeniería de Laura Soriano, nueva Directora radio. Ejecutiva de SAIIC Al estar en la área de la Bahía de San Francisco, Laura ha trabajado como organizadora comunitaria con un proyecto de el Centro para Organizar al Tercer Mundo, en Oakland, California. Laura ha dado una valiosa asistencia a la organización inicial de la Fundación Abya Yala, directa~ trabajando mente con los representantes Indígenas, facilitando sus reuniones. Al ver su gran numero de experiencias, es evidente que Laura toma cada reto con la mayor capacidad y eficacia. Durante el verano de 1996, Laura fue parte de un entrenamiento de periodismo en Madrid, España. Otorgado por EFE, la Agencia Española de Noticias Internacionales, fue un paso exitoso en términos de incluir a periodistas Indígenas del mundo en los medios masivos de comunicación. El propósito del programa fue proveer una oportunidad para que los periodistas Indígenas pudieran desarrollar redes de comunicación y también crear un espacio para la diseminación sobre asuntos Indígenas en los medios de comunicación. Laura expresó que un aspecto de este reto fue tener que demostrar su capacidad como mujer ante los hombres Indígenas. Laura comparte con nosotros su entusiasmo, su determinación por luchar por los derechos e ideales de los Pueblos Indígenas; para persistir, tener paciencia y ser consciente de los caminos espirituales y tradicionales. Laura es una gran inspiración y ejemplo para todas las mujeres Indígenas. Los éxitos y hazañas de las mujeres Indígenas no son solamente algo personal pero también reflejan la fuerza de nuestra gente. Nosotros en SAIIC tenemos el honor de trabajar con Laura y compartir nuestras experiencias y visiones para darle vida al proceso de asegurar la inclusión de las mujeres Indígenas en los procesos de decisiones. Cf# J()~~ p~, Presidente de la Junta Directiva de SAIIC Noticias de Abya Ya la � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Conozca a Nuestra Nueva Directora Ejecutiva: Laura Soriano Morales Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Abstract Note Laura Soriano Morales is the new executive director of SAIIC. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 36 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/85333d0019278c630d6279f0a4e49fa7.pdf e07657b4a60c7e87c7b5f1e4b80fe270 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (37).pdf PDF Text Text NOTICIAS i 1 1 i D E S 11e 11 1 a Junta Directiva, el personal e internos de SAIIC se reunieron misión y visión, nosotros pudimos formar un grupo mas unificado, y desarrollar las estrategias para realizar un plan de acción para el futuro. en las colinas del Condado de Sonoma durante el fín de semana del feriado del Día del Trabajo para su reunión anual. Las metas eran discutir maneras de fortalecer SAIIC como organización y obtener un plan sólido para 1998. Los tres días de reuniones fueron un gran éxito. Un elemento clave del retiro fue la presenCia de un elemento espiritual muy fuerte en nuestras sesiones que nos guió en nuestro trabajo y planes para el futuro. Nosotros regresamos de las montañas renovados y listos para trabajar duro nutriendo a SAIIC conforme crece y se desarrolla. Salimos del retiro con un sentido claro sobre la misión e importancia de SAIIC, y estamos muy confiados de que con Laura Soriano como la Directora Ejecutiva de SAIIC, y con el creciente involucramiento de la Directiva, la organización puede ver hacia un futuro fuerte y vital. Nosotros trabajamos en refinar los objetivos, valores y metas organizacionales a largo plazo de SAIIC. Después de evaluar cuidadosamente nuestro· desempeñó como organización, surgió un plan realista para alcanzar nuestras metas. Con la asistencia de Adriana Ballén, una consultora de desarrollo de organizaciones, los miembros de la directiva y el personal aprendieron nuevas formas de poner en marcha mas eficientemente la misión de SAIIC en cuanto a desarrollar y manejar programas que promuevan la paz, justicia social y la participación completa de los Pueblos Indígenas en las decisiones y eventos que afectan sus vidas. Los miembros de la directiva identificaron los valores mas profundos de SAIIC como amor, respeto, honestidad, unidad, comunicación, creatividad y compromiso. Al examinar y analizar los valores de SAIIC, así como la Vol. 10 No. 4 Nuestras metas organizacionales para el próximo año son fortalecer la base de SAIIC por medio de la iniciación de un plan de desarrollo de recursos muy fuerte, concentrándonos en el desarrollo tanto del personal como de la directiva, e instituyendo nuevos sistemas, mas eficientes, para la operación organizacional. Estas nuevas metas le permitirán a SAIIC completar de una mejor forma sus objetivos programáticos, los cuales se centran en proveer información sobre los esfuerzos de los Pueblos Indígenas de Meso y Sur América de defender sus derechos humanos, de alcanzar su autodeterminación y protección de su ambiente. SAIIC continuara facilitando la comunicación directa, el intercambio cultural y espiritual entre las poblaciones nativas del continente, y proveyendo información a las organizaciones y comunidades indígenas, para que puedan lograr acceso a recursos internacionales afines a sus actividades. Para alcanzar estos objetivos, SAIIC ejecutara los siguientes programas para 1998: emitir dos ediciones de Noticias de Abya Yala en inglés y dos en español, grabar y distribuir cuatro programas de radio, y coordinar las visitas de cuatro líderes Indígenas del Sur. Estamos deseos de implementar estas nuevas estrategias y los planes desarrollados en las reuniones, los cuales nos ayudaran a enfrentar los retos y oportunidades del futuro.~ 37 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Retiro Anual de la Directiva de SAIIC - Del 29 de Agosto al 1ro de Septiembre de 1997 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Abstract Note At the annual SAIIC retreat the organization refocused its goals. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 37 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/f81299c63000f6fe6c0b78020d8cdb0c.pdf 878c658a527c2df9c143c11e83bed171 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (39).pdf PDF Text Text RESEÑAS uevas Publicaciones PROTEGIENDO LO NUESTRO: LOS PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS Y LA BIODIVERSIDAD. Compilado y editado por David Rothschild 1997 93 págs + apéndices, glosario, bibliografía. Impreso por el Centro por Derechos Indígenas de Meso y Sur America. P O. Box 28703 Oakland, CA 94604. Necesitamos participar en estos proyectos porque el conocimiento que ellos se están llevando pertenece a nuestra gente y nuestros bosques." (Cita de una entrevista con Geodícío Castillo, pag. 105). Protegiendo lo nuestro: los Pueblos A Indígenas y la Bíodíversídad est diseñado específicamente para el C!lmplled and Edlted by David Roth;child uso de las organizaciones y los Pueblos Indígenas. El debate sobre los asuntos relacionados con el tema de la bíodíversídad es accesible y amplía. Con un estilo sencillo y desde la perspectiva Indígena, el libro explora las preocupaciones de los Pueblos Indígenas que luchan por la protección de la bíodíversídad. PU3li~ATION-'OfTHE SOUTH ANtl MESO Ai>'E.RIGAN INDIAN iUGiHTS.C:O(TÉft (SAH(} En el libro se debaten los siguientes temas: la exploración biológica y los derechos de propiedad intelectual, el proyecto de diversidad del mapa genético humano y la diversidad agrícola de las especies. También se hace mención de los instrumentos legales internacionales que regulan la bíodíversídad y muestra el empleo de dichos instrumentos por las comunidades Indígenas que luchan por la conservacíon de la biodíversídad y el control la comercialización del conocimiento y los recursos naturales Indígenas. Protegiendo lo nuestro: los Pueblos Indígenas y la Bíodíversídad incluye ---- Vol. 10 No. 4 además tres entrevistas que son lectura obligatoria, con líderes de organizaciones Indígenas que trabajan con asuntos de la bíodíversídad. Marcela Mendíeta de la Asociación Bartolomé Aripayalla expone el trabajo realizado por su organización en pro de la conservación de la diversidad de las semillas usadas para el cultivo agrícola con los Quispallata en Perú. Geodicio Castillo habla de su trabajo con PEMASKY (Proyecto de Estudios para el Manejo de las Areas Silvestres del Kuna Yala ), y de sus actividades en pro de la conservacion de la biodiversidad y por el acceso a los recursos genéticos nativos del territorio del Kuna en Panamá. Leonardo Vitieri del Instituto Amazanga de Ciencia y Tecnología, una organización compuesta de varios expertos Indígenas en las areas de la ciencia y la técnica, expone el trabajo realizado por su organización en la planificación ambiental y el manejo de los recursos naturales que se encuentran en los territorios de Quechua y Shiviar en el Ecuador. Estas tres entrevistas ejemplifican varias de las estrategias inquietudes y objetivos de los grupos Indígenas que trabajan para preservar la biodiversidad y para protegerse contra la exploración biológica en tierras Indígenas. Para completar; se plantean sugerencias para establecer reglamentos desde la perspectiva Indígena relativas a estos asuntos. Se incluye un glosario extenso de términos y apéndices valiosos que contienen citas relevantes de acuerdos y convenios internacionales sobre la biodiversidad. El libro Protegiendo lo nuestro: los Pueblos Indígenas y la Biodiversidad ofrece un cuadro claro sobre los asuntos relacionados con la biodiversidad, y provee estrategias posibles y soluciones a las comunidades Indígenas, las organizaciones y los pueblos que confrontan este último síntoma de la globalízación. Este libro es un recurso sumamente valioso para la lucha por controlar y conservar el conocimiento y los recursos genéticos Indígenas. Este libro está disponible en Inglés y Español, y se distribuye gratuitamente a todas las organizaciones y comunidades Indígenas. Otros, US $10 + $5 de gastos de envío LOS INDÍGENAS Y LA TIERRA EN LAS lEYES DE AMÉRICA lATINA Por Wilfredo Ardito. Publicado por Survival International,11 - 15 Emerald Street, London WC 1N 3QI, UK. ta monografía informativa está diseñada para el uso de las organizaciones Indígenas y sus simpatizantes y solidarios a través de Latinoamérica. El grueso del informe consta de un análisis país por país de toda la legislación nacional relevante a los pueblos Indígenas y particularmente a los asuntos relacionados con los derechos territoriales y de tierra. Cada país en Centro y Sur América, está evaluado, desde Belice a Suriname, El Salvador a la Guayana Francesa. Otras secciones bregan específicamente con los variados conceptos de lo "Indígena," la importancia de la tierra para estas comunidades, las leyes que afectan los derechos culturales, y un análisis histórico de la legislación pertinente a, y que afecta a los pueblos Indígenas. Este informe es un recurso valioso para las comunidades indígenas y provee un análisis completo y conciso de las leyes que afectan a los pueblos Indígenas y sus territorios. Este informe está disponible sólo en español, y esta siendo actualizado para una próxima segunda edición. Se distribuye gratuitamente para todas las organizaciones y comunidades Indígenas, para los demás, el costo por copia es de US $15.00. Para obtener una copia, favor de ponerse en contacto con Survíval Intemational. 11 - 15 Emerald Street, London WC1N 3QI U.K. Fax : 44- 171 -242 - 1771. E- mail : survival@gn.apc.orgg -------------·--------- - - - � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nuevas Publicaciones Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Abstract Note New publications that SAIIC suggests to its readers. Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 39 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/d583653b2f2a7b02860ef892eced3f41.pdf 1fd96f28d726e3829c09fa3e2becb5ae Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Spanish) (40).pdf PDF Text Text Anagrama anagrama@cano.com.ar Centro Mapuche centromapu@bariloche.com.ar La ultima producci6n radial de SAIIC, "Voces Indfgenas," ya esta disponible. Contiene un resumen amplio sobre el Convenio 169 delOIT. Tambien contiene informaciones sobre casos especfficos en donde algunas comunidades Indfgenas de America Latina han sido afectudas por proyectos de desarroilio y la globalizaci6n. Disponible 5610 en espana/. 1O$U.S para individuos Gratis para radiodifusoras , Indigenas SOLICITAMOS NOTICIAS DE NUESTROS LECTORES En SAIICestamos interesados en servir a las communidades y organizaciones Indigenas de Meso y Sudamerica a traves de la difusion de los temas relacionados sobre sus reivindicaciones. Con este fin les invitamos a contribuir con articulos. cartas, fotografias e informacion para la revista y el programa del radio. Tambien ustedes pueden encontrar mas detalles sobre los requisitos para contribuir con articulos en nuestra pagina web: http://www.nativeweb.org/saiic Les a~radecerfamos que mandaran sus contribuciones a esta dlrecci6n: SAlle P.O Box 28703, Oakland, CA 94604saiic@igc.apc.orgel envio de sugerencias que puedan ayudar a hacer mas efectiva nuestra colaboraci6n. ASEO (Asociacion Ecologica del Oriente)aseo@aseo.rds.org.bo Kechuaymara kechuaym@caoba.entelnet.bo PROEIB Andes proeb@dicyt.nrc.edu.bo CCPY (Comissao Pro- Yanomami) spccpybr@ax.ibase.org.br CIMI (Conselho Indigenista Missionaro) cimi@embratel.net.br Instituto Socio Ambiental socioamb@ax.apc.org ClR (Conselho Indigena de Roraima) cir@technet.com.br ADMAPU admapu@hotmail.com Consejo de Todas Las Tierras aukin@entelchile.net ----- ONIC (Organizacion Nacional Ind(gena de Colombia) onic@colnode.apc.org Asociacion Cultural Sejekto de Costa Rica lalvarad@ns.mideplan.go.cr ALAI info@alai.ecx.ec Amazanga Institute admin@amazanga.ecx.ec CONAIE (Confederacion de Nacionalidades Ind(genas del Ecuador) conaie@ecuanex.ec ------ -------- Defensoria Maya defemaya@guate.net Fundacion Rigoberta Menchu Tum rmt@infovia.com.gt CONPAH (Confederation of Autonomos Peoples of Honduras) conpah%conpah@sdnhon.org.hn Frente Ind(gena Oaxaqueno fiob@laneta.apc.org Binacional OIDHO (Organizaciones Indias por los Derechos Humanos de Oaxaca oidho@antequera.com SEPRADI (Servicios Profesionales de Apoyo al Desarollo Integral Ind(gena) sepradi@laneta.apc.org Union de Cooperativas de Chiapas coopschis@laneta.apc.org Asociacion Napguana napguana@pty.com Movimiento KUNA mjk@sinfo.net Ashaninka ashaninka@amauta.rcp.net.pe CHIRAPAQ (Centro de Culturas Indias) chirapaq+@amauta.rcp.net.pe COICA (Coordinating Body for the Indigenous People's Organizations of the Amazon Basin) coica@uio.satnet.net La 5to Conferencia Internacional de Jovenes Indigenas va tomar lugar del 9 al 15 de marIO 1998 y los Maori de Tai Takerau en Waitangi, Aotearoa, Nueva Zelanda organilaran la conferencia. La meta de la Conferencia es unir a los jovenes Indigenas del mundo, crear modelos para enpoderar a los jovenes Indigenas y discutir las propiedades intelectuales, practicas, tecnicas y medicinas tradicionales y tambien oportunidades para los jovenes para participar en eco-turismo y otros esfuerlos economicos. La primera reunion de jovenes Indigenas se inicio por el Pueblo Cree de Quebec, Canada en 1992, la segunda tomb lugar en Australia, la tercera tomb lugar en Ecuador por los Pueblos Shua-Acuar y Quechua en 1995, Los Saami de Noruega, Finlandia, Suecia y Rusia fueron las sedes de la ultima Conferencia. Para mas informacion por favor contadar: Aroha Shelford. Coordinatora de Te Ohonga Ake o. Te Tai Tokerau P.O Box 10207. Whangarei. New Zealand. Fax:00649 438 52 10. e-mail:davis@tpk.govt.nl South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAil C) P.o. Box 2870], Oakland, CA 94604 Non-profit Organization US Postage PAID Oakland, CA Permit No. 79 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 10, No. 4 (Otoño 1997) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Cover Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Autumn 1997 Zotero Abstract Note Back Cover Issue 4 Language Spanish Pages 40 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 10 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/493178f814384c160f886ad8d95751c1.pdf 873910cb62646d4ddf8401ea9e375f53 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3.pdf PDF Text Text VOLUME 8, NUMBER 3, fAU.1994 • • • • Uprising in Ecuador Convention on Biodiversity Update on Chiapas International Meeting of Indigenous Women ~~ LINKING INDIAN PEOPLES OF THE AMERICAs _ _ __,___ _ �c 0 T E T s Abya Yala News Editors: SAIIC 8o¥d of ()Wcctors Cooro:NtOt'$! Conswv.a Q.W'O. O.wid Ted:lin Oe,;go & L>yovt Alfonso )aramillo Enpsh Copy Editoc Cheryl Musch Intern: R.ebec<.l Kapur Editorial. ... . . . .. . . ... ... . . . ....... .. .. . . . .. .. 3 SAIIC Scaff In Br ie f . ... .. .. .. ........ .. . ............ .... . . 4 Perspectives on the Ele ctora l Process Director. N !lo Q:~ .,,.,;m Office Manager. Chc')i MU1dl ~~->:irOOit?osa Devclos>ment As>st.lnt Ro>a Al¢&fia Convnunic.ations Coon:ft\atOI": M.)rc S«lcet' Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest .. .... .. .... 6 S AIIC Board of Directors Bolivia: Reconstruct ing the Ayllu .. ........ .. .. . • . . .. 9 W>n Alderete (Calchaqu;·Argetltina) Alejandro NnMu Argvmedo (Quechu.l·PC<V) N lo CaMU<O (~·Argetltina) Guatemala: Maya Political Crossroads .. .. ..... • , .. . . 1 0 G.Milemlo Dclg•do (Ouechu.l·SoM.) Colombia: Special Indian Districting . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . 14 a.1os M-th (M;,k;to.Nmgvo) CoN P<Kaldo (Son a.1os J\pW>c/CJ,;c..,.) Int e r natio nal _ , Hu<m (CIV<an;ooJa) M>reos Yoc ('W•·Qu;cf,./Guat<mab) Subscriptions: Declaration of Barbados Ill. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Se lf-dete r m ination a nd Territory Second Indian Uprising in Ecuador . ..... .. . ..... ... . 19 Bilateral Agreements in Bolivia .... .. . . ... .. ...... .. 22 Organizing from Oaxaca to California . . .. .. . . .. . ... . 24 C.;iapas Updat e Six Proposals for a N ew Mexico .. .... ... .... •• . .. . 27 Environm e nt and Developm e nt Abya Yala NeviS (tSSN 1071·3182) is available for )n annual $ IS pc<'SONI ~. $2S for I~SOO.I justice non-pro!rts.. ~;o institutions. For Canada. and Me?oco add $5, for all other intetn:.~tion.lJ ~ps. add $10. We .......cl<omc sOOmissicns of artides.lett¢f"S. pho1ogt'i)Phs and telev¥1t VlfOlTT'I.ation. Leners and 31ticl¢s may be edited for -:« r""' """>«= length. 10 • '""""""~ """'-"'""" on paper ¥ld ¢n,v\~<OI'T'f)o'll:ible 3 tn. Wlch cJ:sk Send ;)I corSAIIC P.O. Box 28703 Oakland, C A 94604, USA Phone: (S 10) 834~42 6 1 Fu' ( S I 0) 834·4264 e-mail: sallc@igc.apc.org Biodiversity Convention .. .. . .... .. .. .. . .. ...... .. 30 W e would like t o thank the following individuaJs a nd organizations for their gt:nerous assistance to Abya Yala News W omen lleto llcwg«. Jo<ge Second Encounter of Indigenous Women .. ......... . . 34 Wayu Women Imperilled by Drug Trafficking ..... .. ... 35 Organiza tion and Commun ication .. .. . .. .. ..... 36 Calendar of Events ... . . . . .. ....... .. . ..... . .. 38 SAIIC N ew s .. . ........ • ..... .... . ... • . ..... . 39 On the Cover: R..esidtoc of San Crist~l de las Casu. Chiapas. cuti11g his vote f<>r the 199<4 Pres.idenliaJ elections In Mexk:o. Photo: Courtesy o! Global Exeh~ngo BriU>ol s...n.- (~ Anu). ~-'"""" ~ ~Gonzalez. M.lri>.-.. ~ ~ Mendo<.\ M.Wna Mo<>. V<tor Montcjo. Gullc>mo f'>do. o.n ~......._ KaO. T.,.,.._ l!ily R Trice~. Ste(ono v....,. and spe0>1 Wl'\k:s to Vd.y WMJ O rganlutlons: Amerincb ~). CEOCB ~). OoOp ($»~ Gu.lt_,. Ne..,. and In~ Mansi< M<descnte< <NM"'Y~ Q'-1)0 K>Nman:a (VSA~ U<nzo (P<N~ RliniOteS' Action Ne:twclfi(.(USA), THOA (Bo"Ma), TIPI {Noway·~). t..m G<onYold (NoN"Y). a...-..u. w"""' Publications: NAORP (VC OM USA), Prcsend.l!Aeraria (BoiM.l). !Wv.a OjuaSCol (Mt>;<o). Re.lsu u;,., (SoN&). Th:tnks to t he following founda t ions for t heir gene,... ous s upport: joM D. and Catherine T. Mac /vVP.Jfr Fovndation. ~a.l ~e Foundation. Pubfic Welfare F~. The Tides Found.ltion. f~tlOC'I for ~ Ecology. SA IIC Rprest:ntatives abroad: )\>oft ~ Lar.l·RECNSUEN (Nonv>y). Raf>d ~ (Gcnrony). A'<jand<o ~ & Susan O'Oonel (CWd.l~ �E D I TO R IAL he so-c.1lled "cold war" between Capitalism and Socialism has been redefined. Instead of a conflict between "East and West," it now appears as a problem of North versus South . Today, the military impositions and economic propos.1ls expressed in the concept of a "New World Order" do no more than fortify policies of oppression against Indigenous nations and territories. For the Indigenous peoples, the oppression that beg.1n with the western invas•on. and which has just completed its 502nd year, still continues as more threats loom over the honzon. International agreements such as the North American Fr« Trnde Agreement {NAFTA). General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organizauon {WTO) are nothing more than new legal instruments which serve to increase transnational companies' power to exploit natural and human resources without regard for Indigenous territories. It should not be forgotten that a large portion of these natural resources, such as biodiversit)'. petroleum. timber, minerals. etc. arc found within Indigenous territories. for their pan, the nation-states still largely refuse to recognize Indian territory and continue 10 dispose of it as they will. most recently, b)' ceding it to national and transnational companies within the new Neoliberal programs. Governments and parliaments continue to make decisions for the oppressed majorities. Constitutional changes. new Agrarian laws. privatizauon of b.1Sic sef\ices, etc. are legal•nstruments, created without consulung the Indigenous organ•zauons, in the name of "democracy." The Indigenous people demand participation in all dectsions directly affecting Indigenous nauons. territories, and cultural systems. and reject the assimilauonist policies of the nation-state. Without entering into an in-depth analysis of the concept of democracy imposed by the Western nation-state on the Indigenous nations "~th cosmic-spiritual-territorial bases. we have tried in this journal to present an {admittedly incomplete) picture or Indigenous participation in national elections. The diverse experiences illustrated here demonstrate that Indian organizations offer new possibilities to renovate the nation-state. The)' also reveal the need for autonomous political positions and the formation of coalitions under equal conditions. Of course. not all of the Indigenous experiences have been positive. However, many of lhese, both good and bad, provide lessons from which we can learn in order to reformulate our future stralegies. Indigenous participation in the nation-states' electoral processes is only one aspect of the differem strategies we need to pursue. Access to parliaments gives us more power to propose and pressure for the adoption and approriate implementation of progressive international agreements such as the International Labor Organization's Convention 169, which is currently only recognized by seven governments. Other international agreements such as the UN Declaration on the Principles and Rights of Indigenous peoples require further pressure from the Indigenous organizations to the U.N. bodies in order to obtain an international convention signed by the colonial governments, recognizing the rights of Indigenous Peoples and not just a Declaration without implementing measures. We believe that u is Imperative for the Indigenous movement to work in coordinated fashion at the continental and world level to produce joint proposals for appropriately adopung and furthering the scope of these mternauonallegal instruments. ~ have to remember that, although the legal instruments are avilable. they need to be ratified by nauon-states, but also, in some c.1ses. those legal instruments need to be taken furhter, according to Indigenous organizations' understanding of such matters. Otherwise, these! instruments will remain In the hands of nation-states without Indigenous input. T SAIIC Board of Directors Vol. 8 No.3 3 �IN BR I EF Massive Coca-grower's March on La Paz, Bolivia Bolivian security forces unsuccessfully tried to turn away a protest march of severn! thousand camp.:;i110s headed for the capital city of La Paz in early September. Over fifty leaders were arrested. police confiscated baggage and even sandals in an attempt to pre,·ent campesinos from joining the march. The coca-growers were headed for La Paz to demand fair treatment for those who make their living growing coca. Coca leaf has long been important in the Andes because of its cultural and rnedicinal elemems. but in recent years it has acquired significance as a cash crop which is used in the production of cocaine. Protesters are demanding the demilitarization of the Chaparc region, protection of 1he coca·growing industry. com· pliance with agreements previously signed with the government, and the release of arrested activists. After three attacks by security forces. marchers chose to stay ofT the main roads to avoid funher confrontation. Campesinos have been subjected to increased arbitrat)' arrests and seizures, intimidation and harassment. sexual abuse or women. and tor· ture. Religious workers in the coca-growing Chapare region. say that the area has been completely militarized. and that the gov· emmem has also been cracking down on non·govemmental organizations who are supportive of the Indigenous camtJtsinos. The country's rn.ost powerful labor union. the 13olivian Workers Central (C06). held a 48-hour strike in La Paz on Sept. 15 and 16 to pressure the government on the cocagrowers' behalf. In response. President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada called a national dialogue to discuss the ..cocacocaine'" problem and to seek consensus solmions. The coca-growers emerged from this dialogue with a preliminary agreement which rneets several of their key demands. Leuu s demandi11g respe" for the human rigJus of c;amf'(Sinos <Jnd NCO workers in the coca regions c;a~t be sent to Bolivian President Gom::alo Sanche:: de ~ada, Fax: 591 -2·391216 Adapl<d from : \Vtekly N t h'S Upd<lle. 011 tilt AmcriC Nicamgua Solidarity Network tJf (IS, Greater New Yor·k. 339 Wfayeue Sl.• New Yorh. NY 10012. Argentina: Constitution Finally Recognizes Indigenous Rights ArgentinaS constitutional revision on Aug. 11 this year rec· ognized Indigenous peoples' rights after a series of postponements by the dmfting commission. After much debate. Article 67 of the constitution was modified to read : (the slate/ relognizes concwn:ncly with the provinces, the pre· existence of the lndgenous peoples that make up the Ar:geminian nation, guaranteei,lg respect for their elhnic and cultural identity. the legal sw1us of their communities; the tmession and communal 4 ow11crship of lands that they tradilio11ally occupy; mal1i11g a"ailable sufficient and suitable lands for their lwman development. which will be h1alienable and not subjeCl to seiZl~re; assure their access to bilingual ancl inrerculwral education: and their lHH'tici· palion in <lecisions n:gardirzg the rational use, administration <Jnd consen•ation of natural re:sour·ces: in the developmcmt of their interests; and in national life. Nonetheless, the final text relating to communal ownership of trnditionally-occupied lands ended up only partially satisfactory. The original Indian proposal used the word •guarnntecd" in respect to ownership of these londs. The governing justicialista Party, alonned by the supposed legal and economic consequences of this proposal. pushed the d rafting commission to rephrase this with the word ..regulatc..-which obviously has different implications. In the final compromise. the commission settled on the word "recognize)!o which implies at least that communities wilt be able to secure ownership or lands for which they already have titles. Settlement Between Texaco and Ecuadorian Government Sidesteps Indigenous People U.S.-based multinational oil company, Texaco Inc. and the Eeuadorian govemmem have reached a tentative agreementsubject to Ecuadorian President Sixto Duran Ballens approvalon clean-up and restoration of fom1er oil production sites in Ecuador's remote Oriente region. The populations. panicularly Indigenous peoples. whose communities ha"e been devastated by twenty years or accumu· lated toxic dumping and oil spills. were never consuhed in the process of negotiating this settlement. Indigenous and colonist organizations have been fighting for yec1rs, in alliance with envi· romner!lal groups and lawyers. to force Texaco to carry-out a thorough clean-up and restoration of the areas it polh.ucd and to provide health services and monitoring of oil related ailmems within affected comrnunities. Texaco$ oil operntions have spilled some 16.8 million gallons of crude oil into the Oricme. The company also voluntalily dumped 20 billion gallons of water containing toxic hydrocarbons. chemicals and heavy metals. into the regionS waterwa)'S. Roads built by Texaco have blazed the way for deforestation of O\rer 2.5 million acres of rainforest by opening previously isolated Indian territories to colonization by fMmers and mnchers. On tenninating its operations in 1990, Texaco made no effon to clean up the toxic mess it left behind. Indigenous umbrella organizations including COICII. CONAIE and CONFENAIE as well as the environmental coalitions CEDENMA and Amazon For Life "ill not accept this exclusive bilateral settlement between Texaco and the Ecuadorian government. The governmentS interests and the IVYya Yala News �IN communities' interests are n ot congruent. The sune-own.cd oil company CEPE (now Pcuocc-uador) worked in conson.ium with Texaco as a co-polluter and will ha"e to pick up the tab for 65.5% of any remediation bill. Given the ccuadorian govern- ment's financial liability in this situation, organizations fear that their government will not adequately meet the needs of the communities that have been impacted. For this reason. Indigenous org~nizmions must be fully involved in negotiating any settlement if a tmly effective plan for environmental reStoration and human heahh care is to be designed, financed and implemented. Pleas.: write or fax Texaco and dtt &uadorian gwcrnment immediarcly exp~ming your conetnt. Presid<nte SL, to Dur.ln Ballen. Prosideme dela Repblica dd Ecuador, P:llacio PrtsidencW, C'lle Garcia Moreno, Quito, Ecuador. Fa." 593-2-580-735 Alfred C. DeCrone Jr.. CEO and Chainnan of the Board, Texaco. Inc.. 2000 Westchester Ave.. \Vhite Plains, NY 10650. Fax: 914-253· 7753 lnfonnation supplied by the Rainforest Aaior~ Nawork Paraguay-Parana Waterway Threatens Largest Wetlands in t he Americas BR I EF mental costs, a nd comprehensively evaluate the waterway's impacts. including those to all 2,000 miles of river that will be affected. lnfonnatio-n supplied by tltt lnctrnational Rivers Nuworh. Venezuelan Indians Seek Constitutional Rights R epresentatives of Venezuela's twenty-seven Indigenous peoples began a series of meetings at the Latin American Indigenous Parliament Center in Caracas to demand that their rights be included in the national constitution, which congress is current· ly attempting to reform . jest\s j im~ne.z , Vene.zuela~ only lndigneous congressman, explained that the 350.000 Indigenous people living in this country seek inclusion for their rights tO land, usc or their languages and recognition of dual citizenship for those peoples living along the Colombian and Brazilian borders. Jimenez pointed out that ColombiaS Indigenous legislation guarantees dual citizenship in such cases. including for the 10.000 Wayu who inhabit the Colombian-Venezuela border area. The Indigenous repre-sentatives will also try to secure guarantees for participation in legislative powers at the national, regional. municipal. and local levels. Injorm<Hion COU1'te$)' of Ansa Nt.WS Agency Inc. " More than fony scientific, environmental and indigenous o rganizations launc hed an international campaign in early Sept. to protect the vast Pantanal wetlands from a .. mega-project'" known as the Parana-Paraguay Hidrovia (or watenvay). Organizations rne1 in Chapada dos Guimares in the Brazilian state of Mato Grosso to discuss the Pantanal's current situation and the proposed waterway. According to these diverse organizations, the Pamanals already suffer tremendous impacts caused by gold and dia mond mining. logging, u rban sewerage. industrial po llution. pesticide and herbicide run-off and overfishing. The proposed waterway would include several massive engineerin_g projects to straightel't, deepen and "regulate" the c hannel of the Paraguay River. The governments of Brazil. Argentina, Bolivia. Paraguay and Uruguay hope that the watcrwny will open the riverS upper sections to year-round industrial shipping. and have applied to the !mer-American Development Bank and other sources for funding. International funders are wary, however, u mil an environmental impact statemem (ElS) has been completed. T he groups meeting in Chapada dos Guimares are therefore demanding full participation in the ElS process. They also demand that it take into account all social and e nviron· Vol. 8 No.3 5 �P ERS PECT I V ES 0 N TH E E L E C T O R'.!~_!....!R O~:..:E S :__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ ~ A L P ~ C ~S In the following section we present a review of the Indian movement's experiences with electoral processes over the last year. Members of the movement p rovide analyses intended both to expose the problems and dangers of the nation-state's existing political processes. and to evaluate the Indian movement's political weaknesses. and thereby strengthen future political participation. Opinions in these articles belong to their authors. and are not necessarily those of SAl/C. Elections in Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest By Araceti Burguete Cal y Mayor T he Mexican Constitution was modified in 1992 to include certain new tures. Faced with this situation, nearly 100 politically diverse Indigenous organizations met in Mexico City on Indigenous rights. Unfonunately, ingly doubtful about working through the March 4 and 5 10 develop a common this rdonn has never been implcmcmcd. political parties. Consequently, the tradi- national electoral strategy. The and Indigenous fonns of social organiza- tional parties have gradually lost political Convention presented presidential candi· tion and democratic representation still control within the coumryS Indigenous dates attending the meeting with a con· lack legal recognition. Despite many efTons regions. sensus program with universal to pass legislation guaranteeing Indian repThus, despite the high turnout of Indigenous demands. At the same time. resentation in congress over the p."lSt three Indigenous voters for the Aug. 21 presi- the Convention demanded candidates to years, none have been adopted because dernial elections nationally, several specify their policies on the right to selfIndigenous organizations still lack allies to lndiger'IOUS regions refused to vote in detennination, as well as representation suppon these proposals. Thus. Mexico's their entirety. A significant number of in congress. The Assembly's program Indigenous peoples have access to the community assemblies, like that of &In demanded that political parties agree to nation's congress only through panicipa- juan Comalapa in Oaxaca. rejected the the creation of a Sixth Electoral District. tion in the political panies. establishment of polling places in their exclusively for Indigenous peoples, and At the same 1ime. there is ample COE communities and decided to remain out· that they reserve a quota of 10% of their 'Isensus among the nation's Indigenous side the electoral process. Not just this candidacies for Indigenous representaorganizations that the political parties are town. but practically the entire Triqui tives. not adequate mechanisms for bringing region in Oaxaca boycotted the election . Although the candidates reiterated Indigenous representatives to congress. Of those Indigenous people who voted their commitment to the Indigenous peoThis conclusion has been reinforced by nationwide. many did so under protest: ple-especially due 10 the pressure the marginal placement of Indigenous unhappy with the panisan system , but caused by events in Chiapas-they did demands in the political parties' agendas, conscious of the need to contribute with not adopt the demand for a new district· in addition to the absence of Indigenous their vOle to the country's political future. ing as their own. Only the Party of the represemmion in their leadership stn1c· Democratic Revolution (PRD) responded National Indigenous Electoral b)' reserving three cand idacies in the Araa:li 8urgucle I a Chiapas ,uuivc as well as Convention s lower house and two in the senate for Technical and Research Coordinator for the For the first time in contemporary Indian leaders. Though not insignificant, lndtf'(nclem Indian Pcoplc.s Front. Mexican history. delegates representing this gesture is cenainly limited-especial· 6 Indigenous people have become increas· I>Jyya Yala News �PERSPEC TI VES ON THE EL ECT OR A L PROCESS ly if it is taken into account that Mexico~ Indigenous people constitute more th~t 15% of the population. The governing nizations and individuals from through· out the country to a National Democratic Convention (CND) from Aug. 8 to 10. Institutional Revolutionary Party will have no more than two Indigenous wilhin Zaptuista territory in the Lacandon jungle. AStonishing!)', over 6.000 delegates from throughout Mexico made the long joume)' to attend this event in the isolated and previously obscure comrnunity of Aguascaliemes. As with practical!)' all events organized by the ..civil society"'-that is, mestizo society-Indigenous panicipation was marginal and the number of delegates was scarce!)' significant. Despite the limited number of panicipams. Indigenous orga· nizations came to a consensus proposal for use in the discussion table. Thus, half of the resolutions at the round table for a Constitutional Congress and a New deputies and one lndigenous senator. National Democratic Convention in Chiapas On june 13, based on the overwhelm· ing majority of the vote within their sup· porter communities the Zapatista National Liberation Arm)' (EZLN) refused the Mexican government's peace pro· pos~l. At the s~me time the EZLN announced ~ strateg)' to seek unit)' the civilian 1novement pushing for a transition to national democracy. To this end, they surnmoned a diverse group of orga· Vol. 8 No.3 Constitution related to Indigenous peo· pies rights. gathering in a S)'nthesis of the proposals presented b)' the Independent Indian Peoples Front (FIPI). along with those of other delegations. The final text of the Convention read as follows: As ctmcems the Indigenous peoples, the National Denux mcic Converllion resoh·es that their autonomy, sclf·<iecennination and territorial rights bo recognized; char che customary riglu of lndiger~o~ts 1>eople be elevated to a constitutional right; that a new chapter on hldigtnousr>eoplc. elab· omced by che llldigeiiOilS r<or>les themselves, be integrated in the New Cor~scicution. Tite policy will bo elaborated on seven axes: lcmd, emJ>loymem. justice, economy. freedom, hullch and ed1•C a· tion. Thac articles 115 thro~tgh 122 be 7 �PERSPECTIVES ON THE ELECTORAL PROCESS rc:viscd to srrc:ngtltcn nwnicip<1lities <md establish the Indigenous regions, Tlwt the fourth article be mO<Iified to co•iform a Sixth Plurinominal Districting for lr1digenous representation, that the right to tulucacion be made effective and llwc this education respects and iruegrates the diver>ity of all Indigenous peoples, their traditions, customs. and languages. Education should be free at all levels, democratic, lay. scientific. humanistic. national and critical. Education for Indigenous people must be bilingual at all levels. In spite or the importance or this pamgmph, it is important to acknowledge that Indigenous perspectives and the aspimtions or the Indigenous people in Mexico were not the centmlthcme or the CND- opposmon to the government and the again appropriated-through rmud and official (PRI) party. Predictably, the gov- multiple electoral transgressions that have ernment ~ried to rorestall CEOICs partic- not been investigated- over 90% or the ipation in the CNO by trying to crea.te seats ror in the House or Deputies and divisions within the coalition. almost I 00% or those ror the Senate, Unronunately, these prospered. Hair or Nonetheless. the d isappointment relt by CEOIC-made up or organizations large- Indigenous peoples d id not coalesce into ly financed by the government or the a post-electoml struggle, When the elecPRI-stood against participation in the tions were o,·er. Indigenous organizations Convention, The other hair-the selr-pro- returned to their previous stntggles and daimed Independent CEOIC-<:ndorscd. tactics, The PRO vote cast by the majority and then joined the CNO, The indepen- or Chiapas' Indigenous peoples was not a dent CEOIC maintains a line of civilian truly partisan vote. The PRO was persupport ror the Zapatista proposals and ceived as the best party at hand, but not negotiations, and continues to contribute necessarily as their own party, or as one significantly to the extension of '"civilian that identi fies wholly wilh their interests. bridges· into the conOict zone. Votes garnered by the PRO in Chiapas awarded two seats in the lower house to Elections in Chiapas Indian leaders. These are: Antonio this despite the conventionS location in August 21 , election day, was particu- Hernandez (see interview in VoL 8:1&2). the heart of the conflict zone, wilhin ter~ larly significant ror Chiapas, The states Maya-Tojolabal, state leader or the rilOry held by an army, nearly all of whom elections commstcd sharply with those in Independent Central or Agricultural arc Indian. the rest or the country, For the forst time Workers and Campesinos (CIOAC), and in the highland and jungle regions or M ario Landeros. candidate for the Xfnich Fragi le Coalition Divides in Chiar>as, Indigenous people exercised organizmion of Palenque. Elsewhere. Chiapas their citizenS right to vote in massive Martin Equihua rcpreseming the A political watershed leading up to rashion. For the forst time they voted or Guerrero 500 Years or Indigenous the National Democratic Convention their own free will. without impositions. R esistance State Council also won a seat was the fragnlcntation into two halves or and without being coerced. For the forst in the lower house through the PRO vote, the Indigenous and Campesino State time the Indigenous vote in Chiapas was Euldarico Hemandez. Chontal writer and Council or Chiapas (CEOIC), It was evi- not ror the PRL leader rrom the state or Tabasco. sec\lrcd a dent that the Convention would express At the national level. the PRI once seat in the senate, along with Hector Sanchez, leader or the Worker·C.1111pesino Student Coalition or the Isthmus, The present political balance is certainly not what Indigenous or ganizations demand, nor what justly corrcs1>0nds to their peoples, Nevertheless, the Indigenous movement will have at least three authemic advocates in the next legisla· ture. These delegates are committed to constitutional rcrorms elabomted by the Indigenous National Electoral Com•en· tion including: rhe right to govern their territories according to norms established by their customs and usage. and the right to Indigenous representation in congress through special districting without Maya residents o f Altamirano, Chiapas U up to vote; o bservers at polling place s ne in the town reported significant irregularities. dependence upon the political l>arties. -., 8 AIYya Yala News �Reconstructing the Ayllu: toward Renewal of the Bolivian State By Maria Eugenia Choque and CariDs Mamani ast years eltcuons m Bolivia culmi· noted m August Wlth the victory of ·ealthy mdustriahst Gonzalo ("Goni") ~nchez dt Lozada and Aymara Indian intellectual Victor Hugo Olrdenas, leaders of tWO distinct political traditions: Coni !rom the leftist-turned-centrist Nationalist Revo lutionary Movement (MNR) credited with •modernizing" Bolivia. and Victor Hugo !rom the Aymara Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement of Liberation (MRTKL). Their election trig· gered celebrations among various sectors or the Bolivian population. On the mght or Aug. 5. the coliseum in La Paz was the scene or a grand. picturesque ceremony organized by the MNR. Indigenous people panicipatcd in a ntual of homage and recognition in which representatl\'eS of almost all o f the native groups in the country presented symbols of power and authority to Gonzalo Sanchez and Victor Hugo. It symbolized their acceptance as ··n:nive authorities... The presentation took place in a colorful atmosphere o f wiphalas (multi-colored patchwork Aymara Oags which have come to represent Indian Unity). The ceremony was a perfect an1ftce: showing Indian inte· grauon and ascendance lO po\1 ter-by Marla fugmla Olotr-" is a luslonan and Dir«IIJI' of the Alldtan Oral Hwory llbrl>shop m l.n Paz. Carlos Mamanl also ..00.0 as a luslorian m l.n Paz. Vol8 No.3 Marching for territory and dignity way or the vace-presadent elect. Funhermore. the president appeared (how marvelous!) to be seeking Indigenous recognttaon before taking power. Alliance with the Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement of Liberation (M R TKL) wns a great success for the MNR, leading to a decisive electoral victory. The MRTKL, for their part, gained five seats in Congress. a small role in the administration or the Slate, and the creation or a National Secretariat of Ethmc Affairs. Quruitath·ely. howe,·er, their presence in parliament as more hmucd than that of the first Indian depuues m parh•mem (including Olrdenas hamseiO m the 1980s. Since the elecuon, pohuc::al propag;mda has tned to show that the indigenous mo,·ement-wuh Vfctor 1-iugo at its head-is pan of the government. Or, at least, that it Is willing to wait to be vindi· cated through reforms proposed by the government in llCW hlW'S O( popular par· ticipation. cdu~tion , :1nd privatization. The situation in UoHvia C;ln be under· stood as the continuation or an inter-eth· nic relationship an which the criollo (people of European descent) groups in power use the an of samulaung lnd.,n political pan.capauon. to perfecuon. They accomplash thas b)• puttmg on shows such as that descnbcd obo\'C and through their newly acquued ~bthty to integrate Indigenous andavaduols mto the politic::al elite. These and"'duals must only pass an exam where saenficc. higher education. desire !or power and presuge, and the denunciauon of their adeals appear to be the deciding factors. Wlthm this context. it is not saying too much to point om that Victor Hugo appeared in electoral propa· ganda representing the COntinmuion of the stateS intcgmtiomst policies such as the agrarian refonn of 1953. Given the StateS VISible securily in hs control over the lndagenous popubuon, \\'C ask here. what is the state or the Indian MO\'trnent? History of the Movement Todar~ lnd.,n n>ovement os neuher a recent phenomenon, nor the result of the 1952 revoluuon. It as the conunuation. although in fragmented fonn, of a ffiO\'C· ment of C<ICiqut'S (tradltionul chiefs) which was led in the first hal! or this century by Santos Marka T'ula. Eduardo Nina Qhispi, Gregorio Ventura, Rufino \C,IIca. Feliciano Aruquipa, Celcdonio Luna. Mateo Alfaro, and others. These caciques struggled !or the survival or the Indigenous people and proposed the "renewal Of 8ohvi3" With the InstitUtionalization or respect !or dovcrsoty and pluralit)' In thear analystS of domeStiC: and international pohcaes (1920-1936) , they Continued on page 33 9 �PERSPECTIVES ON THE ELECTORA L PROCESS Photo : Gvatemal3 NC\'/S and Information 8ure3u Guatemala: M aya M ovement At The Politica l Crossroads Maya " Communities of Populations in Resistance"' (CPR's) left hidden communities in the lxcan jungtc in February of this year to establish an open potiticat presence. By Estuardo Zapeta. n june of 1993. following the failed self-coup d'ttat by former President jorge Serrano Elias, the Pem1anent Maya Assembly submitted a list wi1h three names for the Vice-presidency. This act in itself shook the Guatemalan politi- I C.."'..I establishment, demonstrating the new asseniveness of the coumryS Indigenous movement. This p reviously little known polhical curre m is now one of the strongest in Guatemalan society. Paradoxically 1he ..Serranazo," as Serrano Elias' attempted coup was nicknamed. helped the Maya movement emerge o nto the national stage. Nonetheless. and perhaps due to a lack of political experience. Maya organizations have fallen fa r short of their political potential in recent years. This year, two political C\'CntS rencct on the situation faced by the movement. On jan. 30, a majori1y of voters approved Esruardo Z<lp•:~a is Maya-Caqchiqu<l and works wirlt rhe Ctmro de Esrudios dela Culwra Maya (CECMA) of Cuaremala. 10 newly-appointed President Ramiro de Leon Carpio$ proposed constitutional revision a midst massive abstentionism. Then. on Aug. 14. parliamentary elections were held in which fonncr military d ictator Rios Mont , whose administration from 1981-82 was responsible for the bloodiest repression of the Maya population in rcccm history. won a seat in congress. The Political Movement: Internal and External Factors Maya Indians arc the majority in Guatemala with over 60% of the I>Opulation. ThC)' are also victims of the \Vestem Hem isphere~ longest and most bloody modern civil wars. Understanding the discovery of the Americas in 1992 unified organizations in a common cultural and political cause. Second. numerous Mayan organizations have fonned in the country- side. These range from agricultural cooperatives to a national system of Mayan schools. and they have begun 10 consolidate local power as the basis of an effective political panicipation. Third. ethnic issues have become a maucr of national debate since the agenda for peace talks between the govem mem and the guerrilkl movement was modified to include a point on "ldemi1y and Rights of the Indigenous People." Advances made by t he movement have unfonunately been undem>ined by e rnerging Maya political participation power struggles within the Indian leader- requires a look a1 both internal and external factors affecting the movement in ship. Fueled by the lack of clear I>Oiitical objectives, this in-fighting slowly gnaws away at achievements 1 nadc over the last three years. Additionally. one effect of the recent years. There ttrc three major internal innuences on Maya political activism. First, strong Op(>OSition to celebration of the Quincenrenary of Columbus' so-called diminished influence of Marxist d iscourse has been the new recognition of previous- ly ignored cultural differences among the !Wya Y News ala �PERSPECTIVES Maya peoples. Th<S< dtfferences h3\·e in ON Thts ts true. first of all. because only tum, accclcr.ued the mttrnal competition 20% of the electoratt voted. Second!)\ for power. Rtos Mont exploned law and order Externolly. Moyo pohllcal panicipation rhetoric tn a count')' where criminal foces chollenges generated by last years activity tS second only to poveny as a failed coup d'tun, the nations general social problem. The ex-dtctator is also a democratic crisis and the Aug. 14 con· born-again Protestant. and could there· gressional elections. International pres- fore count on nc:uly un:mimous suppon sure OJ\ the Guatcmahm government has from the evangelical Protestont popula· also contributed to the opening of politi· tion. In 1990. 36% of the population was cal spaces for the Maya. estimated to be l'rotestant. the highest proportion or nny country in predomiOf Elections And The Elected nantly Catholic latin America. The lndtgenous movement discovered Evangelical advances are not surprising in its first '"polittcal thermometer'" in rural. Mayan commumues. Thts success Prestdent Carptos referendum for the results from a well-planned and well· proposed con.sutuuonal revision. The funded wave o( e'"ngehcal mtssionizing rtVtSlon was 01med ot purgmg the corrupt from the Untted States. Serrano congress and represented a funThe Maya people and the former dicdamental clash between the executive and tator w>ll face thetr real challenges in the legislative powers. The Indigenous mo,·e· Nov. 1995 prcstdenual elections. Unless ment could have exploited this division. Rios Mont can eng1neer a constitutional but political inexperience limited any revision. he will be b.1rrcd-as a former gains. The principal Mayan organizations dictator-from seeking the presidency. At threw their supJ behind the president~ the same time, moderate right-wing par>Ort constitution•! chonges. In exchange, the ties. who are best placed to \vin the pres· president approved a National Indigenous ideney. have shown liule concern for Rios Fund. The Maya people could have Mont and are turning their :mention to gained much more. the 1ndtgenous vote. For instance. the President C.1rp1o~ constitutional revi· National Advancement Party (PAN). has ston was approved with a majority )-es· been in ·secret• tolks with the vote on Jan. 30. but turnout \1>1\S a shock· Autonomous Movement of Masses. an mgly low 16'10 of the dectora.te. Poor orgamzauon worktng for poliucal educa· commumcauon btlwetn the Indigenous tion and org:t.mz;mon m poor Indigenous nauonal and grassroots 0rg.1niza1ions pre· and mtsti.c;o rommunu1es. ''ented any stgmficant political panicipa· tton. Yet Mara Orgllmzations ha\'e learned Military Ethno-hysteria that politicians now place imponance on Withtn the politico! process. the the Indigenous vote. Indigenous rno\·emem c:mnot underestl· National congressional elections were mate the anny$ presence and power. held on August 11. 1994. Surprisingly. This institution. which has systematical· (ormer military dictator Errnin Rios Mom ly opposed any Moya political panicipa· and his Republican Front pany emerged lion, is undergoing one or its worst with a significnnt vtctory. R ios MomS times . It's important to remember that tenure as dictator in 1981-1982 was one the :mny has free nnd permanent access of the bloodtest ever endured by the to most Maya communmes through Mayon people. At that ttme. his "bullets paramilitary squads known as Civil and beans· counter·tnsurgency program Defense Patrols 11 has established razed hundreds of Mayo villages to the throughout the countrystde. The current ground. H1s VICtory howe,·er is not~ sur- number of 3Ctl\'C members m the Civil pnstng as 11 appe3rs. Defense: Patrols 15 esttmated at O\"tr Vol. 8 No.3 THE ELECTORAL PROCESS 500.000: 95% of these are Maya A senous tntemal dJ\'tSton. '"loss"' of the commumst enemy, a re--defimtton of its role after mmal peoce talks. and a problem of · unage· both at the nauonal and internauoMIIcvel. are JUSt few of the problems foced by the Guutemulan army. The appoumncnt of General Julio Otzoy Colaj. Mnya-caqchiquel from the town of Comalapa. as Vice-Minister of Defense is widely percei,'Cd as on auempt to tum back Maya poliucal odvances. Otzoy never tdcnufies htmself as Mayo and leads the army's ultra<Onservative sector. 0tzoy explamed m a 1\~nt tntervtew thot "due to the senous ethniC problem· facing Guatemala. there \S g7t3t nsk for the emergence of an •ethntcally·based guemlla mo,-ement" m the next ten years. The recent ·Maya Nauon h)-pothests• and the new ideas on Mt\)'0\ :.'lutonomy have increased Ouoys fears. Although these ideas arc mere speculations. the conserva· tive military lllCrcaslngly accuses Maya organizations or subversion ond sep.1ratism. The ultra-right is olso haunted by the possibility that the Guotcmolan govern· Ex-dictator Rios Montt's amp&ign slogan prodaiming "'With us.. your vote counts.• 11 �PERSPECTIVES ON THE ELECTORAL ment might ratify Convention 169 of the labor Org:mizmion on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries. This would International increase the international legal validity of rights claimed by Ma)'a organizations. PROCESS at the end of the 1980s. The Indigenous National Front (FIN) was fou nded for this purpose. This political organization faded out. basicall)\ because it had neither the people nor the monel' to be heard at the national level. Work at the local level has Indigenous leaders who participated in Christian Democratic President Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo's administration . Many outstanding accusations of corruption and financial mismanagement remain against them. Though Minister Tay Coyoy is the first Indian to r each such a high position in Guatemalan government, the ract that his activities cominue to be opaque h as not helped the consolidation of the political party. The Maya dilemma has always been whether to participate in the electoml systemS existing panies in order to gain new spaces. and eventually rise to shape party platforms themselves or to create their own political associ· ations. capable of partici- pating at the national level. The Indigenous movement is also limited by a Jack of economic T army maintains a political presence in most Maya communities through the Civil Defense Patrols. he Recent publication of Rujunamil Ri Mayab' Amaq (Rights of the Maya Peo1>le) has also fueled the am1yS fears. In sum. these military sectors see any Indigenous political been visibly more effective 1han at the national or regional level. For example, the Came Civic Committee, an Indigenous grassroots organziation. has kept power. Maya organiza· tions are facing financial crise-S at the national, regional, and local levels. This has only been overcome at the local level, where the Maya ob,oousl)' have more opportunities. progress as a national security threat. However, the " young officers" sector and the anny:S so-called Mprogrcssive wing" arc to some extent forcing the ul~ra-con­ servative groups to be more lOieram toward political indigenous participation . control of the Mayors office for the last The Chall enge Ahead ten years, even while competing with the Though many have argued that the congress elected on Aug. 14 represems a It moted formation of a political pany. This who represem a challenge to the congress. The congress$ shon d11ration (one year) Maya organizations to take advantage of commiuee is covertly directed by the cur. these divisions within the anny. rem minister of education. Alfredo Tay and its ideological composition which leans heavily lOward the right wing ""II be up to the political abilities of the established national parties. The most recent national efforts for Maya political participation was through the Sociedad lxim, a committee 1hat pro~ Coyoy. Dilemmas and Limitations of Political Participation The first Maya auempts at direct national political participation took place 12 Maya-K'iche' from challenge to Mayan political participation. the opposite is in fact true. h i.s the Maya Quetzal- (which ignores Indigenous demands). tenango. Chrisitan Democratic parties bcnh wilhin Guatemala and Europe are indicates that the Indigenous movernem should take the time to re-evaluate its also supporting this effort in ncar secrecy. Among the ranks of this group are Guatemala's socio·polilic31 reality. position and design Strategies that renect PIDya Yala News �PERSPECTIVES The foll0\\1ng pomts require t\'aluation: a) Substantial changes in the political diseourse. The radical nature of ahe Mayan political discourse-based on s tagnant leftist Ideas from the 1960s-has become obsolete in 1994. This discourse d oes not help Ind ian political participation : 10 the contrary, it reaffi mts the fear and cahno-hystcria of the army and the economically powerful sectors. In short, this discourse is characcenzed by mconsistent pop· uhsm. the InSIStence that the MayaS only problem is unJUSt land distribuuon, and b)' a rod1cal envuonmental· 15m th31 defends the adopuon of exouc hfesayles. Thts is not ahe Mayan people's dascourse. but rather results from an inOux of ideas from M:lrxisl. environmental and ocher radical groups fro m Europe and ahe United States. b) The c re:uion of a solid base of lead- ON O\'crcome m order to achieve effective pohucal parttcipation. This lack of leadershtp w;u patently ob,ious durmg the recent congressional elections. Although a good number of Indian candtdatcs ran for offiee, only fiveout of a congress with eighty mem- bers-were clec•ed. Abstentionism added 1 the fact that Ma)oan candi0 dates were virtually unknown, guaran· aced this result. Remarkably, the five winning candidates ran wilh right· wing parties. An urgent imperative for Maya org.1nizations ls to ..train.. new leaders who can act as catalysts for the thoughtS and feelings of the Ma)'3n people <)Clarification and unification of realistic goals and objectives. The current debate 0\'er ahe Mayan Vol. 8 No. 3 E LECTORA L PROCESS autonom. lS a perfect cx.•mple of confuSIOn Wlthm the lndrgcnous movement of tiS 0\\'ll pohucal objecd,·es. When lndtgenous nglus. Ma)oan education. the Guatemalan lndrgenous Fund, and that some nght-\\1ng panres demonstrated ao''"'rd Rtos Mont must be seen by the lndtgenous mo"cment ;u represemmg a range of possibtlilies for par- compulsory milnary service-to men· lion just n (cw national issues-are must take ad,oamage of the liberal added 10 subject of autonomy, the con- ticipation. The lnd1genous movement mindsets of the ccmer.right panics' younger gcncmtions, fusion becomes even more app.1rem. The Mayan org,1nizmions. independent of ahe mearlS they decide to adopt, must together clanfy their objectives and sea goals for the short and longrun. The current political confusion naturally suppons the St..ae~ argument that·· the Mayas don' know what they want or wht:rt they w3nt to go: \Ve muse recogruzt: m :td\'3nce that this process or clanficauon and unificalion of goals does not nooess.1nly imply a political homogeniution. Unity within di\·ersit)' h.._'\5 sustained the mo\'emem up to now. l11is claim is supponed by way In which the d ifferem Indigenous froms united In opposition 10 the 500 years celebration . ership. The lack of Maya leaders is another challenge the mo\'ement will have 10 THE d) Political education at the community level. In Guatemala, the Maya ,,;II ha"e 10 redirect their effons 10\\'ard an effecti\'e pohucal pantctpauon Within the commumues. In :1 country where power ts htghly cenamliud, traditional pohucs have completely neglected the rural areas. The consolidation of Maya o rganizations throughout the country is the best indication that cffons for political educ.1tion at the community level arc feasible. In this sense. the army also has recognized the political potential of the rural areas through the Civil Self-Defense patrols. c) A relations hip with the moderate right. The senous constderauon of possible rebuons \\1th a Congress dominated by nght·Wlng parttes hos become necessary. The strong mllial opposuion 0 Dc~minorizntion of the n'Htjorily. In a country where the Mayan majority has always been perceived and treated like a m•nonay, it is necessary to intelhgenaly demonstrate ahe numencal posstbihues. In principle. poh11cs as a numbers game. The lnd•genous mo\'cmcnt must take ad\'antage of liS maJonty status 10 win 1he necessary SOCial and economic changes. g) Continuing diplomatic work at the international level. The Mayan people must cominue to carry out diplomocy nt a global level. This has been an extremely effec1ive political aool that would be unwise 10 neglect. In ahe final analysts, the new generations of Guatent3lan Ma)'aS. the so-called ·children of repressaon: have the greatest challenges and responsabthttes toward their people. The challenges they confront are many. and changes at the national. regional and global le,-el are rapid. Achieving change at the nauonul levcl ,,;II depend on a realistic vision of goals and political means congruent with global political c hanges. Posa-war Guatemala represents a nother challenge at ahc macro-social level for contemporary Mayans. Having been born and raised in waNime, the new Maya generations, as well as the new nttSHZO generotions. will have 10 look for \\'a)'S of peaceful and respectful cocx~Sicnee tn a multicultural and multihngual country hke Guatemala. All Guaacmabns \\111 ha,·e 10 tnsist on the possibrlny of umty wllhtn di,·ersity. .., 13 �PERSPEC TI VES ON TH E EL EC TORAL PR O CES S Special Indian Districting: Unresolved Political Problems in Colombia Members of the Colombian Indigenous movement are now trying to critically evaluate the movement's political participation in order to surpass the constraints that have kept many Indigenous objectives out of reach. The following article reflects this process of self·criti· cism. as well as the movement's search for new solutions. by A lfonso Palma Capera and Oskar Benjamin Gutierrez W ithout doubt one of the worst "hettdaches" that the Indigenous movement has endured is the problem of electoral panicipation. In 1990, when Lorenzo Muelas, Alfonso Pena Chepe and Francisco Rojas 6irry panicipated in construction of Colombia's new constitution the}' were sure that il would be extremely difficult to carry out the reforms they were outlining. Four years and two parliamentary elections later. Indigenous political panicipationwithin those spaces that Indigenous peo· pie themselves have forced open-is in deep crisis due to the political inexperi- ence of Indigenous representatives. lack of unity among Indigenous organizations and panics. and failure to skillfully manage relationships with the govermncnt. On March 13 of this yMr, Indigenous communities elccu~d Lorenzo Muclas and Gabriel Mujuy as their representatives to the Senate thanks to the system of Special ElectOral Oistricting (CEE), one of the most imponant political achievements of seats in the senate for Indigenous candidates. The CEE allows Indigenous "lists" (names on the party ticket) registered under the special district to compete fo r these scats independently or the senate races for the other one hundred scats within the National Electoral District. The Indigenous movement won the CEE through its advanced level of organization in a bitter struggle with the traditional institutions. It should not in any way be seen as a gift from the Colombian state. The proliferation of ettndidates this year~ight different Indigenous listsreflected the moven1ents lack of unity. In many cases, the vote was split even within the same ethnic group. Many Indigenous people who wanted to suppon their own cause did not know for whom to vote. Not knowing the candidates, the electorate was forced to decide "by sight" which candidate on the ballot seemed to represent their cause. The Indigenous candidates used their experience in previous clec· tions, and attempted to extend their the Colombian Indigenous movcmcm. appeal to the population in general and Article 176 of the revised constitution capture votes in non·lndigenous cotnmu· created the CEE as a system reserving two nities. This may explain why only three Indigenous parties registered their list Alfo>~so Palma Cap<ra is the jon>1er prtside>ll of under the CEE. while five sought office lht National lncligenous Organitation of through the National Electoral District, Colombia (ONIQ. Oskar Benjamin Culitm:z is competing with the other political groups a journalist and ONIC collaborator. under equal conditions. 14 The results were clear. On one hand, the Indigenous vote was diluted. This reflects d isunity and lack or coordination among so many candidates, but it also reflects the immense level of abstention among ethnic minorities. On the other hand, the large number of votes obtained by some Indigenous candidates in the urban areas suggests that non.Jndian vot· ers looked to Indigenous candidates as an alternative capable of generating debate with the traditional panics. First Experience Three different lists registered for the 1992 senate and chamber of deputies elections. The first was headed by Gabriel Muyuy for the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC): the second, was backed by the Indigenous Authorities of Colombia (AICO) headed by Floro Alberto Tunubala; and the third. that of the Indigenous Social Alliance headed by Antonio Quira GauM was created by a faction of the Indigenous movement especially for electOral participation and registered within the national district. For the first time in Colombian history, three Indians held scats in the senate as representatives of their own communities. The Indigenous lists succeeded in that moment largely due to their usc of an Indigenous program of action titled "The i>J:Jya Yala News �PE R SPEC TI VES Colombia that We Want.• This platform reflected a conception of Indians not as islands. but as part of a diverse country, and reached out to all the sectors of the country. It was grounded in culture, plurality and tolerance and called the nationstateS attention to a new and independent discourse with alternative proposals. This proposal was elaborated by working groups at the local. regional and national levels d\Jring the National Constitutional Assembly. These groups sought to develop a clear legislative agenda and plan the new constitution's design and implementation. These work groups. however. were not re~assembled in fol~ lo" ;ng years. and the task of continuing to develop an Indigenous policy was left to the regional organizations which gener· ally lack the advice and resources available to Indigenous Senators. ON TH E E L EC T O R A L PROCESS paigns without first drawing lines to dis- irresponbilities tinguish the two activities. In this way obtained some important seats (ma)•ors, congressmen. senators), but who lacked leaders of some organizations enter polit- ical life and never return to work with their organizations. This situation has made many indigenous organizations skeptical and concerned about the rela· tionship between politics and the organi- zations. For this reason the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) did not endorse any candidate in this election and does not plan to do so in the future, considering that doing so f could deepen existing divisions. or candidates who training and experience in govemment. Minorities Supported? Operation of the special electOral district which Indian groups fought for so long to establish is now being questioned. Its establishment probably numerically increases minority representation and pennits those sectors less involved with traditional politics to reach office. But there is also the risk that this mechanism could distort the expression of the ethnic Alliances and Alternatives In order to gain access to public office. Indigenous candidates have sought the support of different movements that do not represent Indigenous interests. Several of the Indigenous candidates ran with the Conservative and Liberal parties. communities political will. Since voting within the special districts is not closely regulated, majorities may end up decid- ing \\•ho is elected in the name of the minorities. Many sectors within Colombia request a stricter regulation of the Disuicting. in order to strengthen the eth- The Problems Increase nic communities· participation . In spite of the political space obtained. the participation and inOuence of Indigenous peoples in projects and discussions has been limited due to the dis- The problems described above have resulted in the loss of many votes o f those ·clean" candidates or programs for gov- advantage of having only two senators as ernment. compared The Colombian Indigenous movement is now suffering from a state of apathy, finding hope only in what new laws can offer, rather than pressuring the State through marches and mobilizations. The to ninety from Colombians who did not find new or the Conservative and Liberal parties and ten from other sectOrs. In addition to the corruption of these political entities. Indigenous representatives' progratns have received little respect. As a politically inexperienced minority, the Indigenous representatives have not been able to resist the machinations of the traditional parties. Confusion Between Organizations and Parties presence of the Indian parliamentarians has helped establish the fundamental rights of ethnic groups and to open spaces One of the first Indian scnotors. Anatotio Ouira. played a k<ty rote in promoting Indian potitical participation d uring his tctm in otftec. for participation. However, it is now nee· essary for them to work toward recon· struction or their own fragmented forces in order to jointly face the t raditional political establishment. Common p roposals must be elaborated to fonn an electoral strategy capable of uniting with In addition, the Indigenous movement suffers serious internal problems. The ln consequence, many Colombians who previously saw the Indian candidates as a organizations have not completed enough respite from the political panorama were dis.,ppoimed at these alliances and the appearance that the Indian parties were immediately falling into the same old political customs. These doubts have committed to this end, and the communi· ties themselves will verify its develop been reinforced by the inefficiencies and ment. .., basic work with their members to help them differentiate clearly between the political campaigns and their organizations. Regional organizations frequently support their members' political camVOl. 8 No. 3 other sectors proposals who have tradi· tionally shown solidarity with 1ndigenous peoples. The Indigenous movement is 4 15 �I H T E R H A T I 0 H A L ~_ _ _ _ __ Barbados Ill: On Democracy and Diversity We ptint below excerpts from the third declaration by the Barbados group of social scientists. The Barbados I declaration was an early and extremely Influential document written by an intematlonal group of academics In support of Indigenous people 's struggles. It is accompanied by an introduction by Stefano Varese. one of the group's founding members.' n 1971, on the Isle of &rbados. a Six )'<31'S !:Iter, an 1977, the group met by Abya Yala Press m Quuo) auempt to group of L:mn Amencan anthropolo- again an Barbados. thas ume accompanied clarify some of these problems and conIJlStS met under the auspices or the by a matehang number of Indigenous tribute to the construction of a more just vn"·erstt)' of Zunch, Swuzerland. and the leaders and antelltctuals. By this time, the and dtgniOed future for the Indigenous World Councal of Churches. The meeting Latin American pohtical context had suf. people. took place at a time when the expansion fered a radacal change. The national polit· of development in Amazonian Indigenous ical projects for rcfom1 In Chile, Peru, Barbados Ill Declaration: territories was escalating and when Bolh•ia and Panama had been defeated Articulation of Diversity dependent capitolism's modernization and the most violent forms of State More than two d ecades after our forst project met wilh strong resistance from repression and terrorism had been insti· declaration ( 197 1). the members of the the Indigenous and peasont peoples o f the tuted in a great number of coumries in Barbados Group gathered in Rio de Andes and Meso-America. the region. An armed revolutionary strug· janeiro. Bmzil. to rcOcct on the situation Simplistic political interpretations gle seemed a real possibihty to many of of the lndagenous peoples in Latin which employed an analytical framewo rk the continental Indigenous mO\'Cments. America and to document the persistence overly concerned wath economic issues The &rbados II Decl>rauon reOected this of secular forms of dommation and had the reahty of ethnic conflicts during new reahty. Unfonun:uely us impact on exploitation that affect them. The develthat neocolomal penod. LeftiStS argued nauonal SOCICUes and the organized opment of new forms or colonization th.'i only the tnumph of a socialist revo- lndtgenous mo\'emtnt was not of the ha\·e aggra\'ated th1s SHU3uon. \Ve arc lution would soh·c the problems which same magnnude as the previous one. witnesses 1n each of our countries to the 1ndagenous groups faced. Finall)•. In December 1993. the repeated Y10l3ll0n5 of thetr right tO life, The &rb:ldos I Declaration which Barbados Group met agaan m Rio de their dignity, and to the cultural a.nd resulted from that meeting. and the long Janeiro, 8raztl, tOasses the situation of the human uni,·ersc of their local expressions. book documenung it, had strong reper· Indigenous populations in the context of At the same time we connrm the cussions among ::tcademics, the indigenist the sudden anack of Nco· Liberalism and Indian peoples' will to resist and to live. sectors of the State bureaucracies. renewed fonns of Nco-Imperialism. The expressed through the multiplicotion or Catholic and Protcsumt missionaries, and. new conditions facing the 1ndigcnous their ethno-politlcal organizations, and or most of all. among org.1nized Indigenous movement m the end of the second mil- the daily afr.nnation of cultural speciOcigroups. Barbados I took on a life of its lennium include the collapse of the ties that manifest the resilience of their own among some Indian organizations in socialist "utopia." the veniginous expan· civili.z:ations. Latin Amenca. who adopted it and used it sion of drug trJfficking. the involvement The above stated. together with as an anstrument or struggle. of the Unated States in the promotion and lndigneous peoplrs' demographic - - - repressaon of drug traffickang. and the rise growth. defies the current proJCCI of glob· Sttftl110 \llrnt Is Prc{tsSC< of Nali•'< Ameritml and urgency of envaronmental issues. alization. whach leads us towards a worldand Chila"" Stud~ at lht University of The Barbados lll Declaration. a.nd the \\ide homogemzouon that as enforced by book that attompanaes it (to be published the expansJon of and dominauon by a CalifMil4'" ~ll I 16 �IHT £ RHATIOH A L western-oriented integrationist market system, whose technical, economic and Ideological projects recewe multi-national flnoncing. The umlonnuy bemg pursued has genemted profound political, economic and social asymmetry, C\'eO in the dominant countries. The individualist and competitive Neo-Liberal discourse masks the real make-up or the growing inequality and or the conOict between nauons. ethnic groups, classes and other soc1al groups. creaung an illusory equality, when in reality it confronts nation against nation, people agninst people, community against community. This is contmry to the spirit or solidarity of communities which is mor.: conducive to human kinship. A world without alternate communities, wuhout differentiated social groups, would be a world condemned to a lack ol creativity and fraternal loyolti<s. Just as for centuries each ethnic group was forced to integmtc and incorporate itself into the ineffable vtnues of an illdefined national life. the same compulsive proposition is currently made to latin American countries. wtth the intent of cementing their imegrauon nod incorpora~ tion into a planetary order controlled by a type or transnational oligopoly. Simultaneously. the scientific knowl· edge brought by ecology. together with the well-founded warnings or environmentahsm. ha,·e been mtsmterpre<ed and redefined by a tendency Wlthm this social movement. It seeks to impose the theory or the global management of natural resources but h ignores or minimizes the vernacular 'visdom and knowledge. considering them incapable or creating a global environmental solution. Howe,·er. th1s knowledge constitutes the social bases that maintain the bases or biodiversity m the world. Today. the forces that dominate the regions with the grMtest biodiversity have grown. Territories that were before the exclusive lands of Indigenous peoples \<ol8 No.3 have been opened to colonizing expansion Wlth the purpose of expropriating the trop1cal regions' enonnous natural reserves hke oil. minerals, umber and hydroelectric sources. This distonang tendency presents obstacles to the alliance of the diverse human coznmunilics that defend the ownership and usage of the natural resources under a socio-environ· rnentahst current. which constitutes one of the most accurate and cffcc:dve criti· CISmS of the Neo-liberal premistS of unlimited growth. V...'e observe the existence of processes istic. united. nnd complementarily-articulaced societies. The fragile Latin American Democmctes, still monopohzed by the inttreslS of conservati\'e sectors who in their majority descend Irom old European and colonial elites. have failed to generate the political spaces or legislative and admlnistmtive mechanisms necessary to allow Indigenous people to progress in butldmg their own future. ln pantcular. mihtary 1deologies which frequently degenemtc into geo-political paranoia, see Indigenous societies as potentially subfor ethnic reaffirmation. conducive not versive groups which threaten national only to cultuml reproduction but also to unity, mther than as different peoples. the recovery of loyalties and potrimonies Indigenous peoples demands lor territorwhich were apparently lost. In the face or this the domanont Democracy. as the philosophy of a SOCltty responds with new ronns Western social system. is centered for the destruction or diversity. on the individual and excludes collecwith obstacles and repressive tives like Indigenous peoples i>Oiitical and judicial changes. Furthermore, the persistence of multiple lonns of racism that clisquahly and destroy .. ,periences or alter- ial reorg.1nlzation and more cultural and noll\'( Civilizations is generating processes lingUtsuc •utonomy are thus seen as sepor "de-lndianization: which lgiiOr<S the anutst effons. fact that each culture destroyed or termiWe exhort the presidents ol the nated is an Irretrievable loss lor the whole republics ol Latin America to comply with the promise made to the Indigenous peoof humanity. Democracy, as the philosophy of a ples ht the Declamtion of Guadalajam \Vestcrn social system. is centered on the (Mexico, july 1991). In which they ind1v1dual and e.'cludes coll<ctives like solemnly promised to ensure their ecolnd1genous peoples. ln thts way an objec- nomiC and social well being. as well as to ti\•ely VIable plurality has been denied at the obhgauon of respecting their rights the hngmstic, social, economic and cul- and cultural identity. We also belie"e it tural levels. The deferred democmtization necessary to approve the Chaner of the of L.1tin America will continue to be an Rights of Indigenous Peoples which the empty discourse and favorable only to the UN promoted as well as the International groups with hegemonic power if it does labor Org.1nizat ion~ Convention 169. We hkewise demand that legislative not take mto account the nect':SS.1ry rede· l'inuion of the current States' territorial, and JUdiCI31 powers and pohucal panics pohucal, social and cultuml spaces. frame their Jaws. resolutions and activities Buildang future democracy Wlll require an with respect lor ethnic pluralism and the increase in the presence and representa· inalienable rights to Hie. land. freedom tion of different cultural communities and and democracy. And especially. for them the respect for their political logic, which to carry through an effective effort to •viii contribute to the formation of plural- guarantee the respect for these rights at 11 �INTERNATIONAL tial of political projects upon which Indigenous organizations embark. where Indigenous peoples live. \:Ve recognize the initiatives fonnulated We believe that the Indigenous organiin re<:enl years b)' international organiza.* zations should reflect on these problems tions (United Nations, UNESCO, and re<:tify the individualist and competiOrganization of American States, UNICEF. tive behaviors of those leaders who have OIT and others) in favor of the Indigenous diSianocd themselves from the spirit of solpeoples of the continent and the world. idarity in which their organizations were Nonetheless the results have been limited. fonned. This is the only guarantee for More pressure and vigilance regarding progress toward the crystallization of a just Indigenous peoples' current situation is society. no1 only for the Indigenous people necessary. The imcmational organizations but for all of the oppressed sectors of must pressure the latin American heads-of- humanity. state to ratify and comply with internationMany of Latin Americas intellectuals al conventions on Indigenous peoples.. . continue to produce speeches referring to There is a simplistic and erroneous supposedly homogeneous national com\~Sion of what Indigenous panicip:.:uion munities. devaluing or lending a folk stigshould be in the actions and elaboration of ma to altemate cultural presences. ll is lndigenist policies, in the formulation of equally neocssary 1 mention the historical 0 community programs and of aid, and in the respot>Sibility that belongs tO the right wing polilical process of mobilization of the civil- in the fonnulation of the ideological paraian society itself. Such perspective assumes digms that guide the cultural and physical repression of Indigenous peoples. On the other hand, some A world without alternate communities. dogmatic sectors -guided by thewithout differentiated social groups, oretical mistakes- produced would be a world condemned to a lack political practices that have conof creativity and fraternal loyalties. tributed 1 the repression of eth0 nicity by considering it coumerthat Indigenous peoples simply copy mod· productive to the cla..<S struggle... II is also neocssary to realize a radical els of or ganization fron1 unions or other sectors of the population. The ethnic conti- questioning of some currents in the social nuity of Indigenous peoples cannot be sole- sciences and in ctrtain anthroJX>logy which ly understood as tenitorial control, but il is oriented more toward the aesthetic and requires the incorporation of political con- Sterile critique of its own disciplines than to ceptions that are part of the diversity of political thought and action. This is also the their cultures. case of a sector of linguistics that does not Indigenous organizations have fulfilled cooper.ne with ethnic cotnmunities, as well a fundamental role in the revindication of as not favoring the most appropriate the rights of the peoples they represent and methodologies for codifying. recovering in the construction of spaces for dialogue and consolidating autochthonous lanwith ea.ch other and national and interna- guages. tional powers. V.le cannot omilthat some of There ha\·e been advances in 1he fommtheir leaders have abused the mandate they lation of bilingual and intercultural educareocived from their peoples and communi- tional policies, but these are far from being ties to embark upon a career of personal implememed. Education often plaocs chilaccumulation and power. When they dren against the family environment-even a5Sllme the Criollo model of Clientelismo. from the pre-school level-at critical times and, more than a few times. of com..1ption, of primary socialization and learning of these leaders not only discredit themselves their m.other tongue. This results in a subbut they threaten the continuity and poten- sequent deculturation in which languages the level of the regions or territories 18 are convened into crutches for the acquisition of the dominant language and their own culture is lOSt to the hegemonic society. 'Whereas until now the State as well as private and religious groups has used the formal educat.ional system to undennine ethnic identity. the school can eventual!>' become a factor for cultuml reproduction if Indigenous people effectively appropriate il for their own historical and cultural imer· estS. .. Indigenous people have an undeniable right 1 their history and cultural heritage. 0 II is the obligation of the State and of secular society 1 promote an orderly and effec0 tive process for returning the knowledge collected on such peoples. A process of Latin American democnuization that effectively includes Indigenous peoples 'viii not be viable if it does not take imo account the necessity for geopolitical re-ordering that contemplates the specificities of Indigenous peoples' territoriality. In this sense. the concept of "peoples" corresponds to socially-organized human popu· lations which are ethnically defined and endowed with a spacial dimension that is their territory. This is conceived as the confines defined by the total and struciUred SCI of ecological. social and symbolic relations between a society and the geographical continuous or discontinuous space upon which it acts. This should include the numerous cases in which Indigenous peoples have been divided by State borders. where it is their right to aspire to circulate freely in the tenitory of these bordering r~ations, in accordance wilh their situations. In any case, tenitOrial autonomy ,viii imply not ot\ly decision-making in the case of tt..1..tural and economic resource use but also in political and cultural self-detern>ination, in the framework of a self-dctcnnination COtnpatible with and complementary to the sovereignty of national States. '!I Rio de janeiro. December 10 . 1993. Th~ full ltXl of rhis declaration is a\'ailablt upon request from SAIIC, or can bt fmmd in the SAIIC conj<rtne< (SAIIC.fndlo) on P<actnc<. I>Jyya Y News ala �SE L F DETERM I NAT I ON AND T E R RI T O RY Ecuador: Second Indigenous Uprising Secures Concessions on Agrarian Reform by Robert A ndoUna bill through congress. Over the objections of CONAIE and other popular organizaEcuadorian Indigenous move- tions. President Sixto Dulin Ballen signed mentS capacity to mobilize tnasses of the bill into law on june 13. supponers to defend the interests of this Indigenous organizations rejected country$ Indigenous population . In a numerous aspects of this law that either mobilization reminiscent of the landmark ignored or threatened interests or uprising in 1990, Indigenous org:mizations Indigenous agricuhurnl communities, as nationwide blocked the country$ roads and well as those of 90% of the rural populahighways. in order to prevent implementa· tion. The law would have encouraged the tion of a new ..Law for Agricultural disappearance o£ Indigenous communal Development" enacted by the government lands in order to promote fom>ation of agrias p.tn of its structural adjustment pro- cultural "enterprises." Rodrigo Carrillo, gram. For a tw<Hveek period, commerce member of the press conunission for the throughout Ecuador ground practically to a Indigenous Movement of Chimborazo halt. As with the uprising four years ago. (MICH) explained, "You cannot simply Indigenous organizations paralyzed much conven Indigenous communal production of the country, endured military repression, imo agricultural businesses. This law forcing the government into negotiations, imposes a vision of agriculture that doesn' and finally emerging with significant gov- fit within Indigenous thought and practice: Indigenous organizations were outraged ernmental concessions in hand. Over 3,500 Indigenous communities as not only by the law~ content but by the well as campesino and popular organiza- undemocratic and unconStitutional me.th· tions mobilized under the leadership of the ods used by the Social Christian Pany to Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities railroad it through congress. The National of Ecuador (CONAIE) the National Agrarian Commission (CAN), formed by Ecuadorian Federation of Camj)<Sino and CONAIE and other Indigenous peasant Indigenous Organizations (FENOC-1}, and organizations, had drafted (over a period of the Evangelical Federation of Indigenous two years) a detailed proposal for refom> of Ecuadorians (EFIE). Over the course of two the nations agrarian laws and had submitweeks. at least five Indigenous acth;Sts ted it to the legislature for consideration. were killed and many more were hospital- The President and the legislature completeized, mostly from gun shot wounds. An ly ignored this project. unknown number were jailed. In addition, the PSC failed to submit the Panies from throughout the political proposed law to each member of congress spectrum have debated refonn of the coun- for consideration at least 15 da)'S prior to try$ outdated agrarian ktws for years. On passage, as required by law. CONAIE criti· May 18. the conservative Social Christian cized the politicians for disobeying the funPany (PSC) forced a radically new agrarian damental laws of the land, for excluding the intereSts and participation of Indigenous Robert Andolina is a grad1uzte student in Latin people in the development of the law. and American Studies al the University ofTtx(IS, and for their refusal to develop a law of nationha.s volunt«r<d , ;ch CONAIE in Quiro. al consensus instead of one that serves the T his june, international observers were once again stunned by the Vol. 8 No.3 interests of a small, wealthy sector of the population. For all of these reasons. CONAIE convened an emergency assembly on June 7 and 8 to prepare for a national "Mo,;lizaci6n por Ia Vida" (Mobilization for Life) to protest the law iJ il \vere to go into effect. CONAIE released a resolution calling for repeal of the Agrarian Development law. The resolution addressed other issues, to Stop unrestrained oil exploration and persecution of Indigenous leaders among other demands. Fundamentally, however, the mobilization was called to protest the PSCs Agrarian La'v. Ecuador Paralyzed On june 13, President Dur.ln signed the Agrarian bill into law. Indigenous protes· tors converged on strategic points, building roadblocks that paralyzed much of the country Demonstrations in urban areas and occupations of public buildings also took place. Ten provinces in all 'vere heavily affected. Despite the government and mass mediaS distonion of events. protestors remained firm in the Streets and the blockades were very effective. Albeno Saeteros, Secretary of the Provincial Union of Cooperatives and Indigenous Communities of Cat,ar (UPCCC) Stated, "Here in Cai\ar we met \vith the people in the communities to explain to them the negative effects or the law, and we then wem out to paralyze traffic to the nonh, south, and west." Ignacio Grefa, President of the Federation of Indigenous Organizations of Napo (FOIN) reponed. "We maintained the roadblock for a week -nothing got through." Non-Indigenous campesinos, workers and some urban citizens expressed consid· erable sotidarit)' for the mobilization and 19 �5 ELF 0 E TERM I ~ A T I 0 ~ A~ D TERR I T 0 R Y- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Indigenous Community Center Destroyed uring the "Mobiliuuion for Life," a major community center belonging to the Union of Cooperatives and Indigenous Communities of CaMr Province (UPCCC) was a{{acked and burned to the ground. The UPCCC is Canars regional Indigenous organization and is affiliated with CONAIE. The D following are excerpts from an interview 'vith UPCCC Se<:retary General Albeno S.-u~teros. Why did the auack take p lace? Who kets. nor poisoned the water like they damages, and was involved? claimed. The attack itself was very violent. They came with pistols. homemade cannons, and tear gas. One of our activists, that the government offer compensation . Have you received 3 tl)' financial -As you know. we participated fully in the mobilization called by CONAIE in opposition to the recently passed Agrarian Oevelopmem law. This law was not only illegal, but also threatened the interests of Indigenous people. We cut the area off by blocking the main highways. Because we were winning in the struggle. the followers o f Jaime Nebot and the PSC (Social Christian Pany) decided in desperation to a"ack us. It wasn't just because of the mobilization, but also because of our alternative market which cut the '"'middleman" out of the sale of our products. We were. therefore, competing 'vith the Manuel Mestas Yupa Yupa died from a bullet wound to the head . We also had 38 injuries and a number of disappearances. Many poople are still unaccount· ed for. The community center was sacked and burned. What d id the police and military do during the auack? ·They did a lmost nothing to prevent or inhibit the attack. Moreover, the military shut down our radio station which made it difficult for us to communicate speculators living in the area, many of with the people. to tell them what was whom are Nebot supporters. happening. Indigenous leaders have Additionally. we were a{{acked because of long-standing racism against Indigenous people. been pursued and in some cases jailed. Right now we are conducting investigations into the action or the police and )'OU have demanded help from the state? -No. We haven't received a cent. And from other sources? -A little. Some popular sectors have offered assistance both in terms of money and labor to help us rebuild . \¥e have a couple of new machines in the carpentry center, and we should have a new FAX machine soon. But as you can see, this is a very small part of the rebuilding that needs to be done. For thi.s reason. we are calling on our allies and sympathizers here in Ecuador and in the international community to show their solidarity by sending us financial suppon so that we can rebuild our office and community center. Many people here ' viii benefit if we can rebuild. mili1ary during the a{{ack and during What happe ned during t he auac k itself? -The a{{ack was carefully orchestrated by a relatively small group of people; the general population was not against us, nor were we against them. This small group told all sons of lies in order to make us look bad and to justify what they did. We never auacked the mar- 20 the mobilization as a whole. What was damaged during the auack? -Everything. Nothing was left untouched. The damage t<xal has exceeded 10 billion sucres ($5 million). U PCCC h as argued that the govern- ment is in part responsible for Lhc Do you have any final comments? This attack was motivated by a desire on our enemies pan to break the will of the Indigenous leadership and the movement here in Cat'lar. Although our office is destroyed. our determination is not. 'J!le will continue with our struggle. In fact, we are more determined and unified than ever. ~aYala News �SELF offered their suppon. Ldt and center-left political panies demanded the Agrarian law be revoked. Hector Villamil. President of the Organiz.11ion of Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza (OI'IP) noted , "Some campesinos and workers mobilized with us. We see this as a positive and significant change. ln the 1992 OPIP March on Quito many campesino-colonists reacted against us." According to Rodrigo Carrillo of MICH. · tn general, the people of Riobamba (capital of Chimborazo province) understood the imponant role of Indigenous producers in the supply of staple foods and offered us help during the mobilization." DETERMINATION Security forces also threatened or shut down Indigenous and popular radio sta· tions in Tungurahua. Cotopaxi, Chimbcr razo. and Cat)ar. making it difficult for activists to transmit news tO the population at large regarding human rights violations and violence perpetrated by the military and para-military forces. Fortunately, the military was more restrained in some regions. Hector Villamil , president of OPIP. reponed, · we in Pastaza are lucky not to have experienced repression this time. Before, we considered the military and police to be enemies, so we see this as a TERRITORY include two representatives of lndigenouslpeasant organizations on its executive council. Ownership of water will remain public, and more emphasis 'viii be gi\'en to production of food for internal consumption to meet the needs of Ecuadorian soci· ety. It also recognizes Indigenous agricultural knowledge, and respects the cultural and social valt~es of the ,,.rious peoples who are involved in agricuhural activities. lmponantly, the reformed law also calls for continuation and improvement of the agrarian refom1, including land distribution. as well as increased access 10 credit, good sign. However, we technical assistance. and better infrastruc.. denounce the repression that took place in other provinces. and for that we remain suspicious of the anncd forces... M ilitary Counter-Mobilization A week after the tnobilization began. President Durftn offered to negotiate. CONAIE. however. found the presidents Commission For Dialogue mediation commission wlacceptable. stat- Formed ing that its representation was heavily CONAIE leaders in hiding called for an weighted in favor of the govcmmem and end to the militarization and organized a the landowners. mediation commission composed of The following day, President Duran national and international religious and declared a military "State of Mobilization," human rights representatives. Under conand decreed that blockaders would receive siderable national and intemational pres· one to three year jail tem\s. Arrest warrants sure, the president agreed to lift the state of were issued for Indigenous lc.~ders, includ- mobilization and agreed to a compromise ing the CONAIE leadership. Highways and on the committees formation. Congress Indigenous communities were occupied by also pledged to revise the agricultural law. the security forees. Although protestors Negotiations began on june 30 and contin· abandoned highways peacefully when the ued into mid-July. military arrived, several were killed and dozens or possibly hundreds were injured. The Struggle's Results: Words or Police sa,,.gely beat protestors, includ- Substance? ing children. in the provinces of Cotopaxi The negotiations, like all those where and Chimborazo. In what was perhaps the actors with vastly different interests take MobilizationS worst moment, a mob of pan, were tonuously difficult. Perhaps in Social Christian Pany supponers attacked an effon to save face. President Duran. on and destro)•ed the office and community the one hand hailed the dialogue as a succenter of the UPCCC in Cat ar. The com· cess. while also stating that only words but ) munitycemerserved tosuppon alternative not substance had changed. However, it is fomt of education. commerce and medicine the nature of law.making that words are more suited to the needs of Cm)ar's substance. The refom1ed law-which wem Indigenous and poor peoples. One into effect on Aug. 3-did include real Indigenous activist was killed and thiny- improvements for lndigneous peoples, eight injured in the auack. which also camfJtSinos and Ecuadorian society in gen. reduced a market , carpentry center. library. eral. It will penn it the maintenance of comcomputer center. radio station. fax and munitarian. cooperative. and small-holder photocopy machines. and several \'Chides fonns of agrarian organization. The new to ashes (see accompanying intel"'ocw). state agrarian development agency 'viii Vol. 8 No.3 AND ture. It demands the protection of national parks and reserves, and recognizes Indigenous peoples' rightS to live from and manage forests. Finally. the law calls for the fomlation of markets tltat pennit indige· nous a.nd peasant prod\1 cers to cut out speculati'" middlemen. Indigenous peoples gains in this mobi· lization go beyond these legal refom\S. Again, the movement demonstrated its strength. This time, Indigenous people sat f~ce to f~ce at the bargaining table \vith those who used to be their "patrons" (land· lords). As described by Rodrigo Carrillo of MlCH, "The government now knows that it has to include the interests and panicipa· tion of Indigenous people in the future. We arc now recognized as thinking human beings 'vith rights, not as lazy animals." Ignacio Grefa commented on the process, ..V.le have won new political space and have fonified the space we earned in the 1990 uprising. In that sense this is just a contin· uation or that mobilization and of our struggle for the past 500 years. This struggle 'viii continue in the future." '!I For adclirfonal infonnalion: UPCCC. Correo Centro! CMar. Ca!'lar, Ecuador Fa.x: (593 7) 235 266 To contriblltCIO lite n:buildir;g of llu: UPCCC com· munizy ctntcr . plwsc saul Cashier's Ot«hs ma.cle our to UPCCC, to: CO:-IAIEAv. de Los Gmnados 2553 y 6 de Didembrec.stlb 1717·1235EI 8.11:m. Quito Ecuador. Specify on the chedc that it is for UPCCC. 21 �SELF DETERMI~ATIO~ A~D T ERRITORY Original Nations and Bi Iateral agreements with the Bolivian Government Governments and corporations across Latin America are turning to limited two-party agreements as a means to resolve conflicts with increasingly forceful Indigenous orga· nizations. As experiences in Bolivia demonstrate, this "bilateralism · offers certain gains. but in the process challenges the Indian movement's unity and strength. his year. SAIIC received reports from Bolivia pointing out parallels between several connicts that were settled through bilateral agreemems T Guarani were Hving under conditions of virtual slavery on the cattle ranches of the Gran Chaco. Among those cattle ranchers between Indigenous organizations and the government. h> large pan. these are driven by the new assertiveness of rently practice debt·peonage are several politicians of the the governing MNR party and of the opposition righHving Bolh;a's' National Secretary for Ethnic Affairs, which has take11 a leadership role in brokering such agreements. The three pany. This year, a congressional investigation launched by Guarani congressman Sihri.o Arnmayo and others in Bolivia's who have stolen Guarani lands and cur· cases below offer some interesting exam- house of deputies found that the earlier ples from three very different regions. estimate was extremely conservative, and Guarani: Debt-peonage and Bilateral Commissions that the actual number of Guarani living in debt-peonage is closer to 40,000. The Guarani successfully mobilized on the heels of this publicity. Their Since our report on the Guarani of Mato Grasso do Sol, Brazil, in the last journal. the political conditions for the Guarani lh;ng on the Bolivian side of their territory have improved slightly. Within Brazil, Paraguay, Bolivia and Argentina, the Guarani, remain one of the most tragic examples or systematic racial discrimination in the Americas: living as landless peasants \vithin systems of debt-peonage. Suffering from poverty and repression, \vith a territory that is fragmented by the borders of four nation states, they have been unable to regroup and make their demands as a unified people. Last year, national attention in Bolivia focused for a brief moment on the Guara11i after press accoums that 10,000 22 largest organization. the Guarani Peoples Assembly, threatened to march on the capital if the government of Gonzalo Sanchez de Losada and Aymara Vice-President Cardenas did not respond to their demands of free· dom for all enslaved workers and the return of ancestral territories. The government invited Guarani representa· tives to negotiate. and the march was deferred . Three bilateral commission s com· posed of government representatives and Guarani delegates were formed as a result of this dialogue. Each a imed at solving one of the Guarani$ key problems: land, labor, and political participation. Guarani delegates Guido Chumiray. Envin Cuellar and Marcelino Robles signed the prelirni· nary agreement with representatives from the governmentS two ..supcr·mlnistries'" o, Human Development and Sustainable Development, as well as those of minor ministries such as Ethnic Affairs. Guido Chumiray, stated: · when we implement the agreement to solve the concrete problems of land and labor, the Guarani people 'viii hopefully regain territories and labor rights that belong to us. This is a not a favor given to us by the government. It is our right. V..1e deserve it... Indigenous Organizations Sign with Loggers in the Beni Deforestation continues to spread across the Bolivian Amazon-at the rate of 80,000 hectares last year alone. In the northern Amazonian province of Beni, Indigenous organizations will finally expel three logging companies from the Multi-ethnic Indian Territory (TIM) \vith· in the Chimanes Forest region which stretches from the Andean foothills to the Beni's extensive savannahs. Mojer"to, Movima. Yurncare and Chimane communities won a de jure entitlement to ..sustainably manage· this region in 1991. This summer. the regions Indigenous federation, the Cemral de Pueblos lndigenas del Bcni (CP16). representing the region's M:t-{a Yala News �------------------------'S E.!: f~D E T E R M I NAT I 0 !.!:. L.! ~ Indigenous communmes signed an "upgrading of their habitat." Under the agreement with the Herve!. C IMAGRO, agreement, a study will be carried out of and Montegrande. logging companies the ecological collapse affecting the Uru which will force companies to abandon Nation and potential for governmental the TIM by july, 1995. Paradoxically, Mr. assistance to help them survive under bet· Roberto Velasco. a caHle rancher and ter conditions. This agreement will also owner of Herve! reported!)' presented consider programs for land distribution Traditional Uru-Murato the agreement to be signed by CPIB. programs. with the Secretary of Ethnic Affairs act- authorities also requested the liberation of ing as b roker. The companies and com- Uru Indians Paulino Flores. Rogclio munities have been in a-at times Choque, Anacleto Garcia. Angelica Flores armed-stand-off for years. Since title de Garcia and Justina Opida who have was granted to the Indigenous commu~ been accused of '"environmental vandalnitics. logging companies have post~ ism• for hunting namingos that nock on poned the date of their departure from lakes within their territory. Sadly, it seems the TIM se'•eral times. Although calling easier to find Indians guilty of "environfor ren'IO\ral of the companies, the agree- mental vandalism.. 1han to arrest loggers ment is in effect, yet one more postpone- whose blatantly illegal destruction of the ment-and one which will allow the Chimanes Forest goes far beyond mere companies to extract all the remaining vandalism. valuable woods (mahogany in particular) Each of these bilateral agreements won from accesiblc areas. small advances for Indigenous communiCPIB President, Marcial Fabricano. ties. as a whole. however; the)' may have noted. ·we have to deal \\oth clandestine functioned to undermine the strength of a loggers and chain-sawers who intimidate coordinated Indigenous movement. us with guns. This is one of the problems Unfortunately, the movement has been faced by our communities." He added unable to establish a position of bargainthat, "V../e are also now insisting in the ing power which would allow il to press recognition of our traditional authorities, for their acknowledgement would mean that the Bolivian nation indeed is a full democraC)~,. Fabricano. however. remains skeptical. In 1990 CPIB led the "March for Territory and Dignity" from the Beni to La Paz. This was positively received, and achieved many governmental commit· mems. including establishment of the TIM. None of these, however, had any enforcement power. N AN D TERRIT0 RY for "Territory and Dignity" for all Indigenous peoples. The governments new Secretary of Ethnic Affairs has contributed to this weakness. in ilS attempt to act as sole broker between Indigenous organizations and the government. Bolivian anthropologists have often followed the govemmems lead and contributed to establishing isolation rather than coordination. Finally, there is " 1despread disapointment within the lndigenous movement \vith the performance of the Vice-president Victor Hugo Cardenas. His candida~ cy with the l<atarista pany raised expecta· tions as he is the first Aymara Indian to reach such a high governmental post. He has, however. used his power to little or no effect since taking office. A handful of Aymara Kataristas have been appointed to govemment posts. Unfortunately. these few have made a series of raciSt staternents against non·lndians which are of grave concern to the Indigenous move· ment. Although the vast majority in the movement do not share in these opinions, they already arc suffering from the backlash they have generated. ~ Government and Uru Sign agreement to Improve their Habitat The Bolivian government recently signed a bilateral agreement with the highland Uru Nation. of whom scarcely 2,000 remain . This agreement addresses the need to assist the Uru Nation in lhe 1101.8 No.3 Logging companies have postponed departure from the Multi-ethnic Indigenous Territory tong enough to remove thousands of giant mahogany trees like those pictured above. 23 �SELF DETERMIHA TIO H AHD TERRITORY Organizing from Oaxaca to California ,~~~4 Rufino Dominguez This October. SAIIC had the opportunity to interview Rufino Dominguez. Secretary General of the Organization of Exploited and Oppressed Peoples and Sub-coordinator of the Oaxacan Indigenous Binational Front at his office in Fresno. California. long with Chlap>S, the highland state of Oaxaca is one of Mexico~ most Indigenous regions. The Mixteco people arc one of the many Indigenous peoples living In OaxaC3; they have also Immigrated to the North in larger numbers than any other Indigenous people m Mextco. This exodus has been dnven by a number of factors common to many of Mextco~ lndtan groups. Although MIXleco communities have secured legal =ognnion for communal land titles that predate the Mexican re\·olution, there Is sullinsufficlent land to go around. As In Chiapas. local cadques have consolidated ownership over the best lands. At the same time, years of deforcsuuion has tronsformed much of the ter· United States. These mlgronts have often faced not only the exploitation commonly suffered by migrant fannworkers, but also discrimination for being Indian. The emergence and linking of Indian organizations throughout the p3th taken by this exodus is one of the maS> encouraging and intrigumg examples of cross-border orgamzing on the AmeriC3S. Rufino Dommguez grcw up in Oaxaca's Mixteco temtory. on the town of San Miguel Cue,,as or. Nu..Vucu. which means on top of the mount..'\tn in hls nati\'t language. He C3me to the US for the first time in 1964. Uke many Indigenous immigrants. he h>S conserved much of his community's culture. Indigenous Oaxacan immigrants In the US generally keep conritory into ncar desert conditions. \Vith tact with their communities at home. This insufficient land. and fewer opportunities is perhaps beS> exemplified by formation of for wage employment. a steady stream of the Indigenous O=C3n Binational Front Indigenous lmmtgrants have left to look simuluneously in O:lx.1ca, &ja C.lifornia for work elsewhere. Thousands went to and C.lifornta (U.S.). SAIIC had the work m the fields further Nonh, first in opponunhy to mterview Dominguez the S>ates of Stnaloa, Veracruz, the Federal regardmg hiS work wnh the Front in Oislnct. •nd Bop C.hfornta and later in Oaxaca and the Central Valley of agriculturalarus throughout the Western C.lifot1lla. A 14 Can you tell us about when the Mixtccos began to immigrate. and then later, to organize? -The firS> Ml><tecos beg<ln to immigrate in smaU numbers ln the 1960s. but it wasn't until the period known as "the braceros· in the 1980s when we S>aned immigrating as enurc famthes, and in large numbers. When we amved, we worked in the fields in Orcgon, V.'ashington and Alaska. We MtXtecos ha,-. mostly engaged in field work. The truth Is that we began to organize ourselves back in our communities [in OaxaC31. because there were so many injustices there and the authorities abused many of our people. The authorities then beg.'n to kill and threaten our leaders. burned several houses nnd all thnt. They also imprisoned many of our people. This was In 1981-83. Thus. we organized ourselves and it took us one ye-ar to rtmO\'t those authoriues from office. So those who came here already had expe.rie.nces in organizing at home in Oaxaca? Pbf• Yala News �SELF DETERMI N ATION AHO T ERRITORY ·Yes. but back m our communities. our organiza1ion dtdn't htwc a name. \Ve were was just n community committee. Then. I moved to Sinaloo after having won the battle with those people. My companions in Sinaloa had asked me to help organize an assembly. They thought h neccss..1ry to name the or ganization and continue figh ting. and that in this way. our actions could scr"'e the community in at home. What did you call the organization? -The Org.1no.z.1uon of Exploited and Oppressed People. That was the majorities' cho•ce. They ~•d that we are exploited by the econom•c Situation. and oppressed by the nch. What's the relationship between the Organization of Exploited and Oppressed Peoples ond the Indigenous Oaxacan Binational Front? -Well. the Front is an umbrella group or many org.1nizations. What ore it's objectives? -At the org.1n1zoUonollevel, our objecti\'t tS to mcorpor.uc all the lndigenous organtzations th:u agru wnh our princi· pies and our program of actiOn. And our objecu,·e IS to fight for JUStice for all the Indigenous communiues of Oaxacabecause we ha\'t learned that if we are organized. the go"ernments have to pay attention to us-;tnd ir we arc not, they pay no attention to us. Here In the U.S.. the f-ront is involved in labor organizing. in denouncing rocism against Indigenous people-not just o f white americans. bUl or other latinos as well-m denouncing Governor Wilsons anti·immigmnt attacks and in uniting ""'h other latmo org.1niz.1tior1S to oppose the raciSt ballot measures (in California$ Nov. elecuons). \Ve ~lso work v..fth our members to help them get citizenship and emer the country$ pohtical sysrem. Vol. 8 No. l \Ve The Organization ol Exploited and Oppressed Peoples: 500 years of Mixteco Resistance. have 15-20.000 members in California. \:Ve also suppon the From:S activism in Oaxaca b y pressuring the Mexican consulates here. There. the Front works for to get land. basic services in the communitics; for potable \VOter. clinics, electricity, schools. \Vc ha\·e also entered into agree. mcnts with the Federal and State governments to promote small busmesscs m the commumues. Indigenous peo plts throughout the continent have a 1cndcncy toward autonomy and self-d etermination. Do the Mixteco people have as1>irotions to govcn'l yourselves in thls way? -Of course. We all need common objectives. Its vital for us to struggle for autonomy-because unfortunately the Mixte:co communities are not currently autonomous. 1t's unportant to struggle for the autonomy of our community's customs because these are currently threatened ot their rootS. We heard that the Front's organizations met in Tijuana this past month, what happen<d there? -The meeting '""s for all Indigenous Oaxaquei"'os in exile. We met to change the organization's rtttrnc. because new members were entering who speak differ· em languages. llcforc. we were called the Zapoteco-Mixtcco Bmauonol Front. but it turned out that Oaxaca has more than 16 Indigenous peoples. Our brothers, the Triquis. Mcxes and Others groups who had asked to, JOmed the Front. We now include f\\'e lnd•genous peoples, and renamed the orgamz.1uon the lnd•genous Oaxacan B•nauonal Front. We also decided at the meeung to continue the camp.1ign ng.•inst [Go,·emor) Wilsons rocism. reformed our basic anides. named new officers and established c:ornmiuees or coordination ror each region. However. before the meeting, which took place on Sept. 3, the PAN (the right -of-center Nauonal Acuon Party) governor Ernesto Rufo repressed a march or ours which was commg from S.1n Quintin to Mexicali. They were demandmg th." wages be mcrcascd to a JUst le"el. dignified housmg. rural chmcs ond the introducuon of potable water to San Quintin. 25 �SE L F DETERMINATIO N AND And the government's response? ·Seveml protestors were imprisoned; more than 32 comrades went to jaiL TERRI T ORY The National Solidarity Program paid campesinos so that they would vote for the PRL But, we know that this won't bring us out of the misery. This only happens during the elections. There was also lotS of bad information-tnany attempts to discredit the opposition panics. Are there any parties w hose platforms include Indigenous peoples' rights to a dignified li fe, to autonomy and selfdetermination? -They do it in a very panial, Rufino Dominguez (center) Signing agreements intellectual and campesino form. of mutual respect with the UFW. We don\ believe it should be this way. Rather, they should Thirty were wounded. This was an awful include us, as the Indigenous activists, to response from the government: neverthe- give our point of view regarding our less. we were not deterred. We returned autonomy, and what we really want . to regroup and the government accepted negotiations. Two days later. the govern- ls this campesino (or peasant oriented) ment met all our demands except that for approach a result of the first Zapatista a higher minimum wage. which. they revolution, the revolution of 1917? -The (revolutions o0 1910 and 1917 claimed was under the federal governments jurisdiction. Thanks to the interna- had no effect in the Indigenous commutional community'S intervention. we also nities. I say this because we have seen won release of all our prisoners. no changes. To the contrary. there was (Many thanks to all those who wrote more racism and discrimination toward letters in support or the imprisoned pro- the Indigenous people. We are finally testors, your leuers were critical in secur- seeing change now, with the uprising by ing their safe release. eds.l the Zapatista National Liberation Army in Chiapas. They have provoked a You have said that the PAN d id this in change at the national level. Now there Baja California, but doesn't the PRJ do is talk of autonomy for the Indigenous the same in Oaxaca? peoples, there is talk o f education, peo-Actually. the Pany has never taken ple are talking-but these are demands that altitude toward the Front. that I doubt the government with comply with. Definitely, the previous revoluSo, w hat do you think of the PR!? tions did not benefit the Indigenous - 1 totally repudiate that pany. It has communities. done nothing to bring the Indigenous communitie-s out of their misery. It isn't Do you thin k that the Zapatista posicapable of curing a single Indigenous tions go beyond a merely a campesinista child. 1 don't see the PRI as an option for position? Mexico. Speaking of the last election, I -Definitely, they are very much in know the PRIS tactics in the rural areas. agreeme-nt with the Indigenous struggles and they arc cxpen in maintaining power objectives, because they truly take into because they have a giant lpoliticall account Indigenous peopleS necessities. machine. There was lots of manipulation No other political pany has taken this and lots or money exchanged for votes. position. Their platfornt of anned struggle 26 includes the necessities of the Indigenous peoples. W hat about conditions here in California? Have things gotten any better? -No there have been no changes. The farmworker continues to be exploited. They are not paid minimum wage. They work many hours without the right to rest 10 minutes. Women are sexually abused. The contractors and landowners rush the workers to do more than than human beings are capable of. ls the Front affiliated with any union? We're not affiliated.just one year ago. we signed an agreement of respect with Cesar Chavez's United Fannworkers of America. This is, however, nOthing more than an agreement of respect and cooperation. How do )'OU see Indigenous unity in Mexico and at the continental level? Has there been progress in these last few years in organization. communication and solidariry? -At the organizational level. I believe we still have a lot to do in Mexico. There are a great number of Indigenous organizations, and we haven't united. It's the same at the continental level . We need to get better organized, to strengthen the coordination between the Indigenous organizations if that~ possible. Even though it's tme that we have some organi~ zations that arc already very well connect· ed, still we have a lot to do. In relation to communication, only the most important organizations have good communica· tions, and the others have nothing. With SAilC 1 have seen that there is more communication, not juSI. at the continental level, but worldwide. And l think that is where we should focus ourselves. Our objective is to strengthen this communication at the cominemal and global level between all the organizations...., For Mort informacion, comaa: Frentc ind1gtrta Binacional P.O. Box 183, Uvingswn, CA 95334 Ttl: (209) 577·3077 Fax: (209) 577·1098 Abya Yala News �CHIAPAS UP Update on Chiapas D A T E --- A ugust 6 -9, the National Democratic Convention (CND). organized by th e EZLN in Aguascalientes. Chiapas, emerged as one of the most significant political gatherings in modern M exican history. Six thousand delegates from all over Mexico aLtended. The cemrnl theme was the .. transition to democracy.• Several local. regional and national Indigenous organizations partici· pated (see article below) . Most were not entirely satisfied with either the CND's structure or results. but have chosen to \ \· continue panicipating. October 8 . the Zapatista National Libenuion Aml)' broke off negotiations with the government , stating that the Salinas administration was not acting in good faith , and was preparing a military assault. The EZLN also claimed lO have mined the roads leading to their territory. October 10, peace mediator, Bishop Samuel Ruiz expressed ·grave· concern regarding the tensions in the state, and called on both sides to maintain the ceasefire and return to the negotiating table. October 12. the CND reconvened in San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas. With the support of thousands of local Indigenous supporters, the CND then symbolically and peacefully took over the town. The convention declared itself in permanent session. stating that a civil insurgency is necessary in order to topple the PRI from power. The CND also called for nation·wide mobilization on Nov. 5. to prevent President-elect Ernesto Zedillo from taking office. The EZLN has maintained a p resence in Chiapas's principal city, San Cristobal de las Casas: mini Zapatistas for sale. Six Principles for a New Mexican State he following an icle is based on a proposal titled "Six Principles and Six Proposals" wriuen by the Independent Indian Peoples From (FIPI) T Vol. 8 No.3 and the CommiLtee for the Support and Defense of Indian Rights (CADDIAC). After e xtensive consultations with Indigenous organizations, FIPI con- tributed this document to the working roundtables established at the National Democratic Convention. Although written for Mexico. the analysis could apply 27 �~~ I ~ P_A S ~ P~ ~T E --------------------------------------------C H~ A~ ~~ U~ D~A ~. to the other L.nin American states who · conceive themselves to be mestizo. I. An end to the " Mestizo-cratic" state In Mexico, ethnic homogeneity was considered a necessary precondition in the c remion of the nation·state, and in consolidation of a market cconotn)'· Indigenous peoples have therefore been subject to hostile policies. ranging from physical extennination to "'lndigenista .. strategies whose aim has been to assimilate us. As a result . we have not had. as Indigenous peoples. a dignified place in Mexican society. Not only has our right to exist as a collective entity been denied, bm also our rights as a peoples. Today. we continue living under a neocolonial oppression promoted by the State and perpetuated by mestizo people who ben- efil from this siluation . They, in turn, pr oblems we face, and thus must be mod· believe themselves to be the synthesis of iOed. It was modified in 1992 in a way the Mexican people, the embodiment of that was both limited and has not been the nation, and to have created a State in enforced. Additions to 1\nicle Four recogtheir image and likeness; that is to say, a nize the plurality of the M exican nation, "mestizo-cratic" State. Thus, by the light but this plurality i.s not rcnected in the of comemporary morality. the position of State, which should be structured in the 'Mexican State and the mestizo peo~ order to rcnect this fact. pies is illegitimate: both arc based upon This problem is compounded by the the displacement and the abrogation of fact that Indigenous rights arc located the rights of Indigenous peoples, and under Article Four. which guarantees upon excluding us from collective partic- individual freedoms, rather than within ipation in the nation and the state, which the constitution's principal anicles (ani· has bound us in a neocolonial relation· cles 39, 40, and 41, which have to do ship. with sovereignty and the fonns or go"ern· mem. and ankles 115 to 122, which II. Revise the constitution to eStablish the basis for our federal strucserve as the foundation for a wre). The location or our rights under new, democratic, mult iArticle Four signifies the go"ernmemS national, and popular state refusal to recognize our collective rights The constitution is a key source of the as distinct peoples. recognizing only our looking toward the National Oemocrc.tic Convention. 28 N>ya Yala News �CHIAPAS UPDATE affected the territorial rights of Ind igenous peoples. In many cases, the ejido continues to function in a destrucis a multiethnic nation as it is to recognize tive and assimilationist manner in that Mexico is a multinational state. This Indigenous territories. The new reforms is why the central project is to divest the to Article 27 constitute a fi nal blow constitution of its ..mestizo-cratic" cast. towards the dismemberment of Indigenous territories. the state and the Indigenous peoples: between the Ind igenous and nonIndigenous peoples: between the federation and the elements thereof: between the capital and the provinces: between the p rovinces and the Indigenous regions, etc. Ill. Building a new federalism on the basis of a new understanding of territory VI. A transitional government: towards a multinational state individual rights. This is a fundamental and significant difference, as il is not the same thing at all to recognize that Mexico The ideal of federalism -for which thousands o f citizens, Indigenous and non·1ndigenous, have struggled- has not been realized in our country. From the very beginnings of the Republic, the Mexican people agreed to constitute a federatio n: however, in prac tice our government has been centralist, subject to an overly powerful presidency and to the domination of 1he State by one party, leading in effect to a dictatorship. In order to ful fill the precepts o f fede ralism. it is necessary to redefine the notion that through federation we shall .. unify our diversity". Although t his is a valid concept. it does not acknowledge nor include the continued presence o f distinctive peoples within a federation. Thus indigenous peoples are left out of the fede ral structu re of our cou ntry. Some of the worst consequences o f this exclusion are found in the territorial reorganizations which decisively and negatively impacted the social organization of the original peoples of this land. From that moment to the present, Indigenous territories have been continuously divided. The federalist policies did not take into account the preexisting territories nor acknowledge them as a basis for a re-organization. Instead. they were deeply genocidal, placing Indigenous regions under the tutelage o f the H lndigenista"' ann or the government. Today the few remammg Indigenous territories face new threats. The land redistribution that took place throughout the country based o n an ejido concept of occupancy. instead o f on a communitarian basis. has greatly Vol. 8 No.3 IV. Democracy for Indigenous peoples: only within the context of a democratic nation justice \viii prevail for indigenous peoples only if there is democracy in the rest of the count!)< And democracy can exist only if governments are created that are respectful o f diversity and able to share power, not only 'vith different political parties but also with different ethnic groups. As Indigenous peoples we have often been d enied the vote and been prevented both from choosing our own legit· imate representatives as well as fr exerom cising our right to represent others. As Indigenous peoples, we add our voices to the national clamor for democracy. yet we add that no d emocracy \viii be a true detnocracy if it does not resolve the amidemocratic relationship between Indigenous people and the power of the state, as exemplified in our ability to participate and be represented in the structures of govcrnmem. V. Towards a new covenant between Mexicans The road towards democracy must necessarily take us through a process o f democratizing the relationships between Indians and non-Indians. It is u rgent that as Mexicans we re..1.ch a new national accord, a new social covenant that is based on a new ethic of tolerance and respect towards diversity and plurality that will allow us to live together in peace. But this pact c..1nnot rest only upon individual efforts or moral values; we believe that it must be affirmed by our Constitmion . The State must address this covenant by creating the foundation for a democratic relationship between the State itself and the Mexican people: between It is not possible in this day and age to defend an ethnocratic nation-state. As we seek to give power to the people, we are led to question the legitimacy of the mestizo population being the sole holders of that power. The need for a transilional government means that we need to create a new national model that is no longer an ethnocrntic nation-state, but instead a multi-national state. The creation of a truly multi-national state implies the acknowledgment of the free self-determination of Indigenous peoples, and the embodiment o f those rights through the cr eation of autonomous regions. Six Proposals Included within the six proposals are: !)the constitutional recognition of Ind igenous autonomy through the fo rmation of '"Autonomous Pluriethnic Regions": 2) an addition to Article 42 . and 3) to Article 43 o f a section guaranteeing the existence of the Autonomous Indigenous Regions: 4) refom>s 10 Article 11 5 10 acknowledge the Autonomous Indigenous Regions (referred to as Pluriethnic Regions) as fundamental elementS of the political and administrative struclUrc of the country: 5) modifications to Article 73 and 6) modifications to Articles 52. 53. 54. 55. and 56. which refer to political participation. in order to redraw electoral districts in Indigenous regions. In this way, a sixth d istrict will be drawn to provide for election of Indigenous congressmen and guarantee the presence of six Indigenous senators. '!I 29 �ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT The Convention on Biological Diversity: An Imperative for Indigenous Participation The Biodiversity Convention. one of the world's most important pieces of environmental legisla tion, will be finalized at the end of this year. Whether it will provide tools to defend Indigenous bio-cultural resources remains unclear. By Alejandro Argumedo A t the 1992 U.N. "Earth Summit" in Rio de janeiro, over 150 governments signed the International Convention on Biological Diversity (Biodiversity Convention), which , came into force last December after the required ratification by more than thirty national legislatures. After two-and-a-half years of negotiations, the Conference of Parties (COP) which was eStablished as the Convention's governing body will meet for the first time from Nov. 28 to Dec. 9 in the Bahamas to further define the treaty's implememmion. The Convention has yet to establish the scope and nature of Indigenous peoples' rights to their bio.cultural resources. Thus, this meeting will either help ascenain native rights, or function as yet another intema· tiona! mechanism to legitimate the theft of Indian resources. The Convention is the first global agreement committing signatory nations to comprehensive protection of Mother Earths biological giftS. Provisions stipu· lating specific commitment towards achieving this goal are covered in forty· two legally-binding articles. This legal instrument addresses issues of tremen· dous significance for the world's Indigenous peoples. Alejandro Argumcdo is Q11ec.hua from Peru, a SAIIC board member aru1 Dire<tor of Clllt11ral Survival Canada. 30 Biodiversity and Indigenous Land Up to the nineteenth century, Indigenous peoples exercised de facto control over most of the world's ecosystems. Today, only an estimated 12·19% of the earths land area is home to the four to five thousand Indigenous nations of the world. Even diminished to a mere fragment or what they were, our homelands constitute an important ponion or the globe's relatively intact ecosystems, and shelter an even larger share or its b iologi· cal diversity. ll is no coincidence that the habitats richest in natural diversity are usually home to Indigenous people as well . By some estimates, Indigenous homelands shelter more endangered plant and animal species than all the worldS ..namre reserves" combined. Through millennia we have depended on the diversity of lire around us: uncovering its secrets, and learning how to increase these riches, for example. when we create new genetic diversity within a species. We possess a knowledge that is not only innovative and cognizant of eco· logical processes and uses of biodiversity, but also uniquely holistic for its spiritual and ethical components. That is why the conservation of all components of biodiversity-genetic, species and ecosys· terns--is crucial for our survival as cultures of the land. For Indigenous peoples biodiversity means just that: the land . The recognition of inherent rights to our tra- ditional territories is the foundation both for our survival as peoples and for the conservation and sustainable use of biodi· versity and its components. ln this context the Biodiversity Convention could provide an imponam mechanism to pro· tect Indigenous Peoples' rights over bio· logical resources. The Convention: a Significant but Flawed Tool Disturbingly, there has been liule participation by Indigenous people in developing the Convention. As usual, we have been viewed as the objects (another endangered species) rather than subjects of the process. Most Indigenous people know little, if anything, about the Con· vemion. l'iowever, the treaty does recognize our contributions to biodiversity conservation. In addition, appreciation of our · use of the medicinal, agricultural, and other useful properties of endemic nora and fauna.. i.s increasing. Nonetheless. parties to the Convention are now meeting behind closed doors tO determine what rights we will have over our knowledge. innovations and practices, for which we currently lack any legal Instruments of protection . Bio· cultural pirates are currently plundering these resources \vithout prior infonned consent of Indigenous communities and organizations. Free access for free value is the common practice. For the first time, Abya Yala News �ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT provisions of the Biodiversity Convention may offer opportunities to effectively pro· teet rights to biocultural resources. With the increasing focus on Indigenous territories as reserves of genetic diversity for use in the food. agriculture, pharmaceutical, b iotechnology and other industries, Indigenous peoples presence in the ConventionS develop· ment is crucial. The Indigenous Peoples' Biodiversity Network (IPBN). a global coalition of Indigenous peoples' organizations formed to protect biocuhural resources, has been lobbying for Indigenous peoples' rights within the Convention. In order to promote greater Indigenous innuence within the treaty. the IPBN. SAIIC and the Abya Yala Fund, an Indigenous foundation that supports Indigenous-based sustainable development in the b .tin America, are jointly working to facility increased panicipation Potato crop d iversity developed atongside Andean cultures in the Altiplano region, where hundreds of varieties can be found in tocat markets. of Indigenous peoples from South and Meso America. We need to monitor. ana· lyze, and seek greater mmsparency and accountability from all panics, in addition to promoting policies that protect our local rights and inte rests. The Convention's value lies in the comminnent of signatory nations to work for a common cause. h also supports national sovereignty and each country$ right to benefit from its own biological resources. It funher specifies that each country should ha\re access rights to new technologies. including new biotechnologies. which could assist in conservation efforts or prove useful in the exploitation of biological resources. The Convention does not recognize Indigenous peoples' rights over their traditional tenitories and resources. But it does rc<:ognize the importance of our cultures' survival to the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity. It also recogn.izes that first nations should share in the benefits deri"ed from their knowledge and innovations. Unfortunately, the ConventionS provisions leave it up to n..1tional governments to decide the scope and nature of Indigenous peoples' rights. Currently, few colonial nation-states recogVOl. 8 No.3 nize Indigenous land rights or rights to customary practices on the land (biodiversity). Inserting these adequately imo the treaty is a serious challenge for the signatory members of the Con"emion , and \viii be a tough figh t for the Indigenous peoples working within the process. The ConventionS existing mandates can be grouped into several broad categories. these are briefly summarized below. National Action Plans and Environmental Impact Assessments One of the Convention's central mandates is to ensure adequate planning and decision-making to protect biodhrersity at the national level. Each country will be Environmental Impact Assessments. This Article may provide Indigenous peoples with a forum-which they have often been lacking-for voicing opposition to senseless · mega-development" projects that affect their human and territorial rights, such as the COI\Struction of hydroelectric dams, highways. tourist resorts, tnining. oil exploration and exploitation, and logging. Protection In tem'ls of concrete protective mea· sures, the Convention has three require· mems: control sources of significant injury to biodiversity. establish systems of protection . protected mnural areas, develop and implement policies for in situ conserva· tion. Indigenous participation is critical Indigenous organizations should panici- both in designing protected areas and in pate in designing these plans because new managing them. First, because Indigenous communities often have extensive knowledge regarding the land· scapes at stake. Second to ensure that these actions are complimentary and required to formulate a national action plan for biodiversity policies will affect their communities the most. Implementation of these plans, is of course. another mancr. and Indigenous organizations will have to monitor this process as well. Secondly for all individual projects "likely to have significant adverse impacts on !biodiversity)" governments will be required to develop compatible \vith pre-existing Indigenous land rights, rather than-as we ha,rc seen in some previous cases-an auempl to clrcumvcm them. 31 �ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT The Convention specifically recommends the application of traditional knowledge and conservation practices. This is a very valuable recognition of Indigenous practices, Indigenous organizations will have to be proactive in the implementation, financing and monitoring or these mea- sures. Research and Indian Lands reliable biodiversity indicators than science. Monitoring the status of ecosystem and species can be done by Indigenous peoples along with scientists if the integrity, and rights to our knowledge is respected and protected. At the same time. parties to the Convention are supposed tO identify and monitor activities that are likely to have significant adverse impacts on biodiverslly. In In addition to protecting biodi\'ersity, the Convention is supposed to promote · sustainable use of biological resources through governmenllprivate sector cooper- ] ation. ln the past, such bilateral coopera- ':' tion has nearly always sidestepped ~ Indigenous panicipation (e.g. "Texaco & """ Ecuadorian Government Settlement" on pg. 4, eds.) The Convention continues to favor bilateral rather than multilateral agreements. Multilateral agreements are more favorable for Indigenous organiza- al action plan should include the following economic activities in their list of harmful processes reqltiring monitoring and mitigation: mining, oil exploration, agribusiness, commercial logging and cattle ranching. Financing The Convention mandates the industri· alized countries tO provide developing countries with new and additional funds to meet its implementation costs. The Global Environmental Facility (GEF) ' vas chosen as the Convention's interim financing mechanism. The panies \viii select the per- manent mechanism at this meeting in Nov. and Dec. Institutional Structure And Intergovernmental process At the international level, panies to the Convention will meet regularly in a Conference of the Parties (COP). A tions: these are more transparent and Secretariat will provide administrative str· vices. An interim Secretarial has been estab· involve a range or concerned sectors who can act as our allies, support our rights, and lished in Geneva, $\vitzerland. In addition, a scientific and technological advisory committee will give technical assistance to the COP. At the COP. panies \viii report on compliance's and consider measures for strengthening the treaty. They 'viii also address, among other issues: a) administer- help to monitor the agreement. Indigenous peoples' organizations should consider multilateral agreements for decisions affecting biodiversity in their tenitories. Identification and Monitoring of Priorities and Problems ing the financing of arrangements under Parties to the Convention are required the treaty; b) seuing up a clearinghouse of infom1ation on teclu1olog>1 transfer and other areas; c) establishing cooperative pannerships on research. information sharing. and technology transfer. "!) to identify priority ecosystems. species, and genomes for conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity. These priority areas ";11 largely be congruent with Indigenous terri- tories. and Indigenous communities could benefit from research acti\;ties that help to ascertain territorial rights (e.g. ecosystem research). Since the Convention recognizes the merits of Indigenous knowledge in relation to biodiversity, Indigenous peoples should participate in this research as equals with \Vestem researchers. In addition to biodiversity identification. parties are required to monitor the sta- tus of their countryS biodiversity resources. Here. in particular, Indigenous knowledge has a critical role. In many instances. Indigenous knowledge can provide more 32 Chimane farmer shows just one of the several hundred different domesticated and semi·domesticated plant species he cultivates- a local variety of peanuts. many countries Indigenous organizations are the first to identify and denounce large- scale envirorunemal irnJXl.ClS (see for exam· pie Vol. 8: 1&2. Oil exploration in Peru, eds.). Panies should provide Indigenous groups \vith resources for in-depth and continuous monitoring ofhannf\1 activities 1 in their regions. In addition, every nation- For furt.ll<r infonnation 011 the B:odiwfSfO' Conwnllon and lndig<nQ\~ '-"'«$ p/c<U< """"" d-~ folfq,fr.g; M.s Angela Cropper, fx«uti\'t S«relary Col'l\'tndon on Biological Oi\·crsily IS Ootmindc$,~ncmortS CP 3S6CH·12I9 O.aU:laiu Ccllcva. SuiU:crlaltd Td: (i 1-22)979-9J 11 Fax: (41-22)979·2.512 Tht Abya Yala Fund P.O. Box 2&386 Oakland, CA, USA Td: (510) 834-4263 F<JX: (510) 834 -1264 Indigenous P(Oplt:S' 81odiver'$iry Nc:(w'Ori: 62(), l Nic.holas 5-l. Ouawa. Ontario, CanaM. KJN 787 Td: (613) 241 iSCOFax: (613) 241-2292 Abya Yala News �BOLIVIA : Continued from page 9 stmggled untiringly for the establishment of a commission to verify boundaries between conununal and individual proper· ty: between canton. provincial. and departmental jurisdictions: and imen>ational bor· ders. This mo,-emem had a vast and exten· sive organization which included the Guarani people in the fonn of their Captain Casiano Barrientos as well as leaders of the Indigenous people orTarija and Beni. The llolivian state could not tOlerate an autonomous Indian Movement with such extensive organizational capacity, especially since Eduardo Nina Qhispi. one of its bold· est leaders, favored the "Renewal of llolivia" and to that end declared himself President of the Republic of Qullasuyu. creating a parallel Indian State (He was imprisoned by President Salamanca from 1932·36). Thus, in 1945, the government of President Villarroel, in which the MNR fonned one RECONSTRU CTI NG emerged in the 1970s. This mo"ement exposed the nature of colonial domination and sought to develop an alliance between the different Indigenous nationalities in the country. All of the mainstream panies immediately labeled this emerging Indian THE AYLLU ... Reconstructing Traditional Forms of Organ ization In response to the traditions of political manipulation and \\;,s,em "ci\;lizing" syn· dicalism. Indigenous communities in the highlands are reconstructing Ayllu federa· Movement "'raciSt ... The KatariSta panics. tions which maintain traditional structures supponed as they were by the church and although in segmentary fashion. Thus com· the MIR, also condemned the lndianist munities have begun reconstructing ancient position, the recognition of ethnic differ· identities which the Toledian refonns had ences, and the use of native languages, and destroyed centuries earlier. This movement were obliged to testify for a "llolivian" grounds itself in the rights to tenitorynational idemily. understood as physical space, the soil, sub· The 1980s \vitnessed the Indian move· soil; the place where families are rooted. ments premature collapse, weighed down According to Indigenous organizations, by caudillismo {strong individual leaders what lies within the boundaries of demar· who manipulated organizations for their cmed tenilOries belongs to the community own benefit), corruption, and internal divi· and not to the State. Their demands for sions. The movementS ideological consis-- tights to territory and the e:<ploitmion and tency and institutions could not resist the administration of the resources oomained power (and violence). financial resources. 'vitl\in it, are based on titles granted by the and the privileges (congressional seats, gov· Spanish Crown. The govcnuncmS new pan, moved to co-opt indian organizations. ernment jobs. or cash) of the traditional laws, such as that for "popular panicipa· The government organized an Indigenous panies which. for the sake of capturing tion'" fail to ~cognize this concept. and Congress in which the legitimate leaders of Indigenous votes, incorporated Indian therefore remain null. the movement were thrown out by SC(.Urity cadres into their circles. In contrast to the rural unions. the Ayllu forces. After the triumph of the revolution. By the 1990s. Indigenous political insti· federations have reestablished traditional the MNR (\vith the experience of 1945) tutions were practically destroyed, barely authorities as weU as an autonomous admin· rapidly engaged in organizing campesinos leaving behind acronyms and their con-e· istrntion of economic and social resouras and imo a National Federation of Campesinos. sponding caudillos. Finally, the 1993 elec· of justice. E.'O!mples of this are organiz.1tions NuOo Chavez Oniz, a descendent of the tions resulted in an auctioning ofT of Indian such as FASOR (the F ederation of Ayllus to founder of llolivias second largest city, was panies. the South of Omro) with respea to the placed in charge. This elTon ushered in an At the level of the national unions, the Quillacas-Asan.1ques chiefdom, FAONP (the ern of i><mgutajt politico, or political patron· innuential Aymara Genaro Flores was OtlSl· Federation of Ayllus to the Nonh of Potosi) age. which has endured until toda)< This ed as leader of the nations largest rural jach'a Karangas which reconstituted the large system guarantees Indian bondage to the union, the Single Confederate SyndiC>te of Karang.'\5 in La Paz where FACOPI (the benefit of the Pany and the State. Peasant Workers of llolivia (CSlJTCB), and Federation ofAyllus and First Communities of Nevenheless, the political control which his MRTKL pany divided. Thus, the criollo the Province of lnga,;) revindicated their the MNR and the llolivian State exercised political panics fought to gain control over Pakaje origin. and more recently the fonna· over Indian groups could not last forever. what remt'\ined of the lndigenous-annpesino tion of the Supreme Council of llolivian Ayllus In the mid·l960s Indigenous groups arose, organization-viewing it as war booty. in the depanments of La Paz. Omro, and seeking to reclaim their traditional fonns of This sitt"1tion, although gloomy in its Potosi. FACOPls Organic Statue is insuucti\·e. organizalion and to develop their own ide· outlook, has given way to the strengthening in the way it emphasizes the value of culture, ology. The traditional system of control of grassroots organizations in the Andes. In history, and Indigenous language which con· founded in 1952 'vas also battered by other the Oriente (the upper Amazon Basin). stitute the basis for identity and self-detenni· pressure groups. Among these, the military however, the situation is very different and nation. with ilS own attempt at peasant co-optation more closely resembles the organizational The re·establishment of Indigenous ian· through a military-campesino paCt, and the process of CONAIE in Ecuador. There, guage. culture, identity. territory. and SO\>er· Leftist Revolutionary Movement (MIR) Indigenous organizing has always been cignty is the goal of the Indian movement. 'vith its call for independent labor organi· closely tied to idemit)\ and the Indian orga· represented by a variety of grassroots orga· zations figured largely. niz.ations have not taken up the camptSino nizations working for the rights and dignity Thus, an energetic Indian Movement rc- banner. as often occurred in the highlands. of Indigenous peoples. .., Vol. 8 No.3 33 �W 0 ME N 3. Establish relations with national and inte- national organizations and particr ipate actively to articulate, promote and project the demands of women and Indigenous peoples. In order to achieve these objectives, the committee members established the regional bases for a continental communication and infom1ation dissemination net· Women from around the continent ca me to La Paz to b uild commu· nication and plan future strategies Strengthening the Network: Second Encounter of Indigenous Women from South, Central America and Mexico work. These will be, the Council of Maya Organization of Guatemala. the Workshop of Kuna Women-Association of Napguana (Panama), the Foundation of Educational . Social and Economic Development FUNDASE (Guatemala); the Coordinating Committee of Indigenous Women of Bolivia and the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (USA). The CIMI issued a statement pointing out that eventhough there has been progress in tenns of strengthening com· munication and women's participation in the organizations, there are still abuses against women like physical violence and basic rights , such as education. continue to be discriminatory.( ...) The statement also points out that: ..Neo-Hberal policies of the Latin American governments are he Executive Committee of the T Coordinating Body of Indigenous Women of South and Central America (CIMI) met in La Paz. Bolivia, from july 4·6 of 1994 in preparation for the General Assembly that will take place in Mexico in August of 1995. and for the Founh World Women's Conference of the United Nations in Beijing in 1995. The meeting in La Paz was hOS<ed by Centro de Discusion ldeologioo de Ia Mujer A)onara (COlMA) and attended by delegates from Guatemala, Panama. Mexico. Venezue]a. Nicamgua, Peru. Argentina and a representative from the Coodinadom de Mujeres lndigenas de Bolivia (CMI6). Background: In August of 1990. the Sabmi Women's organizations fron1 Norway organized an international Indigenous \-\'omen's Confe- rence. At that C\'Cnt, women representati\'es from aU coumrics in the American continent 34 were present and decided to ca11 a meeting to set up a network o£ Indigenous \'\bmen from Mexico. Central and South America. The First Encounter of Indigenous \\llmen from South and Central America took place in Uma, Peru. in March of 1991. At that meeting the Coordinating Body was fomted. This Encounter in 1...:'1 Paz was initiated with an Aymara·Quechua ceremony which is the \Va:..:t'a. offer to the Pachamama (mother can h). The committee affimted the following broad objcetives: l. Promote permanent communication between existing Indigenous wo1nen's organiutions in order to develop a network of solidarity at the national and international level. 2. Promote the exchange of cultural and organizational experiences between Indigenous women's organiz..1.tions. putting the Indian communities under more threats. Our territories and the Ecosystems will be more exploited and contaminated."( ...) Members of the Coordinating Body of Indigenous Women are planning to travel to the Fourth \.Yorld ~'omen's Conference in Beijing to organize a Workshop on the issue of domestic violence. "il For mo~ infonnation you can contact: Sm. Maria Riquiac Morales Consejo de Organizacioncs Mayas de Guatemala - l'UNDASE 10 Calle 5-21 Zona 1 CHICHICAS Chirnaltenango . GUATEMAUI Telcfa., : 502-9-561018 Fany Avila Eleta Taller de Mt~eres Kuna Apartado 536. l>anama. Rep. de Panama Ph: 507-696525 Fa." 507·693514 You can also concaa SAIIC. N>ya Yala News �W 0 MEN Drug Trafficking and Strip Searches Place Wayu Women in Peril The following statement regarding "La Requisa lntima"-The Strip Search. was made by Dalla Duran of the Indigenous Movement for National Identity CMOIIN). and appeared in IWGIA he Way(l people have lived on Guajira Peninsula between Colombia and Venezuela since before the Spanish arrived on this conti· nent. This coastal and semi·desert territo· ry of vast planes is the home of our matrilineally organized society. Way(l women are the axis of this society: inheritance and the last name follow the mothers line. Women:S presence and participation arc funda mental in the development and T continuity of each clan . Nonetheless. in the last few years, the menace of drug trafficking has begun to shake the foundation of our community and the position of women Within it. In contrast to many other regions of South America, drugs arc neither grown. nor processed in Guajirn. However. our location , which for years kept us isolated from European innucnces and the missions. has today become our biggest problem . Over the last twenty years, the Guajira has been converted into a giant landingsuip and a port of transit for ships. Drugs arc launched from here to the drug consuming countries of the world . Drug trafficking has had more than a transitOT)' presence. Huge quantities of money have allractcd cheap labor to the region: men • women and children act as guards for the landing strips and illicit ports which appear and disappear as if by magic on the savannas and coasts. Dntgs are stored in the workers' houses, involving entire families in this activity. VOl. s No.3 The quanlllles of money paid to the "mules" work should be stopped. we canworkers transforms our communities' not accept the treatment that our women traditional values. Our society's mea· receive daily on crossing the border check sured balance with the environment, points. The searches that arc carried out based on taking only what is necessary are inhuman and undignified. The from our habitat, is evaporating. At the national guard. police and customs offisame time. violence has grown. as has cials assume that every woman dressed in the nun1ber of anns-which are required traditional clothing or having our featu res in the functioning of the drug trade. is a ..mule." During these searches, even Thus, the model of life based on respect women~ genitals are examined in small for women and on strong commu· nity solidarity is at risk. For five "For five centuries. women have centuries, women have exercised a exercised a fundamental role in fundamental role in the defense of our traditions along the long road the defense of our traditions ... • of European colonization. and the place of women emerged strengthened by this process. Despite the cubicles in front of the other traveling Spanish conquistadors' plundering o f companions and without any kind of san· our society, it never uprooted the status itary control. Only the poor and humble of women in WayU society. \VayU women who travel by truck or bus Throughout the world, drug traffick- are searched in this way. Those who trav. ers use '"mules.. to transport small quanti· el in private cars are not affected. ties of drugs from one spot to another. h is no exageration to call these strip Here, drugs need only be carried the few searches a violation of our fundamental kilometers from Colombia to the frontier rights. The searches violate our dignity as cities of Venezuela. In this activity, Way(l human beings, it is not only an ass.'luh on women are in demand for their stamina, our morality, but only exposes the popuaudacity and capacity to overcome fear. lation to venereal diseases and conNonetheless, the government's actions tributes to the deteriorating physical. to arrest violence generated by the drug emotional and mental health of the Way(l trade have put Indigenous people at the women. We hope that this statement center of a connict which. in many cases, causes renection on this issue. as our jeopardizes women the most. Even people are living under inhuman condithough we understand that the authori- tions under the indifferent glances of the ties reaction is logical, and that the authorities. ~ 35 �ORGANIZATION AND COMMUNICATION Indigenous People's Alliance <IPA> Update countries to panake in the next encounter. Those pre-.sem emri. Indigenous Peoples Alliance (IPA) members auended the Tohono O'odham Human Rights Conference in Sells. Arizona, on july 29-30 in the lohono O'odham Nation, extending alliances across the Mexico/U.S/Canada borders. Following the conference in Sells, the IPA convened in Phoenix for a strategy and planning meeting on Aug. I. Representatives from sioned the promotion and encouragentcnt of elders around the Tonanrzin, Indigenous Environmental Network, En'owkin ciples for the CONIC constitutional convention were distributed for cotnment and discussion on recruitment strategy undenak· en. Members were updated on the situation in Chiapas by was the 1heme of this congress sponsored by the CH1-G (Council of May Education of Guatemala), Aug. 8-11, 1994, in Que1zahenango attended by approximately 350 Ma)'a teachers. In discussing 1he needs of the Maya, their reality and cosmovision, spirituality and philosophy, 1he teachers recommended Marcos Perez Gomez from ORIACH (Organizacion Regional de los Altos de Chiapas). the initiation of Maya curriculum in both rural and urban areas. including: Mayan mathematics. astronomy, medicine, linguis· Center, and Peace and Dignity Project auended. The draft prin- For' mon: information. Contact: Tonatiern. POll24009, Phoenix Az 85074 Tel: 602- 254-5230 Fa." 602-252-6094 First Encounter of Maya Elders and Spiritual Guides in Guatemala Maya elders and spiritual guides met on March 13-22. 1994, at the different cardinal points in Tecpa'n, Guatemala. This gathering wns a chance for an exchange of information on Maya astrology with an ernphasis on predicting cycles which can aid elders in their healing rituals. The Maya Calendar was a major point of discussion. Some people believe that the prophecies o f the calendar will have a great impact over the next 20 years. A council of elders and spiritual guides fonned at this encounter with the intention of unifying Indigenous communia ties. The panicipants also decided to invite elders from other world to practice, exchange, and impan their traditional teachings and healing practices. First Congress of Maya Education "The time has come that we re-initiate the cirdc of light. .... tics, ans. philosophy. productivity and culture. They also called for the opening of more schools for training bilingual MayaSpanish teachers, and the institutionalization of21languages by the Academy of Maya languages. Workshops to Train Indigenous Journalists Planned in Norway SAI IC·Norway representative Sebastian Lara and Sami journalist Unni Wenche Gronvold are establishing an Indigenous journalists Project in Oslo, Norway. The p roject will o rganize training workshops for Indigenous journalists from throughout the conrinent. These workshops will strengthen the lntemalional Association of Indigenous Press (AlPIN) which is currently broadcasting from Mexico City. SAIIC-Norway is seek- ing economic assistance from governments who are sponsoring to 1he U.N. Decade for Indigenous Peoples, as well as from the Spanish News Agency EFE. The Foreign Relations Office of the Norwegian government is now swdying SAllC·NorwayS pro· posal. This project will enable more Indigenous journalists to repon on their own struggles. F4r m4rt infonnatlon and to send a$$fSrancc: SAIIC-Norge. Torgatta 34.0183 Oslo. Norw.>y Free Workshops For the Women of La Quebrada de Humahuaca, Argentina The women of Quebrada de Humahuaca Province. in the Republic of jujuy, Argentina. have been organizing . Recently, this work included designing n ew practical components for the States educational system, including the prac1ice of preserving fruits and vegetables, weaving, hcahh education, ceramics. music and dance, and especially the recuperation of their native language Kechua. This project results from free workshops orgaInd igeno us w o men's committee meets betow the wip h&t& 36 nized independently by women in various localities. Also the educational amhorities. OIGEMAS. and the Ministry of Culture M:Jya Yala News �ORGANIZATION and Education all included the women~ proposals into the state system. The workshops' primary objectives have been to achieve incen- tives for panicipation through collective organiz.. 'l.tion. incentives for production based on a subsistence oconomy, incorporation of modem techniques, re-valuation and advancement of the culture, recovery of the native tongue. Kcchua. and improving the standard of li'""&· For mort: infotmalion~ J~ de Ia lglesia/2238-Cu)"'ya·Son Salvador de jujuy Rcp~blica Argcntin.V Tel: 29605 Ecuadorian Indigenous Women's Forum The forum was held between july and Sept. . in preparation for the Fourth Women$ Conference. Women from the Quichua. Slmar, Achuar. Siona, Cofan, Secoya, lioao. Awa, Chachi, Tsachi and Huancavilcas prepared the document "Women of Yesterday, Women of Today, Always 'Women, \Ve weave the Fmure of Our People.. which analyzes their situation within the communmes and within Ecuadorian society in general. They demand recognition of the different Indigenous nation· alities within a Plurinational state, demarca· tion of Indigenous territories, and the granti· ng of communal ownership over them. At the same time, they requested govern· ment attention to improving agricultural and anis..·m production and commercialization. better infrastruc-ture. education and health services. They also demanded respect for Indigenous peoples human rights and the par· ticipation or women in the processes that affect them. For more informa!lon, or ro obtain tilt meeting~ final dccumcm: Agel'lcia latino:uncrica.na de 1nfonnaci6n (ALAI). Casilla 17-12-$77. Quito. Ec\lador. Av. 12 de oetubre 622 y Paula. Edificio 6ossano. Of. 503. Tel: (593) 2 505 074 Fax: (593) 2 505 073 First Regional Encounter of Mapuche Women in Chile The Mapuche Zomo Ni Unel Xawl"' (First Regional Encounter of Mapuchc Women) was Vol. 8 No.3 AND COMMUN I CATION organized by the Coordinating Commiuee of Mapuche Women\; Institutions of the IX Region on Sept. 5. Participants worked to analyze a number of fundamental cultural concepts in order to understand and implemem them from an Indigenous perspec· tive. Concepts like Mapuche identity; health and its relation to the sacred: education. and its relation to wisdom~ the exercise of memory and precision~ were central themes of the discussion. Finally they addressed the situation of Indigenous women who cominue to live in the communities as well as those who have migrated. �CA L E H D A R 0 F EV E H T S Oct.17-18 Nov. 30-Dec. 2 Seminar on Self-determination for Indian Peoples National and International Conference on NAFTA Indigenous people from throughout Mexico will participate in this conference organized by El Colegio de Mexico, under the leadership of Rodlofo Stavenhagen. The Aukir1 Wallmapu Ngulam (All lands Council) is calling this conference in Temuco, Chile out of concern fo r the governments plans to join NAFTA by the end of next year. Qmtact: Rod~fo Stavtnhagen, tcVfox: 52-5·645·59·55 ContGGt: Au.hifl WQ.Ilmapu Ngulam, General Mackenna 152 Ca.silla 448, Tcmuco. Chile teVfax: 56-45-235-697 Oct. 20- Nov. 15 Big Mountain to Chiapas Good Medicine Run This relay run will begin in Big Mountain and proceed to Brownsville, TX. (Oct.20·29). Second leg is from Brownsville to Chiapas (Nov. l-15). Each night of the run traditional exchanges or Native American cultures will take place. Sacrtd Run Foundation, Inc. PO BX 315 Newport, Kenrutky 41071 Td: (606)581·9456 Fax: (606)581-9458 Dec. 9-10 Summit of the Americas President Clinton has invited the other p residents of the Americas to Miami , Florida, to establish a strategy for develop· ing a new relationship between the American states. Clinton is ex1>ected to pressure the latin American states to accept U.S. patent laws and the international agreements of NAFTA and GATf. Indigenous people " "" work to establish an alternative Oct. 22-24 meeting, and pressure governments to accept Indigenous partie· ipation. Guatemalan Government and URNG Re-open Negotiations Peace negotiations between the Guatemalan government and the Dec. 12 National Revolutionary Union of Guatemala guerilla movement will re~open in Mexico City. lndian groups will be working to gain emrance into these talks which will affect Indigenous communities throughom Guatemala. Nov. 10-20 Symposium: " 502 Years of Denied Rights" The Centro di Doeumentazione della Etniein Firenze, Italy, is organizing this conference focusing on rights to land. spirituality and identity. Contact: Villa Fabbricoui· via Viu. .Emtlntu:lt 64, 50134 Flrcnzc, ltalla, tel/fax: 39-55·48860 Nov. 13 First Indigenous Autochtonous Festival Dancers and Musicians will be coming to La Paz from all over Bolivia to commemorate the deuh of Aymarn heroe Tupac Katari in 1781. Ccntatt: CED1MA (Aymara \Vom<n$ Center for ldcologtcal Dis<u5Sion. tel/fax: 591-2.35-48-74 38 Decade of the World's Indigenous Peoples The United Nations will inaugurate the Decade for Indigenous People during International Human Rights Day in New York City. Indigenous leaders from around the world are expected to attend. Comact: Tonaticrra, 1818 S. 16!h St, Phoenix, AZ 85034 #418 T<l: 602-254-5230 Or conratt SAliC January. 1995 Indigenous Peoples, Customary Law and 'Intellectual Property Rights' Workshop The workshop \viii be held at the SAIIC offices in O..kland. Indigenous representatives from Meso and South America ' vill gather to develop Indigenous strategies for long-term survival in the face of new exploitation aimed at Indian lands. Sponsors are still needed to suppon participation of Indigenous delgates. Comact: SAIIC or the Indigenous PeopleS Biodi\'trsicy Network, Suit< 620. I Nltlrolas St. Ouawa, Ontario, KIN787 Tel: (613) 241 4500 Fax: (613) 241 2292 Abya Yala News �S A I I C News from S S~IIC ... AIIC is tn the midst of many changes. We h.-·e changed our name to the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center to bet· ter rcOcct the focus of our activit<>. Wlule rninee as international relat1ons coordinator. SAIIC board member and women's project coordinator. Wam Alderete fur· thercd her information g.11henng on tm· ditional health systems and auended a infonnation gathering and dissemination conference on women and traditional continue to be major projects fo r us. the health hosted by Way\1 Indians this new name describes more clearly our role September in Venezuela. In conjunction in International organizing: to fight for Indian peoples' rights. In a more concr<te change. we will also be mo,1ng tn No"ember to new office spaces at 171'1 Fmnkhn (3rd Floor). also in downtown Oakland. Tins large new sp3cc "111 acco· modate our expanded team or amcms and volunteers. 0\'CT the summer, we have focused largely on Issues o f biodiversity conserva· tion and Intellectual property rights. which are receiving increasing international attention. SAIIC board member and Cultuml Sur\-ival-Canada. exccutl\'e din:ctor. Alejandro Arnaru Argumedo spent se\'Cml weeks here in Oakland p3r· with The Book Publishing Comp3ny. we ha'" published the second edition of the women's book "Daughters of t\bya Yala" . For the fifth consccuuve ytar. Nilo Cayuqueo represented SAIIC at the UN Working Group on Indigenous Peoples meeting in GenC\•a. He also helped orga· nizc a planning meeting for 1he Coordinating Committee of Indigenous Nations a nd Organizations of the Continent (CONIC) in Bolivia. St\IIC is pleased to announce that Marcos Yoc, Maya·Caqchiquel from Guatemala, mil be joining the board of dtrectors. Marcos has been :acuve m the Chtmahenango area and works m Maya ticapaung 10 e\'tnlS relating to these 1ssues education. and planntng for our upcoming workhop on ''Indigenous peoples, Customary Law and 'Intellectual Propert y Rights."' This workshop " ;II take place in corly 1995 and will bring together Indigenous peoples from Nonh and South America who arc facing constant thrtats to theor survi"al as cuhures of the land. The work· shop \\111 be an opponunoty for lnd.g<nous peoples to dC\·elop pohey and suateg~es to enhance their struggles for ad,·ancing inherent rights and protecting blo-cultural resources and spiritual values. SAIIC assisted in organizing a plan· ning meeting of the Coord inating Committee or Indigenous women of Meso nnd South America. which took ploce in Boliva this june. SAIIC Mil con· tinue pan•dp3t1ng m the steering com- David Tecklin will be l<aving the SAIIC Office Coordinator position to renew work with forest conservation issues. Ch eryl Musch will be managing the office through the winter. We are also happy to welcome MacArthur Foundation Fellow Marc Becker here to work wuh us for the next y<ar. Marc ,viii be using h•s extensive experience with computer nctworklng to help us exp3nd our inforrnauon systems ~N0.3&4 via the internet. Marc li\'ed in Ecuador last year. where he will return ngain next )'C:rtr to finish research for his disscnation. St\IIC has established on electronic con· terence on PeaceNet called S(liic.indio. \Ve \viii be po&ing a voriety of new and histor· leal infonnation on St\IICs acth~ties and the Indian mo\'ement m thiS conference. The full text o( the &rbados Ill Declamtlon e.•cerpted u1 th•s 1SSue has been po&ed there in English and Sp3nish. To join PeaccNet. c:~ll ('115) 442.{)220. If you already ha"e all Internet e-mail account rou can be placed on a mailing list to receh'C the postings to the SAIIC conference by send· ing a note which simply s. ys "subscribe 1 saiic·l.. to majordomo®igc.apc.org. Over the summer, SAIIC has also been organiza· \'try busy Implementing se\'ernl tiona) str.ueg•es m order to strengthen our work. We completed one of the two public awareness c:amp.•igns planned for thiS )"ear. Approximately 5.000 people in the San Fmncisco 6.1y t\rea received news and information about SAIIC-most likely for the first time. This effort will also help to finance the second planned public aware· ness campaign targeting approximately 200 foundations in the United States. Broadening our base of subscribers to the journal IS cn1ieal m our move tov..ard more self-sustaLnabLiity. You can help with this elTon b)• sending us the names and addresses of anyone who might be interested in receiving infonnation about SAIIC and Abya Yala News. You are cordially invited to SAIIC's Offlce Warming Party 1714 Franklin, 3rd A. Monday. December 14. 1995 6:00-1O:OOpm Refreshments Mil be served. Office \vonning gifts glad I)' accepted. We still need office equipment, including: modems, a scanner, Macintosh or 486 PC computers. as well as alithe usual items. 39 �ITEMS AVAILABLE FROM SAIIC Daughters of Abya Yala Video: Rebuilding Our Communities Testimonies of Indian women orga. Indigenous leaders from Central and South America d iscuss the nizing throughout the Continent. SOO-years campaign, which began as an Indian response to the Quincentenary celebration and has developed as an ongoing d ialogue among indigenous activists. Produced by SAIIC. S18 + S 1.75 shipping. Statements from gra.ssroots Indian women leaders from South and Meso America. rndvdes resolutions from Indigenous women's meetings, a directory of Indian women's orga· nizations and key contacts, informa· tion on Indian women's proiects, and poems by Indian women. Forty-eight pages w ith beautijul black and white photographs. Printed on recycled paper. S6 + S1 .50 shipping. An updated, bound edition is also available for S8 + S 1.50 shipping. Video: A Skirt Full of Butterflies Amazonia: Voices from the Rainforest A resource and action guide with a comprehen.sive listing of international rainforest and Amazonian Indian organizatiions sponsored by SAIIC and the International Rivers N etwork, and pub· lished by Rainforest Action N etwork and Amazopia Film Project. 199 0. Available in Spanish or English for $ 4.50 + S 1.75 shipping. 15 minutes. A love poem to the Isthmus Zapotec women of south· ern Oaxaca, Mexico, by filmmakers E llen Osborne and Maureen Gosling. For every purchase made, a se<ond copy will be sent to an Indigenous women's organization as a gift. S19.95 + S3 shipping. Video: Columbus Didn't Discover Us Native people's petSpcctives on the Columbus Quincentennial based on the footage of the 1990 Quito Conference. 24 minutes. A co-produc· lion of SAIIC, CONAIE, ONIC and Tuming 1id<! Productions. Available in Spanish or E nglish. S19.95 + S1.75 for shipping f< handling . 1992 International Directory & Resource Guide An annotated d irectory of over 600 international organizations that participated in 500 Years of Resistance projects. Includes declarations from Indigenous conferences and organizations and information on curriculum resources, speakers bureaus$ computer netw orks, audio-visual resources and print resources. SS + S1.75 shipping. South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAil C) P.O. Box 28703. Oakland, CA 94604 Non-profit O rganization US Postage PAID Oakland,CA Permit No. 79 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) "Indian Movements and the Electoral Process" Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) "Indian Movements and the Electoral Process" Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3.pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Pages 1-40