3 12 1190 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/75f3fbdda881acaae6a5375225b99a99.pdf fe427d4cd7a174074e43dc3c809bd4e6 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (1).pdf PDF Text Text VOLUME 8, NUMBER 3, fAU.1994 • • • • Uprising in Ecuador Convention on Biodiversity Update on Chiapas International Meeting of Indigenous Women ~~ LINKING INDIAN PEOPLES OF THE AMERICAs _ _ __,___ _ � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cover Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Cover Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (1).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Pages 1 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/73a02993b34d406ee640794e848fd666.pdf 594be08d0515ca67fb58bce7d2b8622a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (2).pdf PDF Text Text c 0 T E T s Abya Yala News Editors: SAIIC 8o¥d of ()Wcctors Cooro:NtOt'$! Conswv.a Q.W'O. O.wid Ted:lin Oe,;go & L>yovt Alfonso )aramillo Enpsh Copy Editoc Cheryl Musch Intern: R.ebec<.l Kapur Editorial. ... . . . .. . . ... ... . . . ....... .. .. . . . .. .. 3 SAIIC Scaff In Br ie f . ... .. .. .. ........ .. . ............ .... . . 4 Perspectives on the Ele ctora l Process Director. N !lo Q:~ .,,.,;m Office Manager. Chc')i MU1dl ~~->:irOOit?osa Devclos>ment As>st.lnt Ro>a Al¢&fia Convnunic.ations Coon:ft\atOI": M.)rc S«lcet' Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest .. .... .. .... 6 S AIIC Board of Directors Bolivia: Reconstruct ing the Ayllu .. ........ .. .. . • . . .. 9 W>n Alderete (Calchaqu;·Argetltina) Alejandro NnMu Argvmedo (Quechu.l·PC<V) N lo CaMU<O (~·Argetltina) Guatemala: Maya Political Crossroads .. .. ..... • , .. . . 1 0 G.Milemlo Dclg•do (Ouechu.l·SoM.) Colombia: Special Indian Districting . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . 14 a.1os M-th (M;,k;to.Nmgvo) CoN P<Kaldo (Son a.1os J\pW>c/CJ,;c..,.) Int e r natio nal _ , Hu<m (CIV<an;ooJa) M>reos Yoc ('W•·Qu;cf,./Guat<mab) Subscriptions: Declaration of Barbados Ill. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Se lf-dete r m ination a nd Territory Second Indian Uprising in Ecuador . ..... .. . ..... ... . 19 Bilateral Agreements in Bolivia .... .. . . ... .. ...... .. 22 Organizing from Oaxaca to California . . .. .. . . .. . ... . 24 C.;iapas Updat e Six Proposals for a N ew Mexico .. .... ... .... •• . .. . 27 Environm e nt and Developm e nt Abya Yala NeviS (tSSN 1071·3182) is available for )n annual $ IS pc<'SONI ~. $2S for I~SOO.I justice non-pro!rts.. ~;o institutions. For Canada. and Me?oco add $5, for all other intetn:.~tion.lJ ~ps. add $10. We .......cl<omc sOOmissicns of artides.lett¢f"S. pho1ogt'i)Phs and telev¥1t VlfOlTT'I.ation. Leners and 31ticl¢s may be edited for -:« r""' """>«= length. 10 • '""""""~ """'-"'""" on paper ¥ld ¢n,v\~<OI'T'f)o'll:ible 3 tn. Wlch cJ:sk Send ;)I corSAIIC P.O. Box 28703 Oakland, C A 94604, USA Phone: (S 10) 834~42 6 1 Fu' ( S I 0) 834·4264 e-mail: sallc@igc.apc.org Biodiversity Convention .. .. . .... .. .. .. . .. ...... .. 30 W e would like t o thank the following individuaJs a nd organizations for their gt:nerous assistance to Abya Yala News W omen lleto llcwg«. Jo<ge Second Encounter of Indigenous Women .. ......... . . 34 Wayu Women Imperilled by Drug Trafficking ..... .. ... 35 Organiza tion and Commun ication .. .. . .. .. ..... 36 Calendar of Events ... . . . . .. ....... .. . ..... . .. 38 SAIIC N ew s .. . ........ • ..... .... . ... • . ..... . 39 On the Cover: R..esidtoc of San Crist~l de las Casu. Chiapas. cuti11g his vote f<>r the 199<4 Pres.idenliaJ elections In Mexk:o. Photo: Courtesy o! Global Exeh~ngo BriU>ol s...n.- (~ Anu). ~-'"""" ~ ~Gonzalez. M.lri>.-.. ~ ~ Mendo<.\ M.Wna Mo<>. V<tor Montcjo. Gullc>mo f'>do. o.n ~......._ KaO. T.,.,.._ l!ily R Trice~. Ste(ono v....,. and spe0>1 Wl'\k:s to Vd.y WMJ O rganlutlons: Amerincb ~). CEOCB ~). OoOp ($»~ Gu.lt_,. Ne..,. and In~ Mansi< M<descnte< <NM"'Y~ Q'-1)0 K>Nman:a (VSA~ U<nzo (P<N~ RliniOteS' Action Ne:twclfi(.(USA), THOA (Bo"Ma), TIPI {Noway·~). t..m G<onYold (NoN"Y). a...-..u. w"""' Publications: NAORP (VC OM USA), Prcsend.l!Aeraria (BoiM.l). !Wv.a OjuaSCol (Mt>;<o). Re.lsu u;,., (SoN&). Th:tnks to t he following founda t ions for t heir gene,... ous s upport: joM D. and Catherine T. Mac /vVP.Jfr Fovndation. ~a.l ~e Foundation. Pubfic Welfare F~. The Tides Found.ltion. f~tlOC'I for ~ Ecology. SA IIC Rprest:ntatives abroad: )\>oft ~ Lar.l·RECNSUEN (Nonv>y). Raf>d ~ (Gcnrony). A'<jand<o ~ & Susan O'Oonel (CWd.l~ � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Contents Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Contents Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (2).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Pages 2 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/d24de26312e82d03d0fab8fbb5f8a07d.pdf 6d900f7f9e8f9ad7af45ac35f59b0e16 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (3).pdf PDF Text Text E D I TO R IAL The so-called "cold war" between Capitalism and Socialism has been redefined. Instead of a conflict between "East and West," it now appears as a problem of North versus South. Today, the military impositions and economic propos.1ls expressed in the concept of a "New World Order" do no more than fortify policies of oppression against Indigenous nations and territories. For the Indigenous peoples, the oppression that begin with the western invasion. and which has just completed its 502nd year, still continues as more threats loom over the horizon. International agreements such as the North American Fr« Trade Agreement {NAFTA). General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organizauon {WTO) are nothing more than new legal instruments which serve to increase transnational companies' power to exploit natural and human resources without regard for Indigenous territories. It should not be forgotten that a large portion of these natural resources, such as biodiversit)'. petroleum. timber, minerals. etc. arc found within Indigenous territories. for their pan, the nation-states still largely refuse to recognize Indian territory and continue 10 dispose of it as they will. most recently, b)' ceding it to national and transnational companies within the new Neoliberal programs. Governments and parliaments continue to make decisions for the oppressed majorities. Constitutional changes. new Agrarian laws. privatizauon of b.1Sic sef\ices, etc. are legal•nstruments, created without consulung the Indigenous organ•zauons, in the name of "democracy." The Indigenous people demand participation in all dectsions directly affecting Indigenous nauons. territories, and cultural systems. and reject the assimilauonist policies of the nation-state. Without entering into an in-depth analysis of the concept of democracy imposed by the Western nation-state on the Indigenous nations "~th cosmic-spiritual-territorial bases. we have tried in this journal to present an {admittedly incomplete) picture or Indigenous participation in national elections. The diverse experiences illustrated here demonstrate that Indian organizations offer new possibilities to renovate the nation-state. The)' also reveal the need for autonomous political positions and the formation of coalitions under equal conditions. Of course. not all of the Indigenous experiences have been positive. However, many of lhese, both good and bad, provide lessons from which we can learn in order to reformulate our future stralegies. Indigenous participation in the nation-states' electoral processes is only one aspect of the differem strategies we need to pursue. Access to parliaments gives us more power to propose and pressure for the adoption and approriate implementation of progressive international agreements such as the International Labor Organization's Convention 169, which is currently only recognized by seven governments. Other international agreements such as the UN Declaration on the Principles and Rights of Indigenous peoples require further pressure from the Indigenous organizations to the U.N. bodies in order to obtain an international convention signed by the colonial governments, recognizing the rights of Indigenous Peoples and not just a Declaration without implementing measures. We believe that u is Imperative for the Indigenous movement to work in coordinated fashion at the continental and world level to produce joint proposals for appropriately adopung and furthering the scope of these mternauonallegal instruments. ~ have to remember that, although the legal instruments are avilable. they need to be ratified by nauon-states, but also, in some c.1ses. those legal instruments need to be taken furhter, according to Indigenous organizations' understanding of such matters. Otherwise, these! instruments will remain In the hands of nation-states without Indigenous input. SAIIC Board of Directors Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Editorial Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Editorial Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (3).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Abstract Note As economic policies imposed on indigenous communities by the Western bloc and regional nation states limit freedoms, indigenous communities have taken to the election process to try and affect change. Pages 3 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/bda350934a2e1a51f50bf2575bfc9a78.pdf 0d80fd3398d87eb8d2e7331633e87c0a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (4-5).pdf PDF Text Text IN BR I EF Massive Coca-grower's March on La Paz, Bolivia Bolivian security forces unsuccessfully tried to turn away a protest march of severn! thousand camp.:;i110s headed for the capital city of La Paz in early September. Over fifty leaders were arrested. police confiscated baggage and even sandals in an attempt to pre,·ent campesinos from joining the march. The coca-growers were headed for La Paz to demand fair treatment for those who make their living growing coca. Coca leaf has long been important in the Andes because of its cultural and rnedicinal elemems. but in recent years it has acquired significance as a cash crop which is used in the production of cocaine. Protesters are demanding the demilitarization of the Chaparc region, protection of 1he coca·growing industry. com· pliance with agreements previously signed with the government, and the release of arrested activists. After three attacks by security forces. marchers chose to stay ofT the main roads to avoid funher confrontation. Campesinos have been subjected to increased arbitrat)' arrests and seizures, intimidation and harassment. sexual abuse or women. and tor· ture. Religious workers in the coca-growing Chapare region. say that the area has been completely militarized. and that the gov· emmem has also been cracking down on non·govemmental organizations who are supportive of the Indigenous camtJtsinos. The country's rn.ost powerful labor union. the 13olivian Workers Central (C06). held a 48-hour strike in La Paz on Sept. 15 and 16 to pressure the government on the cocagrowers' behalf. In response. President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada called a national dialogue to discuss the ..cocacocaine'" problem and to seek consensus solmions. The coca-growers emerged from this dialogue with a preliminary agreement which rneets several of their key demands. Leuu s demandi11g respe" for the human rigJus of c;amf'(Sinos <Jnd NCO workers in the coca regions c;a~t be sent to Bolivian President Gom::alo Sanche:: de ~ada, Fax: 591 -2·391216 Adapl<d from : \Vtekly N t h'S Upd<lle. 011 tilt AmcriC Nicamgua Solidarity Network tJf (IS, Greater New Yor·k. 339 Wfayeue Sl.• New Yorh. NY 10012. Argentina: Constitution Finally Recognizes Indigenous Rights ArgentinaS constitutional revision on Aug. 11 this year rec· ognized Indigenous peoples' rights after a series of postponements by the dmfting commission. After much debate. Article 67 of the constitution was modified to read : (the slate/ relognizes concwn:ncly with the provinces, the pre· existence of the lndgenous peoples that make up the Ar:geminian nation, guaranteei,lg respect for their elhnic and cultural identity. the legal sw1us of their communities; the tmession and communal 4 ow11crship of lands that they tradilio11ally occupy; mal1i11g a"ailable sufficient and suitable lands for their lwman development. which will be h1alienable and not subjeCl to seiZl~re; assure their access to bilingual ancl inrerculwral education: and their lHH'tici· palion in <lecisions n:gardirzg the rational use, administration <Jnd consen•ation of natural re:sour·ces: in the developmcmt of their interests; and in national life. Nonetheless, the final text relating to communal ownership of trnditionally-occupied lands ended up only partially satisfactory. The original Indian proposal used the word •guarnntecd" in respect to ownership of these londs. The governing justicialista Party, alonned by the supposed legal and economic consequences of this proposal. pushed the d rafting commission to rephrase this with the word ..regulatc..-which obviously has different implications. In the final compromise. the commission settled on the word "recognize)!o which implies at least that communities wilt be able to secure ownership or lands for which they already have titles. Settlement Between Texaco and Ecuadorian Government Sidesteps Indigenous People U.S.-based multinational oil company, Texaco Inc. and the Eeuadorian govemmem have reached a tentative agreementsubject to Ecuadorian President Sixto Duran Ballens approvalon clean-up and restoration of fom1er oil production sites in Ecuador's remote Oriente region. The populations. panicularly Indigenous peoples. whose communities ha"e been devastated by twenty years or accumu· lated toxic dumping and oil spills. were never consuhed in the process of negotiating this settlement. Indigenous and colonist organizations have been fighting for yec1rs, in alliance with envi· romner!lal groups and lawyers. to force Texaco to carry-out a thorough clean-up and restoration of the areas it polh.ucd and to provide health services and monitoring of oil related ailmems within affected comrnunities. Texaco$ oil operntions have spilled some 16.8 million gallons of crude oil into the Oricme. The company also voluntalily dumped 20 billion gallons of water containing toxic hydrocarbons. chemicals and heavy metals. into the regionS waterwa)'S. Roads built by Texaco have blazed the way for deforestation of O\rer 2.5 million acres of rainforest by opening previously isolated Indian territories to colonization by fMmers and mnchers. On tenninating its operations in 1990, Texaco made no effon to clean up the toxic mess it left behind. Indigenous umbrella organizations including COICII. CONAIE and CONFENAIE as well as the environmental coalitions CEDENMA and Amazon For Life "ill not accept this exclusive bilateral settlement between Texaco and the Ecuadorian government. The governmentS interests and the IVYya Yala News �IN communities' interests are n ot congruent. The sune-own.cd oil company CEPE (now Pcuocc-uador) worked in conson.ium with Texaco as a co-polluter and will ha"e to pick up the tab for 65.5% of any remediation bill. Given the ccuadorian govern- ment's financial liability in this situation, organizations fear that their government will not adequately meet the needs of the communities that have been impacted. For this reason. Indigenous org~nizmions must be fully involved in negotiating any settlement if a tmly effective plan for environmental reStoration and human heahh care is to be designed, financed and implemented. Pleas.: write or fax Texaco and dtt &uadorian gwcrnment immediarcly exp~ming your conetnt. Presid<nte SL, to Dur.ln Ballen. Prosideme dela Repblica dd Ecuador, P:llacio PrtsidencW, C'lle Garcia Moreno, Quito, Ecuador. Fa." 593-2-580-735 Alfred C. DeCrone Jr.. CEO and Chainnan of the Board, Texaco. Inc.. 2000 Westchester Ave.. \Vhite Plains, NY 10650. Fax: 914-253· 7753 lnfonnation supplied by the Rainforest Aaior~ Nawork Paraguay-Parana Waterway Threatens Largest Wetlands in t he Americas BR I EF mental costs, a nd comprehensively evaluate the waterway's impacts. including those to all 2,000 miles of river that will be affected. lnfonnatio-n supplied by tltt lnctrnational Rivers Nuworh. Venezuelan Indians Seek Constitutional Rights R epresentatives of Venezuela's twenty-seven Indigenous peoples began a series of meetings at the Latin American Indigenous Parliament Center in Caracas to demand that their rights be included in the national constitution, which congress is current· ly attempting to reform . jest\s j im~ne.z , Vene.zuela~ only lndigneous congressman, explained that the 350.000 Indigenous people living in this country seek inclusion for their rights tO land, usc or their languages and recognition of dual citizenship for those peoples living along the Colombian and Brazilian borders. Jimenez pointed out that ColombiaS Indigenous legislation guarantees dual citizenship in such cases. including for the 10.000 Wayu who inhabit the Colombian-Venezuela border area. The Indigenous repre-sentatives will also try to secure guarantees for participation in legislative powers at the national, regional. municipal. and local levels. Injorm<Hion COU1'te$)' of Ansa Nt.WS Agency Inc. " More than fony scientific, environmental and indigenous o rganizations launc hed an international campaign in early Sept. to protect the vast Pantanal wetlands from a .. mega-project'" known as the Parana-Paraguay Hidrovia (or watenvay). Organizations rne1 in Chapada dos Guimares in the Brazilian state of Mato Grosso to discuss the Pantanal's current situation and the proposed waterway. According to these diverse organizations, the Pamanals already suffer tremendous impacts caused by gold and dia mond mining. logging, u rban sewerage. industrial po llution. pesticide and herbicide run-off and overfishing. The proposed waterway would include several massive engineerin_g projects to straightel't, deepen and "regulate" the c hannel of the Paraguay River. The governments of Brazil. Argentina, Bolivia. Paraguay and Uruguay hope that the watcrwny will open the riverS upper sections to year-round industrial shipping. and have applied to the !mer-American Development Bank and other sources for funding. International funders are wary, however, u mil an environmental impact statemem (ElS) has been completed. T he groups meeting in Chapada dos Guimares are therefore demanding full participation in the ElS process. They also demand that it take into account all social and e nviron· Vol. 8 No.3 5 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource In Brief Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title In Brief Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (4-5).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Abstract Note Coca growers march on La Paz, Argentinian constitution recognizes indigenous rights, indigenous people left out of settlement between Texaco and Ecuadorian government, Paraguay-Parana waterway threatens wetlands, and Venezuelan indigenous communities seek constitutional rights. Pages 4-5 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/fdc4af357b8f8ed80425b665c9b85d55.pdf df27265f25cbba46ec13fcb78d6d2286 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (6-8).pdf PDF Text Text P ERS PECT I V ES 0 N TH E E L E C T O R'.!~_!....!R O~:..:E S :__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ ~ A L P ~ C ~S In the following section we present a review of the Indian movement's experiences with electoral processes over the last year. Members of the movement p rovide analyses intended both to expose the problems and dangers of the nation-state's existing political processes. and to evaluate the Indian movement's political weaknesses. and thereby strengthen future political participation. Opinions in these articles belong to their authors. and are not necessarily those of SAl/C. Elections in Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest By Araceti Burguete Cal y Mayor T he Mexican Constitution was modified in 1992 to include certain new tures. Faced with this situation, nearly 100 politically diverse Indigenous organizations met in Mexico City on Indigenous rights. Unfonunately, ingly doubtful about working through the March 4 and 5 10 develop a common this rdonn has never been implcmcmcd. political parties. Consequently, the tradi- national electoral strategy. The and Indigenous fonns of social organiza- tional parties have gradually lost political Convention presented presidential candi· tion and democratic representation still control within the coumryS Indigenous dates attending the meeting with a con· lack legal recognition. Despite many efTons regions. sensus program with universal to pass legislation guaranteeing Indian repThus, despite the high turnout of Indigenous demands. At the same time. resentation in congress over the p."lSt three Indigenous voters for the Aug. 21 presi- the Convention demanded candidates to years, none have been adopted because dernial elections nationally, several specify their policies on the right to selfIndigenous organizations still lack allies to lndiger'IOUS regions refused to vote in detennination, as well as representation suppon these proposals. Thus. Mexico's their entirety. A significant number of in congress. The Assembly's program Indigenous peoples have access to the community assemblies, like that of &In demanded that political parties agree to nation's congress only through panicipa- juan Comalapa in Oaxaca. rejected the the creation of a Sixth Electoral District. tion in the political panies. establishment of polling places in their exclusively for Indigenous peoples, and At the same 1ime. there is ample COE communities and decided to remain out· that they reserve a quota of 10% of their 'Isensus among the nation's Indigenous side the electoral process. Not just this candidacies for Indigenous representaorganizations that the political parties are town. but practically the entire Triqui tives. not adequate mechanisms for bringing region in Oaxaca boycotted the election . Although the candidates reiterated Indigenous representatives to congress. Of those Indigenous people who voted their commitment to the Indigenous peoThis conclusion has been reinforced by nationwide. many did so under protest: ple-especially due 10 the pressure the marginal placement of Indigenous unhappy with the panisan system , but caused by events in Chiapas-they did demands in the political parties' agendas, conscious of the need to contribute with not adopt the demand for a new district· in addition to the absence of Indigenous their vOle to the country's political future. ing as their own. Only the Party of the represemmion in their leadership stn1c· Democratic Revolution (PRD) responded National Indigenous Electoral b)' reserving three cand idacies in the Araa:li 8urgucle I a Chiapas ,uuivc as well as Convention s lower house and two in the senate for Technical and Research Coordinator for the For the first time in contemporary Indian leaders. Though not insignificant, lndtf'(nclem Indian Pcoplc.s Front. Mexican history. delegates representing this gesture is cenainly limited-especial· 6 Indigenous people have become increas· I>Jyya Yala News �PERSPEC TI VES ON THE EL ECT OR A L PROCESS ly if it is taken into account that Mexico~ Indigenous people constitute more th~t 15% of the population. The governing nizations and individuals from through· out the country to a National Democratic Convention (CND) from Aug. 8 to 10. Institutional Revolutionary Party will have no more than two Indigenous wilhin Zaptuista territory in the Lacandon jungle. AStonishing!)', over 6.000 delegates from throughout Mexico made the long joume)' to attend this event in the isolated and previously obscure comrnunity of Aguascaliemes. As with practical!)' all events organized by the ..civil society"'-that is, mestizo society-Indigenous panicipation was marginal and the number of delegates was scarce!)' significant. Despite the limited number of panicipams. Indigenous orga· nizations came to a consensus proposal for use in the discussion table. Thus, half of the resolutions at the round table for a Constitutional Congress and a New deputies and one lndigenous senator. National Democratic Convention in Chiapas On june 13, based on the overwhelm· ing majority of the vote within their sup· porter communities the Zapatista National Liberation Arm)' (EZLN) refused the Mexican government's peace pro· pos~l. At the s~me time the EZLN announced ~ strateg)' to seek unit)' the civilian 1novement pushing for a transition to national democracy. To this end, they surnmoned a diverse group of orga· Vol. 8 No.3 Constitution related to Indigenous peo· pies rights. gathering in a S)'nthesis of the proposals presented b)' the Independent Indian Peoples Front (FIPI). along with those of other delegations. The final text of the Convention read as follows: As ctmcems the Indigenous peoples, the National Denux mcic Converllion resoh·es that their autonomy, sclf·<iecennination and territorial rights bo recognized; char che customary riglu of lndiger~o~ts 1>eople be elevated to a constitutional right; that a new chapter on hldigtnousr>eoplc. elab· omced by che llldigeiiOilS r<or>les themselves, be integrated in the New Cor~scicution. Tite policy will bo elaborated on seven axes: lcmd, emJ>loymem. justice, economy. freedom, hullch and ed1•C a· tion. Thac articles 115 thro~tgh 122 be 7 �PERSPECTIVES ON THE ELECTORAL PROCESS rc:viscd to srrc:ngtltcn nwnicip<1lities <md establish the Indigenous regions, Tlwt the fourth article be mO<Iified to co•iform a Sixth Plurinominal Districting for lr1digenous representation, that the right to tulucacion be made effective and llwc this education respects and iruegrates the diver>ity of all Indigenous peoples, their traditions, customs. and languages. Education should be free at all levels, democratic, lay. scientific. humanistic. national and critical. Education for Indigenous people must be bilingual at all levels. In spite or the importance or this pamgmph, it is important to acknowledge that Indigenous perspectives and the aspimtions or the Indigenous people in Mexico were not the centmlthcme or the CND- opposmon to the government and the again appropriated-through rmud and official (PRI) party. Predictably, the gov- multiple electoral transgressions that have ernment ~ried to rorestall CEOICs partic- not been investigated- over 90% or the ipation in the CNO by trying to crea.te seats ror in the House or Deputies and divisions within the coalition. almost I 00% or those ror the Senate, Unronunately, these prospered. Hair or Nonetheless. the d isappointment relt by CEOIC-made up or organizations large- Indigenous peoples d id not coalesce into ly financed by the government or the a post-electoml struggle, When the elecPRI-stood against participation in the tions were o,·er. Indigenous organizations Convention, The other hair-the selr-pro- returned to their previous stntggles and daimed Independent CEOIC-<:ndorscd. tactics, The PRO vote cast by the majority and then joined the CNO, The indepen- or Chiapas' Indigenous peoples was not a dent CEOIC maintains a line of civilian truly partisan vote. The PRO was persupport ror the Zapatista proposals and ceived as the best party at hand, but not negotiations, and continues to contribute necessarily as their own party, or as one significantly to the extension of '"civilian that identi fies wholly wilh their interests. bridges· into the conOict zone. Votes garnered by the PRO in Chiapas awarded two seats in the lower house to Elections in Chiapas Indian leaders. These are: Antonio this despite the conventionS location in August 21 , election day, was particu- Hernandez (see interview in VoL 8:1&2). the heart of the conflict zone, wilhin ter~ larly significant ror Chiapas, The states Maya-Tojolabal, state leader or the rilOry held by an army, nearly all of whom elections commstcd sharply with those in Independent Central or Agricultural arc Indian. the rest or the country, For the forst time Workers and Campesinos (CIOAC), and in the highland and jungle regions or M ario Landeros. candidate for the Xfnich Fragi le Coalition Divides in Chiar>as, Indigenous people exercised organizmion of Palenque. Elsewhere. Chiapas their citizenS right to vote in massive Martin Equihua rcpreseming the A political watershed leading up to rashion. For the forst time they voted or Guerrero 500 Years or Indigenous the National Democratic Convention their own free will. without impositions. R esistance State Council also won a seat was the fragnlcntation into two halves or and without being coerced. For the forst in the lower house through the PRO vote, the Indigenous and Campesino State time the Indigenous vote in Chiapas was Euldarico Hemandez. Chontal writer and Council or Chiapas (CEOIC), It was evi- not ror the PRL leader rrom the state or Tabasco. sec\lrcd a dent that the Convention would express At the national level. the PRI once seat in the senate, along with Hector Sanchez, leader or the Worker·C.1111pesino Student Coalition or the Isthmus, The present political balance is certainly not what Indigenous or ganizations demand, nor what justly corrcs1>0nds to their peoples, Nevertheless, the Indigenous movement will have at least three authemic advocates in the next legisla· ture. These delegates are committed to constitutional rcrorms elabomted by the Indigenous National Electoral Com•en· tion including: rhe right to govern their territories according to norms established by their customs and usage. and the right to Indigenous representation in congress through special districting without Maya residents o f Altamirano, Chiapas U up to vote; o bservers at polling place s ne in the town reported significant irregularities. dependence upon the political l>arties. -., 8 AIYya Yala News � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Elections in Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Elections in Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (6-8).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Author Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor Abstract Note Indigenous rights promised in the new Mexican Constitution of 1992 have not been executed. In light of this, nearly 100 indigenous communities have met to discuss electoral strategy in an attempt to affect political change. Pages 6-8 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/cffd08a0f9b65ae51ca0093410a15da9.pdf c81ba7c540170d5b3be367fc950e69bb Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (9, 33).pdf PDF Text Text Reconstructing the Ayllu: toward Renewal of the Bolivian State By Maria Eugenia Choque and CariDs Mamani ast years eltcuons m Bolivia culmi· noted m August Wlth the victory of ·ealthy mdustriahst Gonzalo ("Goni") ~nchez dt Lozada and Aymara Indian intellectual Victor Hugo Olrdenas, leaders of tWO distinct political traditions: Coni !rom the leftist-turned-centrist Nationalist Revo lutionary Movement (MNR) credited with •modernizing" Bolivia. and Victor Hugo !rom the Aymara Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement of Liberation (MRTKL). Their election trig· gered celebrations among various sectors or the Bolivian population. On the mght or Aug. 5. the coliseum in La Paz was the scene or a grand. picturesque ceremony organized by the MNR. Indigenous people panicipatcd in a ntual of homage and recognition in which representatl\'eS of almost all o f the native groups in the country presented symbols of power and authority to Gonzalo Sanchez and Victor Hugo. It symbolized their acceptance as ··n:nive authorities... The presentation took place in a colorful atmosphere o f wiphalas (multi-colored patchwork Aymara Oags which have come to represent Indian Unity). The ceremony was a perfect an1ftce: showing Indian inte· grauon and ascendance lO po\1 ter-by Marla fugmla Olotr-" is a luslonan and Dir«IIJI' of the Alldtan Oral Hwory llbrl>shop m l.n Paz. Carlos Mamanl also ..00.0 as a luslorian m l.n Paz. Vol8 No.3 Marching for territory and dignity way or the vace-presadent elect. Funhermore. the president appeared (how marvelous!) to be seeking Indigenous recognttaon before taking power. Alliance with the Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement of Liberation (M R TKL) wns a great success for the MNR, leading to a decisive electoral victory. The MRTKL, for their part, gained five seats in Congress. a small role in the administration or the Slate, and the creation or a National Secretariat of Ethmc Affairs. Quruitath·ely. howe,·er, their presence in parliament as more hmucd than that of the first Indian depuues m parh•mem (including Olrdenas hamseiO m the 1980s. Since the elecuon, pohuc::al propag;mda has tned to show that the indigenous mo,·ement-wuh Vfctor 1-iugo at its head-is pan of the government. Or, at least, that it Is willing to wait to be vindi· cated through reforms proposed by the government in llCW hlW'S O( popular par· ticipation. cdu~tion , :1nd privatization. The situation in UoHvia C;ln be under· stood as the continuation or an inter-eth· nic relationship an which the criollo (people of European descent) groups in power use the an of samulaung lnd.,n political pan.capauon. to perfecuon. They accomplash thas b)• puttmg on shows such as that descnbcd obo\'C and through their newly acquued ~bthty to integrate Indigenous andavaduols mto the politic::al elite. These and"'duals must only pass an exam where saenficc. higher education. desire !or power and presuge, and the denunciauon of their adeals appear to be the deciding factors. Wlthm this context. it is not saying too much to point om that Victor Hugo appeared in electoral propa· ganda representing the COntinmuion of the stateS intcgmtiomst policies such as the agrarian refonn of 1953. Given the StateS VISible securily in hs control over the lndagenous popubuon, \\'C ask here. what is the state or the Indian MO\'trnent? History of the Movement Todar~ lnd.,n n>ovement os neuher a recent phenomenon, nor the result of the 1952 revoluuon. It as the conunuation. although in fragmented fonn, of a ffiO\'C· ment of C<ICiqut'S (tradltionul chiefs) which was led in the first hal! or this century by Santos Marka T'ula. Eduardo Nina Qhispi, Gregorio Ventura, Rufino \C,IIca. Feliciano Aruquipa, Celcdonio Luna. Mateo Alfaro, and others. These caciques struggled !or the survival or the Indigenous people and proposed the "renewal Of 8ohvi3" With the InstitUtionalization or respect !or dovcrsoty and pluralit)' In thear analystS of domeStiC: and international pohcaes (1920-1936) , they Continued on page 33 9 �BOLIVIA : Continued from page 9 stmggled untiringly for the establishment of a commission to verify boundaries between conununal and individual proper· ty: between canton. provincial. and departmental jurisdictions: and imen>ational bor· ders. This mo,-emem had a vast and exten· sive organization which included the Guarani people in the fonn of their Captain Casiano Barrientos as well as leaders of the Indigenous people orTarija and Beni. The llolivian state could not tOlerate an autonomous Indian Movement with such extensive organizational capacity, especially since Eduardo Nina Qhispi. one of its bold· est leaders, favored the "Renewal of llolivia" and to that end declared himself President of the Republic of Qullasuyu. creating a parallel Indian State (He was imprisoned by President Salamanca from 1932·36). Thus, in 1945, the government of President Villarroel, in which the MNR fonned one RECONSTRU CTI NG emerged in the 1970s. This mo"ement exposed the nature of colonial domination and sought to develop an alliance between the different Indigenous nationalities in the country. All of the mainstream panies immediately labeled this emerging Indian THE AYLLU ... Reconstructing Traditional Forms of Organ ization In response to the traditions of political manipulation and \\;,s,em "ci\;lizing" syn· dicalism. Indigenous communities in the highlands are reconstructing Ayllu federa· Movement "'raciSt ... The KatariSta panics. tions which maintain traditional structures supponed as they were by the church and although in segmentary fashion. Thus com· the MIR, also condemned the lndianist munities have begun reconstructing ancient position, the recognition of ethnic differ· identities which the Toledian refonns had ences, and the use of native languages, and destroyed centuries earlier. This movement were obliged to testify for a "llolivian" grounds itself in the rights to tenitorynational idemily. understood as physical space, the soil, sub· The 1980s \vitnessed the Indian move· soil; the place where families are rooted. ments premature collapse, weighed down According to Indigenous organizations, by caudillismo {strong individual leaders what lies within the boundaries of demar· who manipulated organizations for their cmed tenilOries belongs to the community own benefit), corruption, and internal divi· and not to the State. Their demands for sions. The movementS ideological consis-- tights to territory and the e:<ploitmion and tency and institutions could not resist the administration of the resources oomained power (and violence). financial resources. 'vitl\in it, are based on titles granted by the and the privileges (congressional seats, gov· Spanish Crown. The govcnuncmS new pan, moved to co-opt indian organizations. ernment jobs. or cash) of the traditional laws, such as that for "popular panicipa· The government organized an Indigenous panies which. for the sake of capturing tion'" fail to ~cognize this concept. and Congress in which the legitimate leaders of Indigenous votes, incorporated Indian therefore remain null. the movement were thrown out by SC(.Urity cadres into their circles. In contrast to the rural unions. the Ayllu forces. After the triumph of the revolution. By the 1990s. Indigenous political insti· federations have reestablished traditional the MNR (\vith the experience of 1945) tutions were practically destroyed, barely authorities as weU as an autonomous admin· rapidly engaged in organizing campesinos leaving behind acronyms and their con-e· istrntion of economic and social resouras and imo a National Federation of Campesinos. sponding caudillos. Finally, the 1993 elec· of justice. E.'O!mples of this are organiz.1tions NuOo Chavez Oniz, a descendent of the tions resulted in an auctioning ofT of Indian such as FASOR (the F ederation of Ayllus to founder of llolivias second largest city, was panies. the South of Omro) with respea to the placed in charge. This elTon ushered in an At the level of the national unions, the Quillacas-Asan.1ques chiefdom, FAONP (the ern of i><mgutajt politico, or political patron· innuential Aymara Genaro Flores was OtlSl· Federation of Ayllus to the Nonh of Potosi) age. which has endured until toda)< This ed as leader of the nations largest rural jach'a Karangas which reconstituted the large system guarantees Indian bondage to the union, the Single Confederate SyndiC>te of Karang.'\5 in La Paz where FACOPI (the benefit of the Pany and the State. Peasant Workers of llolivia (CSlJTCB), and Federation ofAyllus and First Communities of Nevenheless, the political control which his MRTKL pany divided. Thus, the criollo the Province of lnga,;) revindicated their the MNR and the llolivian State exercised political panics fought to gain control over Pakaje origin. and more recently the fonna· over Indian groups could not last forever. what remt'\ined of the lndigenous-annpesino tion of the Supreme Council of llolivian Ayllus In the mid·l960s Indigenous groups arose, organization-viewing it as war booty. in the depanments of La Paz. Omro, and seeking to reclaim their traditional fonns of This sitt"1tion, although gloomy in its Potosi. FACOPls Organic Statue is insuucti\·e. organizalion and to develop their own ide· outlook, has given way to the strengthening in the way it emphasizes the value of culture, ology. The traditional system of control of grassroots organizations in the Andes. In history, and Indigenous language which con· founded in 1952 'vas also battered by other the Oriente (the upper Amazon Basin). stitute the basis for identity and self-detenni· pressure groups. Among these, the military however, the situation is very different and nation. with ilS own attempt at peasant co-optation more closely resembles the organizational The re·establishment of Indigenous ian· through a military-campesino paCt, and the process of CONAIE in Ecuador. There, guage. culture, identity. territory. and SO\>er· Leftist Revolutionary Movement (MIR) Indigenous organizing has always been cignty is the goal of the Indian movement. 'vith its call for independent labor organi· closely tied to idemit)\ and the Indian orga· represented by a variety of grassroots orga· zations figured largely. niz.ations have not taken up the camptSino nizations working for the rights and dignity Thus, an energetic Indian Movement rc- banner. as often occurred in the highlands. of Indigenous peoples. .., Vol. 8 No.3 33 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Reconstructing the Ayllu: Toward Renewal of the Bolivian State Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Reconstructing the Ayllu: Toward Renewal of the Bolivian State Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (9, 33).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Author Maria Eugenia Chaque and Carlos Mamani Abstract Note The election of a liberal, creole president and an indigenous intellectual vice-president in Bolivia has show that integration and communication with indigenous communities is a viable political strategy in Bolivia. However, this came after decades of deconstructing indigenous political organizations. Today, many indigenous communities are trying to rebuild these organizations and avoid being manipulated by the status quo. Pages 9, 33 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/6eaf1f54e17671cc16f3c0cca66fc1be.pdf 843d0083cb8b8e4e582aa14194351983 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (10-13).pdf PDF Text Text PERSPECTIVES ON THE ELECTORA L PROCESS Photo : Gvatemal3 NC\'/S and Information 8ure3u Guatemala: M aya M ovement At The Politica l Crossroads Maya " Communities of Populations in Resistance"' (CPR's) left hidden communities in the lxcan jungtc in February of this year to establish an open potiticat presence. By Estuardo Zapeta. n june of 1993. following the failed self-coup d'ttat by former President jorge Serrano Elias, the Pem1anent Maya Assembly submitted a list wi1h three names for the Vice-presidency. This act in itself shook the Guatemalan politi- I C.."'..I establishment, demonstrating the new asseniveness of the coumryS Indigenous movement. This p reviously little known polhical curre m is now one of the strongest in Guatemalan society. Paradoxically 1he ..Serranazo," as Serrano Elias' attempted coup was nicknamed. helped the Maya movement emerge o nto the national stage. Nonetheless. and perhaps due to a lack of political experience. Maya organizations have fallen fa r short of their political potential in recent years. This year, two political C\'CntS rencct on the situation faced by the movement. On jan. 30, a majori1y of voters approved Esruardo Z<lp•:~a is Maya-Caqchiqu<l and works wirlt rhe Ctmro de Esrudios dela Culwra Maya (CECMA) of Cuaremala. 10 newly-appointed President Ramiro de Leon Carpio$ proposed constitutional revision a midst massive abstentionism. Then. on Aug. 14. parliamentary elections were held in which fonncr military d ictator Rios Mont , whose administration from 1981-82 was responsible for the bloodiest repression of the Maya population in rcccm history. won a seat in congress. The Political Movement: Internal and External Factors Maya Indians arc the majority in Guatemala with over 60% of the I>Opulation. ThC)' are also victims of the \Vestem Hem isphere~ longest and most bloody modern civil wars. Understanding the discovery of the Americas in 1992 unified organizations in a common cultural and political cause. Second. numerous Mayan organizations have fonned in the country- side. These range from agricultural cooperatives to a national system of Mayan schools. and they have begun 10 consolidate local power as the basis of an effective political panicipation. Third. ethnic issues have become a maucr of national debate since the agenda for peace talks between the govem mem and the guerrilkl movement was modified to include a point on "ldemi1y and Rights of the Indigenous People." Advances made by t he movement have unfonunately been undem>ined by e rnerging Maya political participation power struggles within the Indian leader- requires a look a1 both internal and external factors affecting the movement in ship. Fueled by the lack of clear I>Oiitical objectives, this in-fighting slowly gnaws away at achievements 1 nadc over the last three years. Additionally. one effect of the recent years. There ttrc three major internal innuences on Maya political activism. First, strong Op(>OSition to celebration of the Quincenrenary of Columbus' so-called diminished influence of Marxist d iscourse has been the new recognition of previous- ly ignored cultural differences among the !Wya Y News ala �PERSPECTIVES Maya peoples. Th<S< dtfferences h3\·e in ON Thts ts true. first of all. because only tum, accclcr.ued the mttrnal competition 20% of the electoratt voted. Second!)\ for power. Rtos Mont exploned law and order Externolly. Moyo pohllcal panicipation rhetoric tn a count')' where criminal foces chollenges generated by last years activity tS second only to poveny as a failed coup d'tun, the nations general social problem. The ex-dtctator is also a democratic crisis and the Aug. 14 con· born-again Protestant. and could there· gressional elections. International pres- fore count on nc:uly un:mimous suppon sure OJ\ the Guatcmahm government has from the evangelical Protestont popula· also contributed to the opening of politi· tion. In 1990. 36% of the population was cal spaces for the Maya. estimated to be l'rotestant. the highest proportion or nny country in predomiOf Elections And The Elected nantly Catholic latin America. The lndtgenous movement discovered Evangelical advances are not surprising in its first '"polittcal thermometer'" in rural. Mayan commumues. Thts success Prestdent Carptos referendum for the results from a well-planned and well· proposed con.sutuuonal revision. The funded wave o( e'"ngehcal mtssionizing rtVtSlon was 01med ot purgmg the corrupt from the Untted States. Serrano congress and represented a funThe Maya people and the former dicdamental clash between the executive and tator w>ll face thetr real challenges in the legislative powers. The Indigenous mo,·e· Nov. 1995 prcstdenual elections. Unless ment could have exploited this division. Rios Mont can eng1neer a constitutional but political inexperience limited any revision. he will be b.1rrcd-as a former gains. The principal Mayan organizations dictator-from seeking the presidency. At threw their supJ behind the president~ the same time, moderate right-wing par>Ort constitution•! chonges. In exchange, the ties. who are best placed to \vin the pres· president approved a National Indigenous ideney. have shown liule concern for Rios Fund. The Maya people could have Mont and are turning their :mention to gained much more. the 1ndtgenous vote. For instance. the President C.1rp1o~ constitutional revi· National Advancement Party (PAN). has ston was approved with a majority )-es· been in ·secret• tolks with the vote on Jan. 30. but turnout \1>1\S a shock· Autonomous Movement of Masses. an mgly low 16'10 of the dectora.te. Poor orgamzauon worktng for poliucal educa· commumcauon btlwetn the Indigenous tion and org:t.mz;mon m poor Indigenous nauonal and grassroots 0rg.1niza1ions pre· and mtsti.c;o rommunu1es. ''ented any stgmficant political panicipa· tton. Yet Mara Orgllmzations ha\'e learned Military Ethno-hysteria that politicians now place imponance on Withtn the politico! process. the the Indigenous vote. Indigenous rno\·emem c:mnot underestl· National congressional elections were mate the anny$ presence and power. held on August 11. 1994. Surprisingly. This institution. which has systematical· (ormer military dictator Errnin Rios Mom ly opposed any Moya political panicipa· and his Republican Front pany emerged lion, is undergoing one or its worst with a significnnt vtctory. R ios MomS times . It's important to remember that tenure as dictator in 1981-1982 was one the :mny has free nnd permanent access of the bloodtest ever endured by the to most Maya communmes through Mayon people. At that ttme. his "bullets paramilitary squads known as Civil and beans· counter·tnsurgency program Defense Patrols 11 has established razed hundreds of Mayo villages to the throughout the countrystde. The current ground. H1s VICtory howe,·er is not~ sur- number of 3Ctl\'C members m the Civil pnstng as 11 appe3rs. Defense: Patrols 15 esttmated at O\"tr Vol. 8 No.3 THE ELECTORAL PROCESS 500.000: 95% of these are Maya A senous tntemal dJ\'tSton. '"loss"' of the commumst enemy, a re--defimtton of its role after mmal peoce talks. and a problem of · unage· both at the nauonal and internauoMIIcvel. are JUSt few of the problems foced by the Guutemulan army. The appoumncnt of General Julio Otzoy Colaj. Mnya-caqchiquel from the town of Comalapa. as Vice-Minister of Defense is widely percei,'Cd as on auempt to tum back Maya poliucal odvances. Otzoy never tdcnufies htmself as Mayo and leads the army's ultra<Onservative sector. 0tzoy explamed m a 1\~nt tntervtew thot "due to the senous ethniC problem· facing Guatemala. there \S g7t3t nsk for the emergence of an •ethntcally·based guemlla mo,-ement" m the next ten years. The recent ·Maya Nauon h)-pothests• and the new ideas on Mt\)'0\ :.'lutonomy have increased Ouoys fears. Although these ideas arc mere speculations. the conserva· tive military lllCrcaslngly accuses Maya organizations or subversion ond sep.1ratism. The ultra-right is olso haunted by the possibility that the Guotcmolan govern· Ex-dictator Rios Montt's amp&ign slogan prodaiming "'With us.. your vote counts.• 11 �PERSPECTIVES ON THE ELECTORAL ment might ratify Convention 169 of the labor Org:mizmion on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries. This would International increase the international legal validity of rights claimed by Ma)'a organizations. PROCESS at the end of the 1980s. The Indigenous National Front (FIN) was fou nded for this purpose. This political organization faded out. basicall)\ because it had neither the people nor the monel' to be heard at the national level. Work at the local level has Indigenous leaders who participated in Christian Democratic President Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo's administration . Many outstanding accusations of corruption and financial mismanagement remain against them. Though Minister Tay Coyoy is the first Indian to r each such a high position in Guatemalan government, the ract that his activities cominue to be opaque h as not helped the consolidation of the political party. The Maya dilemma has always been whether to participate in the electoml systemS existing panies in order to gain new spaces. and eventually rise to shape party platforms themselves or to create their own political associ· ations. capable of partici- pating at the national level. The Indigenous movement is also limited by a Jack of economic T army maintains a political presence in most Maya communities through the Civil Defense Patrols. he Recent publication of Rujunamil Ri Mayab' Amaq (Rights of the Maya Peo1>le) has also fueled the am1yS fears. In sum. these military sectors see any Indigenous political been visibly more effective 1han at the national or regional level. For example, the Came Civic Committee, an Indigenous grassroots organziation. has kept power. Maya organiza· tions are facing financial crise-S at the national, regional, and local levels. This has only been overcome at the local level, where the Maya ob,oousl)' have more opportunities. progress as a national security threat. However, the " young officers" sector and the anny:S so-called Mprogrcssive wing" arc to some extent forcing the ul~ra-con­ servative groups to be more lOieram toward political indigenous participation . control of the Mayors office for the last The Chall enge Ahead ten years, even while competing with the Though many have argued that the congress elected on Aug. 14 represems a It moted formation of a political pany. This who represem a challenge to the congress. The congress$ shon d11ration (one year) Maya organizations to take advantage of commiuee is covertly directed by the cur. these divisions within the anny. rem minister of education. Alfredo Tay and its ideological composition which leans heavily lOward the right wing ""II be up to the political abilities of the established national parties. The most recent national efforts for Maya political participation was through the Sociedad lxim, a committee 1hat pro~ Coyoy. Dilemmas and Limitations of Political Participation The first Maya auempts at direct national political participation took place 12 Maya-K'iche' from challenge to Mayan political participation. the opposite is in fact true. h i.s the Maya Quetzal- (which ignores Indigenous demands). tenango. Chrisitan Democratic parties bcnh wilhin Guatemala and Europe are indicates that the Indigenous movernem should take the time to re-evaluate its also supporting this effort in ncar secrecy. Among the ranks of this group are Guatemala's socio·polilic31 reality. position and design Strategies that renect PIDya Yala News �PERSPECTIVES The foll0\\1ng pomts require t\'aluation: a) Substantial changes in the political diseourse. The radical nature of ahe Mayan political discourse-based on s tagnant leftist Ideas from the 1960s-has become obsolete in 1994. This discourse d oes not help Ind ian political participation : 10 the contrary, it reaffi mts the fear and cahno-hystcria of the army and the economically powerful sectors. In short, this discourse is characcenzed by mconsistent pop· uhsm. the InSIStence that the MayaS only problem is unJUSt land distribuuon, and b)' a rod1cal envuonmental· 15m th31 defends the adopuon of exouc hfesayles. Thts is not ahe Mayan people's dascourse. but rather results from an inOux of ideas from M:lrxisl. environmental and ocher radical groups fro m Europe and ahe United States. b) The c re:uion of a solid base of lead- ON O\'crcome m order to achieve effective pohucal parttcipation. This lack of leadershtp w;u patently ob,ious durmg the recent congressional elections. Although a good number of Indian candtdatcs ran for offiee, only fiveout of a congress with eighty mem- bers-were clec•ed. Abstentionism added 1 the fact that Ma)oan candi0 dates were virtually unknown, guaran· aced this result. Remarkably, the five winning candidates ran wilh right· wing parties. An urgent imperative for Maya org.1nizations ls to ..train.. new leaders who can act as catalysts for the thoughtS and feelings of the Ma)'3n people <)Clarification and unification of realistic goals and objectives. The current debate 0\'er ahe Mayan Vol. 8 No. 3 E LECTORA L PROCESS autonom. lS a perfect cx.•mple of confuSIOn Wlthm the lndrgcnous movement of tiS 0\\'ll pohucal objecd,·es. When lndtgenous nglus. Ma)oan education. the Guatemalan lndrgenous Fund, and that some nght-\\1ng panres demonstrated ao''"'rd Rtos Mont must be seen by the lndtgenous mo"cment ;u represemmg a range of possibtlilies for par- compulsory milnary service-to men· lion just n (cw national issues-are must take ad,oamage of the liberal added 10 subject of autonomy, the con- ticipation. The lnd1genous movement mindsets of the ccmer.right panics' younger gcncmtions, fusion becomes even more app.1rem. The Mayan org,1nizmions. independent of ahe mearlS they decide to adopt, must together clanfy their objectives and sea goals for the short and longrun. The current political confusion naturally suppons the St..ae~ argument that·· the Mayas don' know what they want or wht:rt they w3nt to go: \Ve muse recogruzt: m :td\'3nce that this process or clanficauon and unificalion of goals does not nooess.1nly imply a political homogeniution. Unity within di\·ersit)' h.._'\5 sustained the mo\'emem up to now. l11is claim is supponed by way In which the d ifferem Indigenous froms united In opposition 10 the 500 years celebration . ership. The lack of Maya leaders is another challenge the mo\'ement will have 10 THE d) Political education at the community level. In Guatemala, the Maya ,,;II ha"e 10 redirect their effons 10\\'ard an effecti\'e pohucal pantctpauon Within the commumues. In :1 country where power ts htghly cenamliud, traditional pohucs have completely neglected the rural areas. The consolidation of Maya o rganizations throughout the country is the best indication that cffons for political educ.1tion at the community level arc feasible. In this sense. the army also has recognized the political potential of the rural areas through the Civil Self-Defense patrols. c) A relations hip with the moderate right. The senous constderauon of possible rebuons \\1th a Congress dominated by nght·Wlng parttes hos become necessary. The strong mllial opposuion 0 Dc~minorizntion of the n'Htjorily. In a country where the Mayan majority has always been perceived and treated like a m•nonay, it is necessary to intelhgenaly demonstrate ahe numencal posstbihues. In principle. poh11cs as a numbers game. The lnd•genous mo\'cmcnt must take ad\'antage of liS maJonty status 10 win 1he necessary SOCial and economic changes. g) Continuing diplomatic work at the international level. The Mayan people must cominue to carry out diplomocy nt a global level. This has been an extremely effec1ive political aool that would be unwise 10 neglect. In ahe final analysts, the new generations of Guatent3lan Ma)'aS. the so-called ·children of repressaon: have the greatest challenges and responsabthttes toward their people. The challenges they confront are many. and changes at the national. regional and global le,-el are rapid. Achieving change at the nauonul levcl ,,;II depend on a realistic vision of goals and political means congruent with global political c hanges. Posa-war Guatemala represents a nother challenge at ahc macro-social level for contemporary Mayans. Having been born and raised in waNime, the new Maya generations, as well as the new nttSHZO generotions. will have 10 look for \\'a)'S of peaceful and respectful cocx~Sicnee tn a multicultural and multihngual country hke Guatemala. All Guaacmabns \\111 ha,·e 10 tnsist on the possibrlny of umty wllhtn di,·ersity. .., 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maya Movement at the Political Crossroads (Guatemala) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Maya Movement at the Political Crossroads (Guatemala) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (10-13).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Author Estuardo Zapeta Abstract Note Maya communities in Guatemala have been growing in political strength over the past decade. Although they have a lot of work ahead to affect change and achieve representation, if changes in political discourse occur, the indigenous peoples of Guatemala may achieve political voice. Pages 10-13 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/4d3550f1669b88fdceb43f061bc4fc6e.pdf 3bc328f67763016cac2854a208f24e01 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (14-15).pdf PDF Text Text PERSPEC TI VES ON TH E EL EC TORAL PR O CES S Special Indian Districting: Unresolved Political Problems in Colombia Members of the Colombian Indigenous movement are now trying to critically evaluate the movement's political participation in order to surpass the constraints that have kept many Indigenous objectives out of reach. The following article reflects this process of self·criti· cism. as well as the movement's search for new solutions. by A lfonso Palma Capera and Oskar Benjamin Gutierrez W ithout doubt one of the worst "hettdaches" that the Indigenous movement has endured is the problem of electoral panicipation. In 1990, when Lorenzo Muelas, Alfonso Pena Chepe and Francisco Rojas 6irry panicipated in construction of Colombia's new constitution the}' were sure that il would be extremely difficult to carry out the reforms they were outlining. Four years and two parliamentary elections later. Indigenous political panicipationwithin those spaces that Indigenous peo· pie themselves have forced open-is in deep crisis due to the political inexperi- ence of Indigenous representatives. lack of unity among Indigenous organizations and panics. and failure to skillfully manage relationships with the govermncnt. On March 13 of this yMr, Indigenous communities elccu~d Lorenzo Muclas and Gabriel Mujuy as their representatives to the Senate thanks to the system of Special ElectOral Oistricting (CEE), one of the most imponant political achievements of seats in the senate for Indigenous candidates. The CEE allows Indigenous "lists" (names on the party ticket) registered under the special district to compete fo r these scats independently or the senate races for the other one hundred scats within the National Electoral District. The Indigenous movement won the CEE through its advanced level of organization in a bitter struggle with the traditional institutions. It should not in any way be seen as a gift from the Colombian state. The proliferation of ettndidates this year~ight different Indigenous listsreflected the moven1ents lack of unity. In many cases, the vote was split even within the same ethnic group. Many Indigenous people who wanted to suppon their own cause did not know for whom to vote. Not knowing the candidates, the electorate was forced to decide "by sight" which candidate on the ballot seemed to represent their cause. The Indigenous candidates used their experience in previous clec· tions, and attempted to extend their the Colombian Indigenous movcmcm. appeal to the population in general and Article 176 of the revised constitution capture votes in non·lndigenous cotnmu· created the CEE as a system reserving two nities. This may explain why only three Indigenous parties registered their list Alfo>~so Palma Cap<ra is the jon>1er prtside>ll of under the CEE. while five sought office lht National lncligenous Organitation of through the National Electoral District, Colombia (ONIQ. Oskar Benjamin Culitm:z is competing with the other political groups a journalist and ONIC collaborator. under equal conditions. 14 The results were clear. On one hand, the Indigenous vote was diluted. This reflects d isunity and lack or coordination among so many candidates, but it also reflects the immense level of abstention among ethnic minorities. On the other hand, the large number of votes obtained by some Indigenous candidates in the urban areas suggests that non.Jndian vot· ers looked to Indigenous candidates as an alternative capable of generating debate with the traditional panics. First Experience Three different lists registered for the 1992 senate and chamber of deputies elections. The first was headed by Gabriel Muyuy for the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC): the second, was backed by the Indigenous Authorities of Colombia (AICO) headed by Floro Alberto Tunubala; and the third. that of the Indigenous Social Alliance headed by Antonio Quira GauM was created by a faction of the Indigenous movement especially for electOral participation and registered within the national district. For the first time in Colombian history, three Indians held scats in the senate as representatives of their own communities. The Indigenous lists succeeded in that moment largely due to their usc of an Indigenous program of action titled "The i>J:Jya Yala News �PE R SPEC TI VES Colombia that We Want.• This platform reflected a conception of Indians not as islands. but as part of a diverse country, and reached out to all the sectors of the country. It was grounded in culture, plurality and tolerance and called the nationstateS attention to a new and independent discourse with alternative proposals. This proposal was elaborated by working groups at the local. regional and national levels d\Jring the National Constitutional Assembly. These groups sought to develop a clear legislative agenda and plan the new constitution's design and implementation. These work groups. however. were not re~assembled in fol~ lo" ;ng years. and the task of continuing to develop an Indigenous policy was left to the regional organizations which gener· ally lack the advice and resources available to Indigenous Senators. ON TH E E L EC T O R A L PROCESS paigns without first drawing lines to dis- irresponbilities tinguish the two activities. In this way obtained some important seats (ma)•ors, congressmen. senators), but who lacked leaders of some organizations enter polit- ical life and never return to work with their organizations. This situation has made many indigenous organizations skeptical and concerned about the rela· tionship between politics and the organi- zations. For this reason the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) did not endorse any candidate in this election and does not plan to do so in the future, considering that doing so f could deepen existing divisions. or candidates who training and experience in govemment. Minorities Supported? Operation of the special electOral district which Indian groups fought for so long to establish is now being questioned. Its establishment probably numerically increases minority representation and pennits those sectors less involved with traditional politics to reach office. But there is also the risk that this mechanism could distort the expression of the ethnic Alliances and Alternatives In order to gain access to public office. Indigenous candidates have sought the support of different movements that do not represent Indigenous interests. Several of the Indigenous candidates ran with the Conservative and Liberal parties. communities political will. Since voting within the special districts is not closely regulated, majorities may end up decid- ing \\•ho is elected in the name of the minorities. Many sectors within Colombia request a stricter regulation of the Disuicting. in order to strengthen the eth- The Problems Increase nic communities· participation . In spite of the political space obtained. the participation and inOuence of Indigenous peoples in projects and discussions has been limited due to the dis- The problems described above have resulted in the loss of many votes o f those ·clean" candidates or programs for gov- advantage of having only two senators as ernment. compared The Colombian Indigenous movement is now suffering from a state of apathy, finding hope only in what new laws can offer, rather than pressuring the State through marches and mobilizations. The to ninety from Colombians who did not find new or the Conservative and Liberal parties and ten from other sectOrs. In addition to the corruption of these political entities. Indigenous representatives' progratns have received little respect. As a politically inexperienced minority, the Indigenous representatives have not been able to resist the machinations of the traditional parties. Confusion Between Organizations and Parties presence of the Indian parliamentarians has helped establish the fundamental rights of ethnic groups and to open spaces One of the first Indian scnotors. Anatotio Ouira. played a k<ty rote in promoting Indian potitical participation d uring his tctm in otftec. for participation. However, it is now nee· essary for them to work toward recon· struction or their own fragmented forces in order to jointly face the t raditional political establishment. Common p roposals must be elaborated to fonn an electoral strategy capable of uniting with In addition, the Indigenous movement suffers serious internal problems. The ln consequence, many Colombians who previously saw the Indian candidates as a organizations have not completed enough respite from the political panorama were dis.,ppoimed at these alliances and the appearance that the Indian parties were immediately falling into the same old political customs. These doubts have committed to this end, and the communi· ties themselves will verify its develop been reinforced by the inefficiencies and ment. .., basic work with their members to help them differentiate clearly between the political campaigns and their organizations. Regional organizations frequently support their members' political camVOl. 8 No. 3 other sectors proposals who have tradi· tionally shown solidarity with 1ndigenous peoples. The Indigenous movement is 4 15 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Special Indian Districting: Unresolved Political Problems in Colombia Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Special Indian Districting: Unresolved Political Problems in Colombia Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (14-15).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Author Alfonso Palma Capera and Oskar Benjamin Gutierrez Abstract Note Attempts by Colombian indigenous groups to participate in the electoral process have been met with disinterest and disunity among voters as well as a lack of coordination among candidates. Pages 14-15 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/6d0eeccf3dc69cd423ed903f2ef9fb3c.pdf 464e16415b5a9e5233b2239593033956 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (16-18).pdf PDF Text Text I H T E R H A T I 0 H A L ~_ _ _ _ __ Barbados Ill: On Democracy and Diversity We ptint below excerpts from the third declaration by the Barbados group of social scientists. The Barbados I declaration was an early and extremely Influential document written by an intematlonal group of academics In support of Indigenous people 's struggles. It is accompanied by an introduction by Stefano Varese. one of the group's founding members.' n 1971, on the Isle of &rbados. a Six )'<31'S !:Iter, an 1977, the group met by Abya Yala Press m Quuo) auempt to group of L:mn Amencan anthropolo- again an Barbados. thas ume accompanied clarify some of these problems and conIJlStS met under the auspices or the by a matehang number of Indigenous tribute to the construction of a more just vn"·erstt)' of Zunch, Swuzerland. and the leaders and antelltctuals. By this time, the and dtgniOed future for the Indigenous World Councal of Churches. The meeting Latin American pohtical context had suf. people. took place at a time when the expansion fered a radacal change. The national polit· of development in Amazonian Indigenous ical projects for rcfom1 In Chile, Peru, Barbados Ill Declaration: territories was escalating and when Bolh•ia and Panama had been defeated Articulation of Diversity dependent capitolism's modernization and the most violent forms of State More than two d ecades after our forst project met wilh strong resistance from repression and terrorism had been insti· declaration ( 197 1). the members of the the Indigenous and peasont peoples o f the tuted in a great number of coumries in Barbados Group gathered in Rio de Andes and Meso-America. the region. An armed revolutionary strug· janeiro. Bmzil. to rcOcct on the situation Simplistic political interpretations gle seemed a real possibihty to many of of the lndagenous peoples in Latin which employed an analytical framewo rk the continental Indigenous mO\'Cments. America and to document the persistence overly concerned wath economic issues The &rbados II Decl>rauon reOected this of secular forms of dommation and had the reahty of ethnic conflicts during new reahty. Unfonun:uely us impact on exploitation that affect them. The develthat neocolomal penod. LeftiStS argued nauonal SOCICUes and the organized opment of new forms or colonization th.'i only the tnumph of a socialist revo- lndtgenous mo\'emtnt was not of the ha\·e aggra\'ated th1s SHU3uon. \Ve arc lution would soh·c the problems which same magnnude as the previous one. witnesses 1n each of our countries to the 1ndagenous groups faced. Finall)•. In December 1993. the repeated Y10l3ll0n5 of thetr right tO life, The &rb:ldos I Declaration which Barbados Group met agaan m Rio de their dignity, and to the cultural a.nd resulted from that meeting. and the long Janeiro, 8raztl, tOasses the situation of the human uni,·ersc of their local expressions. book documenung it, had strong reper· Indigenous populations in the context of At the same time we connrm the cussions among ::tcademics, the indigenist the sudden anack of Nco· Liberalism and Indian peoples' will to resist and to live. sectors of the State bureaucracies. renewed fonns of Nco-Imperialism. The expressed through the multiplicotion or Catholic and Protcsumt missionaries, and. new conditions facing the 1ndigcnous their ethno-politlcal organizations, and or most of all. among org.1nized Indigenous movement m the end of the second mil- the daily afr.nnation of cultural speciOcigroups. Barbados I took on a life of its lennium include the collapse of the ties that manifest the resilience of their own among some Indian organizations in socialist "utopia." the veniginous expan· civili.z:ations. Latin Amenca. who adopted it and used it sion of drug trJfficking. the involvement The above stated. together with as an anstrument or struggle. of the Unated States in the promotion and lndigneous peoplrs' demographic - - - repressaon of drug traffickang. and the rise growth. defies the current proJCCI of glob· Sttftl110 \llrnt Is Prc{tsSC< of Nali•'< Ameritml and urgency of envaronmental issues. alization. whach leads us towards a worldand Chila"" Stud~ at lht University of The Barbados lll Declaration. a.nd the \\ide homogemzouon that as enforced by book that attompanaes it (to be published the expansJon of and dominauon by a CalifMil4'" ~ll I 16 �IHT £ RHATIOH A L western-oriented integrationist market system, whose technical, economic and Ideological projects recewe multi-national flnoncing. The umlonnuy bemg pursued has genemted profound political, economic and social asymmetry, C\'eO in the dominant countries. The individualist and competitive Neo-Liberal discourse masks the real make-up or the growing inequality and or the conOict between nauons. ethnic groups, classes and other soc1al groups. creaung an illusory equality, when in reality it confronts nation against nation, people agninst people, community against community. This is contmry to the spirit or solidarity of communities which is mor.: conducive to human kinship. A world without alternate communities, wuhout differentiated social groups, would be a world condemned to a lack ol creativity and fraternal loyolti<s. Just as for centuries each ethnic group was forced to integmtc and incorporate itself into the ineffable vtnues of an illdefined national life. the same compulsive proposition is currently made to latin American countries. wtth the intent of cementing their imegrauon nod incorpora~ tion into a planetary order controlled by a type or transnational oligopoly. Simultaneously. the scientific knowl· edge brought by ecology. together with the well-founded warnings or environmentahsm. ha,·e been mtsmterpre<ed and redefined by a tendency Wlthm this social movement. It seeks to impose the theory or the global management of natural resources but h ignores or minimizes the vernacular 'visdom and knowledge. considering them incapable or creating a global environmental solution. Howe,·er. th1s knowledge constitutes the social bases that maintain the bases or biodiversity m the world. Today. the forces that dominate the regions with the grMtest biodiversity have grown. Territories that were before the exclusive lands of Indigenous peoples \<ol8 No.3 have been opened to colonizing expansion Wlth the purpose of expropriating the trop1cal regions' enonnous natural reserves hke oil. minerals, umber and hydroelectric sources. This distonang tendency presents obstacles to the alliance of the diverse human coznmunilics that defend the ownership and usage of the natural resources under a socio-environ· rnentahst current. which constitutes one of the most accurate and cffcc:dve criti· CISmS of the Neo-liberal premistS of unlimited growth. V...'e observe the existence of processes istic. united. nnd complementarily-articulaced societies. The fragile Latin American Democmctes, still monopohzed by the inttreslS of conservati\'e sectors who in their majority descend Irom old European and colonial elites. have failed to generate the political spaces or legislative and admlnistmtive mechanisms necessary to allow Indigenous people to progress in butldmg their own future. ln pantcular. mihtary 1deologies which frequently degenemtc into geo-political paranoia, see Indigenous societies as potentially subfor ethnic reaffirmation. conducive not versive groups which threaten national only to cultuml reproduction but also to unity, mther than as different peoples. the recovery of loyalties and potrimonies Indigenous peoples demands lor territorwhich were apparently lost. In the face or this the domanont Democracy. as the philosophy of a SOCltty responds with new ronns Western social system. is centered for the destruction or diversity. on the individual and excludes collecwith obstacles and repressive tives like Indigenous peoples i>Oiitical and judicial changes. Furthermore, the persistence of multiple lonns of racism that clisquahly and destroy .. ,periences or alter- ial reorg.1nlzation and more cultural and noll\'( Civilizations is generating processes lingUtsuc •utonomy are thus seen as sepor "de-lndianization: which lgiiOr<S the anutst effons. fact that each culture destroyed or termiWe exhort the presidents ol the nated is an Irretrievable loss lor the whole republics ol Latin America to comply with the promise made to the Indigenous peoof humanity. Democracy, as the philosophy of a ples ht the Declamtion of Guadalajam \Vestcrn social system. is centered on the (Mexico, july 1991). In which they ind1v1dual and e.'cludes coll<ctives like solemnly promised to ensure their ecolnd1genous peoples. ln thts way an objec- nomiC and social well being. as well as to ti\•ely VIable plurality has been denied at the obhgauon of respecting their rights the hngmstic, social, economic and cul- and cultural identity. We also belie"e it tural levels. The deferred democmtization necessary to approve the Chaner of the of L.1tin America will continue to be an Rights of Indigenous Peoples which the empty discourse and favorable only to the UN promoted as well as the International groups with hegemonic power if it does labor Org.1nizat ion~ Convention 169. We hkewise demand that legislative not take mto account the nect':SS.1ry rede· l'inuion of the current States' territorial, and JUdiCI31 powers and pohucal panics pohucal, social and cultuml spaces. frame their Jaws. resolutions and activities Buildang future democracy Wlll require an with respect lor ethnic pluralism and the increase in the presence and representa· inalienable rights to Hie. land. freedom tion of different cultural communities and and democracy. And especially. for them the respect for their political logic, which to carry through an effective effort to •viii contribute to the formation of plural- guarantee the respect for these rights at 11 �INTERNATIONAL tial of political projects upon which Indigenous organizations embark. where Indigenous peoples live. \:Ve recognize the initiatives fonnulated We believe that the Indigenous organiin re<:enl years b)' international organiza.* zations should reflect on these problems tions (United Nations, UNESCO, and re<:tify the individualist and competiOrganization of American States, UNICEF. tive behaviors of those leaders who have OIT and others) in favor of the Indigenous diSianocd themselves from the spirit of solpeoples of the continent and the world. idarity in which their organizations were Nonetheless the results have been limited. fonned. This is the only guarantee for More pressure and vigilance regarding progress toward the crystallization of a just Indigenous peoples' current situation is society. no1 only for the Indigenous people necessary. The imcmational organizations but for all of the oppressed sectors of must pressure the latin American heads-of- humanity. state to ratify and comply with internationMany of Latin Americas intellectuals al conventions on Indigenous peoples.. . continue to produce speeches referring to There is a simplistic and erroneous supposedly homogeneous national com\~Sion of what Indigenous panicip:.:uion munities. devaluing or lending a folk stigshould be in the actions and elaboration of ma to altemate cultural presences. ll is lndigenist policies, in the formulation of equally neocssary 1 mention the historical 0 community programs and of aid, and in the respot>Sibility that belongs tO the right wing polilical process of mobilization of the civil- in the fonnulation of the ideological paraian society itself. Such perspective assumes digms that guide the cultural and physical repression of Indigenous peoples. On the other hand, some A world without alternate communities. dogmatic sectors -guided by thewithout differentiated social groups, oretical mistakes- produced would be a world condemned to a lack political practices that have conof creativity and fraternal loyalties. tributed 1 the repression of eth0 nicity by considering it coumerthat Indigenous peoples simply copy mod· productive to the cla..<S struggle... II is also neocssary to realize a radical els of or ganization fron1 unions or other sectors of the population. The ethnic conti- questioning of some currents in the social nuity of Indigenous peoples cannot be sole- sciences and in ctrtain anthroJX>logy which ly understood as tenitorial control, but il is oriented more toward the aesthetic and requires the incorporation of political con- Sterile critique of its own disciplines than to ceptions that are part of the diversity of political thought and action. This is also the their cultures. case of a sector of linguistics that does not Indigenous organizations have fulfilled cooper.ne with ethnic cotnmunities, as well a fundamental role in the revindication of as not favoring the most appropriate the rights of the peoples they represent and methodologies for codifying. recovering in the construction of spaces for dialogue and consolidating autochthonous lanwith ea.ch other and national and interna- guages. tional powers. V.le cannot omilthat some of There ha\·e been advances in 1he fommtheir leaders have abused the mandate they lation of bilingual and intercultural educareocived from their peoples and communi- tional policies, but these are far from being ties to embark upon a career of personal implememed. Education often plaocs chilaccumulation and power. When they dren against the family environment-even a5Sllme the Criollo model of Clientelismo. from the pre-school level-at critical times and, more than a few times. of com..1ption, of primary socialization and learning of these leaders not only discredit themselves their m.other tongue. This results in a subbut they threaten the continuity and poten- sequent deculturation in which languages the level of the regions or territories 18 are convened into crutches for the acquisition of the dominant language and their own culture is lOSt to the hegemonic society. 'Whereas until now the State as well as private and religious groups has used the formal educat.ional system to undennine ethnic identity. the school can eventual!>' become a factor for cultuml reproduction if Indigenous people effectively appropriate il for their own historical and cultural imer· estS. .. Indigenous people have an undeniable right 1 their history and cultural heritage. 0 II is the obligation of the State and of secular society 1 promote an orderly and effec0 tive process for returning the knowledge collected on such peoples. A process of Latin American democnuization that effectively includes Indigenous peoples 'viii not be viable if it does not take imo account the necessity for geopolitical re-ordering that contemplates the specificities of Indigenous peoples' territoriality. In this sense. the concept of "peoples" corresponds to socially-organized human popu· lations which are ethnically defined and endowed with a spacial dimension that is their territory. This is conceived as the confines defined by the total and struciUred SCI of ecological. social and symbolic relations between a society and the geographical continuous or discontinuous space upon which it acts. This should include the numerous cases in which Indigenous peoples have been divided by State borders. where it is their right to aspire to circulate freely in the tenitory of these bordering r~ations, in accordance wilh their situations. In any case, tenitOrial autonomy ,viii imply not ot\ly decision-making in the case of tt..1..tural and economic resource use but also in political and cultural self-detern>ination, in the framework of a self-dctcnnination COtnpatible with and complementary to the sovereignty of national States. '!I Rio de janeiro. December 10 . 1993. Th~ full ltXl of rhis declaration is a\'ailablt upon request from SAIIC, or can bt fmmd in the SAIIC conj<rtne< (SAIIC.fndlo) on P<actnc<. I>Jyya Y News ala � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Barbados III: On Democracy and Diversity Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Barbados III: On Democracy and Diversity Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (16-18).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Author Stefano Varese Abstract Note The Barbados group has released another statement calling for the effective integration of indigenous into political processes, which needs to be done in a way that recognizes their differences from capitalist democratic systems. Pages 16-18 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/1b9c6f8d88943c4e622c698ab61d8e4f.pdf 9ab47a1fbdf06818f8f20ce07bbe0470 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (19-21).pdf PDF Text Text SE L F DETERM I NAT I ON AND T E R RI T O RY Ecuador: Second Indigenous Uprising Secures Concessions on Agrarian Reform by Robert A ndoUna bill through congress. Over the objections of CONAIE and other popular organizaEcuadorian Indigenous move- tions. President Sixto Dulin Ballen signed mentS capacity to mobilize tnasses of the bill into law on june 13. supponers to defend the interests of this Indigenous organizations rejected country$ Indigenous population . In a numerous aspects of this law that either mobilization reminiscent of the landmark ignored or threatened interests or uprising in 1990, Indigenous org:mizations Indigenous agricuhurnl communities, as nationwide blocked the country$ roads and well as those of 90% of the rural populahighways. in order to prevent implementa· tion. The law would have encouraged the tion of a new ..Law for Agricultural disappearance o£ Indigenous communal Development" enacted by the government lands in order to promote fom>ation of agrias p.tn of its structural adjustment pro- cultural "enterprises." Rodrigo Carrillo, gram. For a tw<Hveek period, commerce member of the press conunission for the throughout Ecuador ground practically to a Indigenous Movement of Chimborazo halt. As with the uprising four years ago. (MICH) explained, "You cannot simply Indigenous organizations paralyzed much conven Indigenous communal production of the country, endured military repression, imo agricultural businesses. This law forcing the government into negotiations, imposes a vision of agriculture that doesn' and finally emerging with significant gov- fit within Indigenous thought and practice: Indigenous organizations were outraged ernmental concessions in hand. Over 3,500 Indigenous communities as not only by the law~ content but by the well as campesino and popular organiza- undemocratic and unconStitutional me.th· tions mobilized under the leadership of the ods used by the Social Christian Pany to Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities railroad it through congress. The National of Ecuador (CONAIE) the National Agrarian Commission (CAN), formed by Ecuadorian Federation of Camj)<Sino and CONAIE and other Indigenous peasant Indigenous Organizations (FENOC-1}, and organizations, had drafted (over a period of the Evangelical Federation of Indigenous two years) a detailed proposal for refom> of Ecuadorians (EFIE). Over the course of two the nations agrarian laws and had submitweeks. at least five Indigenous acth;Sts ted it to the legislature for consideration. were killed and many more were hospital- The President and the legislature completeized, mostly from gun shot wounds. An ly ignored this project. unknown number were jailed. In addition, the PSC failed to submit the Panies from throughout the political proposed law to each member of congress spectrum have debated refonn of the coun- for consideration at least 15 da)'S prior to try$ outdated agrarian ktws for years. On passage, as required by law. CONAIE criti· May 18. the conservative Social Christian cized the politicians for disobeying the funPany (PSC) forced a radically new agrarian damental laws of the land, for excluding the intereSts and participation of Indigenous Robert Andolina is a grad1uzte student in Latin people in the development of the law. and American Studies al the University ofTtx(IS, and for their refusal to develop a law of nationha.s volunt«r<d , ;ch CONAIE in Quiro. al consensus instead of one that serves the T his june, international observers were once again stunned by the Vol. 8 No.3 interests of a small, wealthy sector of the population. For all of these reasons. CONAIE convened an emergency assembly on June 7 and 8 to prepare for a national "Mo,;lizaci6n por Ia Vida" (Mobilization for Life) to protest the law iJ il \vere to go into effect. CONAIE released a resolution calling for repeal of the Agrarian Development law. The resolution addressed other issues, to Stop unrestrained oil exploration and persecution of Indigenous leaders among other demands. Fundamentally, however, the mobilization was called to protest the PSCs Agrarian La'v. Ecuador Paralyzed On june 13, President Dur.ln signed the Agrarian bill into law. Indigenous protes· tors converged on strategic points, building roadblocks that paralyzed much of the country Demonstrations in urban areas and occupations of public buildings also took place. Ten provinces in all 'vere heavily affected. Despite the government and mass mediaS distonion of events. protestors remained firm in the Streets and the blockades were very effective. Albeno Saeteros, Secretary of the Provincial Union of Cooperatives and Indigenous Communities of Cat,ar (UPCCC) Stated, "Here in Cai\ar we met \vith the people in the communities to explain to them the negative effects or the law, and we then wem out to paralyze traffic to the nonh, south, and west." Ignacio Grefa, President of the Federation of Indigenous Organizations of Napo (FOIN) reponed. "We maintained the roadblock for a week -nothing got through." Non-Indigenous campesinos, workers and some urban citizens expressed consid· erable sotidarit)' for the mobilization and 19 �5 ELF 0 E TERM I ~ A T I 0 ~ A~ D TERR I T 0 R Y- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Indigenous Community Center Destroyed uring the "Mobiliuuion for Life," a major community center belonging to the Union of Cooperatives and Indigenous Communities of CaMr Province (UPCCC) was a{{acked and burned to the ground. The UPCCC is Canars regional Indigenous organization and is affiliated with CONAIE. The D following are excerpts from an interview 'vith UPCCC Se<:retary General Albeno S.-u~teros. Why did the auack take p lace? Who kets. nor poisoned the water like they damages, and was involved? claimed. The attack itself was very violent. They came with pistols. homemade cannons, and tear gas. One of our activists, that the government offer compensation . Have you received 3 tl)' financial -As you know. we participated fully in the mobilization called by CONAIE in opposition to the recently passed Agrarian Oevelopmem law. This law was not only illegal, but also threatened the interests of Indigenous people. We cut the area off by blocking the main highways. Because we were winning in the struggle. the followers o f Jaime Nebot and the PSC (Social Christian Pany) decided in desperation to a"ack us. It wasn't just because of the mobilization, but also because of our alternative market which cut the '"'middleman" out of the sale of our products. We were. therefore, competing 'vith the Manuel Mestas Yupa Yupa died from a bullet wound to the head . We also had 38 injuries and a number of disappearances. Many poople are still unaccount· ed for. The community center was sacked and burned. What d id the police and military do during the auack? ·They did a lmost nothing to prevent or inhibit the attack. Moreover, the military shut down our radio station which made it difficult for us to communicate speculators living in the area, many of with the people. to tell them what was whom are Nebot supporters. happening. Indigenous leaders have Additionally. we were a{{acked because of long-standing racism against Indigenous people. been pursued and in some cases jailed. Right now we are conducting investigations into the action or the police and )'OU have demanded help from the state? -No. We haven't received a cent. And from other sources? -A little. Some popular sectors have offered assistance both in terms of money and labor to help us rebuild . \¥e have a couple of new machines in the carpentry center, and we should have a new FAX machine soon. But as you can see, this is a very small part of the rebuilding that needs to be done. For thi.s reason. we are calling on our allies and sympathizers here in Ecuador and in the international community to show their solidarity by sending us financial suppon so that we can rebuild our office and community center. Many people here ' viii benefit if we can rebuild. mili1ary during the a{{ack and during What happe ned during t he auac k itself? -The a{{ack was carefully orchestrated by a relatively small group of people; the general population was not against us, nor were we against them. This small group told all sons of lies in order to make us look bad and to justify what they did. We never auacked the mar- 20 the mobilization as a whole. What was damaged during the auack? -Everything. Nothing was left untouched. The damage t<xal has exceeded 10 billion sucres ($5 million). U PCCC h as argued that the govern- ment is in part responsible for Lhc Do you have any final comments? This attack was motivated by a desire on our enemies pan to break the will of the Indigenous leadership and the movement here in Cat'lar. Although our office is destroyed. our determination is not. 'J!le will continue with our struggle. In fact, we are more determined and unified than ever. ~aYala News �SELF offered their suppon. Ldt and center-left political panies demanded the Agrarian law be revoked. Hector Villamil. President of the Organiz.11ion of Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza (OI'IP) noted , "Some campesinos and workers mobilized with us. We see this as a positive and significant change. ln the 1992 OPIP March on Quito many campesino-colonists reacted against us." According to Rodrigo Carrillo of MICH. · tn general, the people of Riobamba (capital of Chimborazo province) understood the imponant role of Indigenous producers in the supply of staple foods and offered us help during the mobilization." DETERMINATION Security forces also threatened or shut down Indigenous and popular radio sta· tions in Tungurahua. Cotopaxi, Chimbcr razo. and Cat)ar. making it difficult for activists to transmit news tO the population at large regarding human rights violations and violence perpetrated by the military and para-military forces. Fortunately, the military was more restrained in some regions. Hector Villamil , president of OPIP. reponed, · we in Pastaza are lucky not to have experienced repression this time. Before, we considered the military and police to be enemies, so we see this as a TERRITORY include two representatives of lndigenouslpeasant organizations on its executive council. Ownership of water will remain public, and more emphasis 'viii be gi\'en to production of food for internal consumption to meet the needs of Ecuadorian soci· ety. It also recognizes Indigenous agricultural knowledge, and respects the cultural and social valt~es of the ,,.rious peoples who are involved in agricuhural activities. lmponantly, the reformed law also calls for continuation and improvement of the agrarian refom1, including land distribution. as well as increased access 10 credit, good sign. However, we technical assistance. and better infrastruc.. denounce the repression that took place in other provinces. and for that we remain suspicious of the anncd forces... M ilitary Counter-Mobilization A week after the tnobilization began. President Durftn offered to negotiate. CONAIE. however. found the presidents Commission For Dialogue mediation commission wlacceptable. stat- Formed ing that its representation was heavily CONAIE leaders in hiding called for an weighted in favor of the govcmmem and end to the militarization and organized a the landowners. mediation commission composed of The following day, President Duran national and international religious and declared a military "State of Mobilization," human rights representatives. Under conand decreed that blockaders would receive siderable national and intemational pres· one to three year jail tem\s. Arrest warrants sure, the president agreed to lift the state of were issued for Indigenous lc.~ders, includ- mobilization and agreed to a compromise ing the CONAIE leadership. Highways and on the committees formation. Congress Indigenous communities were occupied by also pledged to revise the agricultural law. the security forees. Although protestors Negotiations began on june 30 and contin· abandoned highways peacefully when the ued into mid-July. military arrived, several were killed and dozens or possibly hundreds were injured. The Struggle's Results: Words or Police sa,,.gely beat protestors, includ- Substance? ing children. in the provinces of Cotopaxi The negotiations, like all those where and Chimborazo. In what was perhaps the actors with vastly different interests take MobilizationS worst moment, a mob of pan, were tonuously difficult. Perhaps in Social Christian Pany supponers attacked an effon to save face. President Duran. on and destro)•ed the office and community the one hand hailed the dialogue as a succenter of the UPCCC in Cat ar. The com· cess. while also stating that only words but ) munitycemerserved tosuppon alternative not substance had changed. However, it is fomt of education. commerce and medicine the nature of law.making that words are more suited to the needs of Cm)ar's substance. The refom1ed law-which wem Indigenous and poor peoples. One into effect on Aug. 3-did include real Indigenous activist was killed and thiny- improvements for lndigneous peoples, eight injured in the auack. which also camfJtSinos and Ecuadorian society in gen. reduced a market , carpentry center. library. eral. It will penn it the maintenance of comcomputer center. radio station. fax and munitarian. cooperative. and small-holder photocopy machines. and several \'Chides fonns of agrarian organization. The new to ashes (see accompanying intel"'ocw). state agrarian development agency 'viii Vol. 8 No.3 AND ture. It demands the protection of national parks and reserves, and recognizes Indigenous peoples' rightS to live from and manage forests. Finally. the law calls for the fomlation of markets tltat pennit indige· nous a.nd peasant prod\1 cers to cut out speculati'" middlemen. Indigenous peoples gains in this mobi· lization go beyond these legal refom\S. Again, the movement demonstrated its strength. This time, Indigenous people sat f~ce to f~ce at the bargaining table \vith those who used to be their "patrons" (land· lords). As described by Rodrigo Carrillo of MlCH, "The government now knows that it has to include the interests and panicipa· tion of Indigenous people in the future. We arc now recognized as thinking human beings 'vith rights, not as lazy animals." Ignacio Grefa commented on the process, ..V.le have won new political space and have fonified the space we earned in the 1990 uprising. In that sense this is just a contin· uation or that mobilization and of our struggle for the past 500 years. This struggle 'viii continue in the future." '!I For adclirfonal infonnalion: UPCCC. Correo Centro! CMar. Ca!'lar, Ecuador Fa.x: (593 7) 235 266 To contriblltCIO lite n:buildir;g of llu: UPCCC com· munizy ctntcr . plwsc saul Cashier's Ot«hs ma.cle our to UPCCC, to: CO:-IAIEAv. de Los Gmnados 2553 y 6 de Didembrec.stlb 1717·1235EI 8.11:m. Quito Ecuador. Specify on the chedc that it is for UPCCC. 21 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Second Indigenous Uprising Secures Concessions on Agrarian Reform (Ecuador) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Second Indigenous Uprising Secures Concessions on Agrarian Reform (Ecuador) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (19-21).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Author Robert Andolina Abstract Note Indigenous people in Ecuador made their political power heard when they effectively protested the passing of an agrarian reform law that threatened indigenous land and forced the president to the negotiation table. Pages 19-21 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/e1f1a0a17e69558cb9d08a4f5872b25d.pdf 9ea16378265f605c29138dcb26e836ad Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (22-23).pdf PDF Text Text SELF DETERMI~ATIO~ A~D T ERRITORY Original Nations and Bi Iateral agreements with the Bolivian Government Governments and corporations across Latin America are turning to limited two-party agreements as a means to resolve conflicts with increasingly forceful Indigenous orga· nizations. As experiences in Bolivia demonstrate, this "bilateralism · offers certain gains. but in the process challenges the Indian movement's unity and strength. his year. SAIIC received reports from Bolivia pointing out parallels between several connicts that were settled through bilateral agreemems T Guarani were Hving under conditions of virtual slavery on the cattle ranches of the Gran Chaco. Among those cattle ranchers between Indigenous organizations and the government. h> large pan. these are driven by the new assertiveness of rently practice debt·peonage are several politicians of the the governing MNR party and of the opposition righHving Bolh;a's' National Secretary for Ethnic Affairs, which has take11 a leadership role in brokering such agreements. The three pany. This year, a congressional investigation launched by Guarani congressman Sihri.o Arnmayo and others in Bolivia's who have stolen Guarani lands and cur· cases below offer some interesting exam- house of deputies found that the earlier ples from three very different regions. estimate was extremely conservative, and Guarani: Debt-peonage and Bilateral Commissions that the actual number of Guarani living in debt-peonage is closer to 40,000. The Guarani successfully mobilized on the heels of this publicity. Their Since our report on the Guarani of Mato Grasso do Sol, Brazil, in the last journal. the political conditions for the Guarani lh;ng on the Bolivian side of their territory have improved slightly. Within Brazil, Paraguay, Bolivia and Argentina, the Guarani, remain one of the most tragic examples or systematic racial discrimination in the Americas: living as landless peasants \vithin systems of debt-peonage. Suffering from poverty and repression, \vith a territory that is fragmented by the borders of four nation states, they have been unable to regroup and make their demands as a unified people. Last year, national attention in Bolivia focused for a brief moment on the Guara11i after press accoums that 10,000 22 largest organization. the Guarani Peoples Assembly, threatened to march on the capital if the government of Gonzalo Sanchez de Losada and Aymara Vice-President Cardenas did not respond to their demands of free· dom for all enslaved workers and the return of ancestral territories. The government invited Guarani representa· tives to negotiate. and the march was deferred . Three bilateral commission s com· posed of government representatives and Guarani delegates were formed as a result of this dialogue. Each a imed at solving one of the Guarani$ key problems: land, labor, and political participation. Guarani delegates Guido Chumiray. Envin Cuellar and Marcelino Robles signed the prelirni· nary agreement with representatives from the governmentS two ..supcr·mlnistries'" o, Human Development and Sustainable Development, as well as those of minor ministries such as Ethnic Affairs. Guido Chumiray, stated: · when we implement the agreement to solve the concrete problems of land and labor, the Guarani people 'viii hopefully regain territories and labor rights that belong to us. This is a not a favor given to us by the government. It is our right. V..1e deserve it... Indigenous Organizations Sign with Loggers in the Beni Deforestation continues to spread across the Bolivian Amazon-at the rate of 80,000 hectares last year alone. In the northern Amazonian province of Beni, Indigenous organizations will finally expel three logging companies from the Multi-ethnic Indian Territory (TIM) \vith· in the Chimanes Forest region which stretches from the Andean foothills to the Beni's extensive savannahs. Mojer"to, Movima. Yurncare and Chimane communities won a de jure entitlement to ..sustainably manage· this region in 1991. This summer. the regions Indigenous federation, the Cemral de Pueblos lndigenas del Bcni (CP16). representing the region's M:t-{a Yala News �------------------------'S E.!: f~D E T E R M I NAT I 0 !.!:. L.! ~ Indigenous communmes signed an "upgrading of their habitat." Under the agreement with the Herve!. C IMAGRO, agreement, a study will be carried out of and Montegrande. logging companies the ecological collapse affecting the Uru which will force companies to abandon Nation and potential for governmental the TIM by july, 1995. Paradoxically, Mr. assistance to help them survive under bet· Roberto Velasco. a caHle rancher and ter conditions. This agreement will also owner of Herve! reported!)' presented consider programs for land distribution Traditional Uru-Murato the agreement to be signed by CPIB. programs. with the Secretary of Ethnic Affairs act- authorities also requested the liberation of ing as b roker. The companies and com- Uru Indians Paulino Flores. Rogclio munities have been in a-at times Choque, Anacleto Garcia. Angelica Flores armed-stand-off for years. Since title de Garcia and Justina Opida who have was granted to the Indigenous commu~ been accused of '"environmental vandalnitics. logging companies have post~ ism• for hunting namingos that nock on poned the date of their departure from lakes within their territory. Sadly, it seems the TIM se'•eral times. Although calling easier to find Indians guilty of "environfor ren'IO\ral of the companies, the agree- mental vandalism.. 1han to arrest loggers ment is in effect, yet one more postpone- whose blatantly illegal destruction of the ment-and one which will allow the Chimanes Forest goes far beyond mere companies to extract all the remaining vandalism. valuable woods (mahogany in particular) Each of these bilateral agreements won from accesiblc areas. small advances for Indigenous communiCPIB President, Marcial Fabricano. ties. as a whole. however; the)' may have noted. ·we have to deal \\oth clandestine functioned to undermine the strength of a loggers and chain-sawers who intimidate coordinated Indigenous movement. us with guns. This is one of the problems Unfortunately, the movement has been faced by our communities." He added unable to establish a position of bargainthat, "V../e are also now insisting in the ing power which would allow il to press recognition of our traditional authorities, for their acknowledgement would mean that the Bolivian nation indeed is a full democraC)~,. Fabricano. however. remains skeptical. In 1990 CPIB led the "March for Territory and Dignity" from the Beni to La Paz. This was positively received, and achieved many governmental commit· mems. including establishment of the TIM. None of these, however, had any enforcement power. N AN D TERRIT0 RY for "Territory and Dignity" for all Indigenous peoples. The governments new Secretary of Ethnic Affairs has contributed to this weakness. in ilS attempt to act as sole broker between Indigenous organizations and the government. Bolivian anthropologists have often followed the govemmems lead and contributed to establishing isolation rather than coordination. Finally, there is " 1despread disapointment within the lndigenous movement \vith the performance of the Vice-president Victor Hugo Cardenas. His candida~ cy with the l<atarista pany raised expecta· tions as he is the first Aymara Indian to reach such a high governmental post. He has, however. used his power to little or no effect since taking office. A handful of Aymara Kataristas have been appointed to govemment posts. Unfortunately. these few have made a series of raciSt staternents against non·lndians which are of grave concern to the Indigenous move· ment. Although the vast majority in the movement do not share in these opinions, they already arc suffering from the backlash they have generated. ~ Government and Uru Sign agreement to Improve their Habitat The Bolivian government recently signed a bilateral agreement with the highland Uru Nation. of whom scarcely 2,000 remain . This agreement addresses the need to assist the Uru Nation in lhe 1101.8 No.3 Logging companies have postponed departure from the Multi-ethnic Indigenous Territory tong enough to remove thousands of giant mahogany trees like those pictured above. 23 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Original Nations and Bilateral Agreements with the Bolivian Government Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Original Nations and Bilateral Agreements with the Bolivian Government Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (22-23).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Abstract Note Bilateral agreements between the Bolivian government and powerful indigenous groups have led to an improvement in cooperation and relations. This has led to the better communication in political participation, the expulsion of logging companies from native land, and government-sponsored habitat improvement. Pages 22-23 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/50e3c1c96dff48baa2ab3d8a64934678.pdf 72d11d93be5b5fbc1d93984f7b70431e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 3 (24-26).pdf PDF Text Text SELF DETERMIHA TIO H AHD TERRITORY Organizing from Oaxaca to California ,~~~4 Rufino Dominguez This October. SAIIC had the opportunity to interview Rufino Dominguez. Secretary General of the Organization of Exploited and Oppressed Peoples and Sub-coordinator of the Oaxacan Indigenous Binational Front at his office in Fresno. California. long with Chlap>S, the highland state of Oaxaca is one of Mexico~ most Indigenous regions. The Mixteco people arc one of the many Indigenous peoples living In OaxaC3; they have also Immigrated to the North in larger numbers than any other Indigenous people m Mextco. This exodus has been dnven by a number of factors common to many of Mextco~ lndtan groups. Although MIXleco communities have secured legal =ognnion for communal land titles that predate the Mexican re\·olution, there Is sullinsufficlent land to go around. As In Chiapas. local cadques have consolidated ownership over the best lands. At the same time, years of deforcsuuion has tronsformed much of the ter· United States. These mlgronts have often faced not only the exploitation commonly suffered by migrant fannworkers, but also discrimination for being Indian. The emergence and linking of Indian organizations throughout the p3th taken by this exodus is one of the maS> encouraging and intrigumg examples of cross-border orgamzing on the AmeriC3S. Rufino Dommguez grcw up in Oaxaca's Mixteco temtory. on the town of San Miguel Cue,,as or. Nu..Vucu. which means on top of the mount..'\tn in hls nati\'t language. He C3me to the US for the first time in 1964. Uke many Indigenous immigrants. he h>S conserved much of his community's culture. Indigenous Oaxacan immigrants In the US generally keep conritory into ncar desert conditions. \Vith tact with their communities at home. This insufficient land. and fewer opportunities is perhaps beS> exemplified by formation of for wage employment. a steady stream of the Indigenous O=C3n Binational Front Indigenous lmmtgrants have left to look simuluneously in O:lx.1ca, &ja C.lifornia for work elsewhere. Thousands went to and C.lifornta (U.S.). SAIIC had the work m the fields further Nonh, first in opponunhy to mterview Dominguez the S>ates of Stnaloa, Veracruz, the Federal regardmg hiS work wnh the Front in Oislnct. •nd Bop C.hfornta and later in Oaxaca and the Central Valley of agriculturalarus throughout the Western C.lifot1lla. A 14 Can you tell us about when the Mixtccos began to immigrate. and then later, to organize? -The firS> Ml><tecos beg<ln to immigrate in smaU numbers ln the 1960s. but it wasn't until the period known as "the braceros· in the 1980s when we S>aned immigrating as enurc famthes, and in large numbers. When we amved, we worked in the fields in Orcgon, V.'ashington and Alaska. We MtXtecos ha,-. mostly engaged in field work. The truth Is that we began to organize ourselves back in our communities [in OaxaC31. because there were so many injustices there and the authorities abused many of our people. The authorities then beg.'n to kill and threaten our leaders. burned several houses nnd all thnt. They also imprisoned many of our people. This was In 1981-83. Thus. we organized ourselves and it took us one ye-ar to rtmO\'t those authoriues from office. So those who came here already had expe.rie.nces in organizing at home in Oaxaca? Pbf• Yala News �SELF DETERMI N ATION AHO T ERRITORY ·Yes. but back m our communities. our organiza1ion dtdn't htwc a name. \Ve were was just n community committee. Then. I moved to Sinaloo after having won the battle with those people. My companions in Sinaloa had asked me to help organize an assembly. They thought h neccss..1ry to name the or ganization and continue figh ting. and that in this way. our actions could scr"'e the community in at home. What did you call the organization? -The Org.1no.z.1uon of Exploited and Oppressed People. That was the majorities' cho•ce. They ~•d that we are exploited by the econom•c Situation. and oppressed by the nch. What's the relationship between the Organization of Exploited and Oppressed Peoples ond the Indigenous Oaxacan Binational Front? -Well. the Front is an umbrella group or many org.1nizations. What ore it's objectives? -At the org.1n1zoUonollevel, our objecti\'t tS to mcorpor.uc all the lndigenous organtzations th:u agru wnh our princi· pies and our program of actiOn. And our objecu,·e IS to fight for JUStice for all the Indigenous communiues of Oaxacabecause we ha\'t learned that if we are organized. the go"ernments have to pay attention to us-;tnd ir we arc not, they pay no attention to us. Here In the U.S.. the f-ront is involved in labor organizing. in denouncing rocism against Indigenous people-not just o f white americans. bUl or other latinos as well-m denouncing Governor Wilsons anti·immigmnt attacks and in uniting ""'h other latmo org.1niz.1tior1S to oppose the raciSt ballot measures (in California$ Nov. elecuons). \Ve ~lso work v..fth our members to help them get citizenship and emer the country$ pohtical sysrem. Vol. 8 No. l \Ve The Organization ol Exploited and Oppressed Peoples: 500 years of Mixteco Resistance. have 15-20.000 members in California. \:Ve also suppon the From:S activism in Oaxaca b y pressuring the Mexican consulates here. There. the Front works for to get land. basic services in the communitics; for potable \VOter. clinics, electricity, schools. \Vc ha\·e also entered into agree. mcnts with the Federal and State governments to promote small busmesscs m the commumues. Indigenous peo plts throughout the continent have a 1cndcncy toward autonomy and self-d etermination. Do the Mixteco people have as1>irotions to govcn'l yourselves in thls way? -Of course. We all need common objectives. Its vital for us to struggle for autonomy-because unfortunately the Mixte:co communities are not currently autonomous. 1t's unportant to struggle for the autonomy of our community's customs because these are currently threatened ot their rootS. We heard that the Front's organizations met in Tijuana this past month, what happen<d there? -The meeting '""s for all Indigenous Oaxaquei"'os in exile. We met to change the organization's rtttrnc. because new members were entering who speak differ· em languages. llcforc. we were called the Zapoteco-Mixtcco Bmauonol Front. but it turned out that Oaxaca has more than 16 Indigenous peoples. Our brothers, the Triquis. Mcxes and Others groups who had asked to, JOmed the Front. We now include f\\'e lnd•genous peoples, and renamed the orgamz.1uon the lnd•genous Oaxacan B•nauonal Front. We also decided at the meeung to continue the camp.1ign ng.•inst [Go,·emor) Wilsons rocism. reformed our basic anides. named new officers and established c:ornmiuees or coordination ror each region. However. before the meeting, which took place on Sept. 3, the PAN (the right -of-center Nauonal Acuon Party) governor Ernesto Rufo repressed a march or ours which was commg from S.1n Quintin to Mexicali. They were demandmg th." wages be mcrcascd to a JUst le"el. dignified housmg. rural chmcs ond the introducuon of potable water to San Quintin. 25 �SE L F DETERMINATIO N AND And the government's response? ·Seveml protestors were imprisoned; more than 32 comrades went to jaiL TERRI T ORY The National Solidarity Program paid campesinos so that they would vote for the PRL But, we know that this won't bring us out of the misery. This only happens during the elections. There was also lotS of bad information-tnany attempts to discredit the opposition panics. Are there any parties w hose platforms include Indigenous peoples' rights to a dignified li fe, to autonomy and selfdetermination? -They do it in a very panial, Rufino Dominguez (center) Signing agreements intellectual and campesino form. of mutual respect with the UFW. We don\ believe it should be this way. Rather, they should Thirty were wounded. This was an awful include us, as the Indigenous activists, to response from the government: neverthe- give our point of view regarding our less. we were not deterred. We returned autonomy, and what we really want . to regroup and the government accepted negotiations. Two days later. the govern- ls this campesino (or peasant oriented) ment met all our demands except that for approach a result of the first Zapatista a higher minimum wage. which. they revolution, the revolution of 1917? -The (revolutions o0 1910 and 1917 claimed was under the federal governments jurisdiction. Thanks to the interna- had no effect in the Indigenous commutional community'S intervention. we also nities. I say this because we have seen won release of all our prisoners. no changes. To the contrary. there was (Many thanks to all those who wrote more racism and discrimination toward letters in support or the imprisoned pro- the Indigenous people. We are finally testors, your leuers were critical in secur- seeing change now, with the uprising by ing their safe release. eds.l the Zapatista National Liberation Army in Chiapas. They have provoked a You have said that the PAN d id this in change at the national level. Now there Baja California, but doesn't the PRJ do is talk of autonomy for the Indigenous the same in Oaxaca? peoples, there is talk o f education, peo-Actually. the Pany has never taken ple are talking-but these are demands that altitude toward the Front. that I doubt the government with comply with. Definitely, the previous revoluSo, w hat do you think of the PR!? tions did not benefit the Indigenous - 1 totally repudiate that pany. It has communities. done nothing to bring the Indigenous communitie-s out of their misery. It isn't Do you thin k that the Zapatista posicapable of curing a single Indigenous tions go beyond a merely a campesinista child. 1 don't see the PRI as an option for position? Mexico. Speaking of the last election, I -Definitely, they are very much in know the PRIS tactics in the rural areas. agreeme-nt with the Indigenous struggles and they arc cxpen in maintaining power objectives, because they truly take into because they have a giant lpoliticall account Indigenous peopleS necessities. machine. There was lots of manipulation No other political pany has taken this and lots or money exchanged for votes. position. Their platfornt of anned struggle 26 includes the necessities of the Indigenous peoples. W hat about conditions here in California? Have things gotten any better? -No there have been no changes. The farmworker continues to be exploited. They are not paid minimum wage. They work many hours without the right to rest 10 minutes. Women are sexually abused. The contractors and landowners rush the workers to do more than than human beings are capable of. ls the Front affiliated with any union? We're not affiliated.just one year ago. we signed an agreement of respect with Cesar Chavez's United Fannworkers of America. This is, however, nOthing more than an agreement of respect and cooperation. How do )'OU see Indigenous unity in Mexico and at the continental level? Has there been progress in these last few years in organization. communication and solidariry? -At the organizational level. I believe we still have a lot to do in Mexico. There are a great number of Indigenous organizations, and we haven't united. It's the same at the continental level . We need to get better organized, to strengthen the coordination between the Indigenous organizations if that~ possible. Even though it's tme that we have some organi~ zations that arc already very well connect· ed, still we have a lot to do. In relation to communication, only the most important organizations have good communica· tions, and the others have nothing. With SAilC 1 have seen that there is more communication, not juSI. at the continental level, but worldwide. And l think that is where we should focus ourselves. Our objective is to strengthen this communication at the cominemal and global level between all the organizations...., For Mort informacion, comaa: Frentc ind1gtrta Binacional P.O. Box 183, Uvingswn, CA 95334 Ttl: (209) 577·3077 Fax: (209) 577·1098 Abya Yala News � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizing from Oaxaca to California: Interview with Rufino Dominguez Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall 1994 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Organizing from Oaxaca to California: Interview with Rufino Dominguez Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, no. 3 (24-26).pdf Issue 3 Language English Publication Title Abya Yala News Volume 8 Author Rufino Dominguez Abstract Note Rufino Dominguez discusses the Organization of Exploited and Oppressed Peoples and its origins in Oaxaca and its role in fighting for indigenous rights in Baja California. Pages 24-26