3 12 1190 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/100e87116b59abf8b7723e3720d6d673.pdf b6757a4db92def58fcff5f5ac40b7c51 PDF Text Text Once Divided: Indigenous Peoples in the US and Mexico Unite Across the Border based on article by Carolina de Ia Pefia and Eugenio Bermejillo, Ojarasca, Mexico In June of 1994, the First Indigenous US/Mexico Border Auka Maj Kuar Kuar Encounter took place in Tecate, Baja California. Unlike similar conferences, attendance was not limited to tribal leaders. Members of all ranks represented their communities at the Encounter. These communities included those associated with UECI (The Common Land and Indigenous Communities of Baja California Union), Peace and Dignity, and The Native Cultures of B.C. Institute. However, tribal leaders were by no means absent. Leaders from communities across Mexico, Baja California, and the US were present. The Encounter’'s purpose was to initiate communication among Indigenous peoples in Mexico and the United States. Several issues were discussed. One of the most important being the difficult situation faced by bi-national Indigenous communities (communities that are divided by the US/Mexico border). These discussions resulted in the drafting of a declaration concerning this problem that was later sent to bi-national Indigenous communities for approval. Part of the declaration reads as follows: "Our rights have been limited by the Guadalupe-Hidalgo Treatise of 1848, which does not recognize the historical and natural rights of freedom of movement within our Indigenous communities, linked both linguistically and culturally, on either side of the border." The signers of the declaration demanded the right to cross freely for ceremonial and religious purposes,advocated the toppling of existing barriers in order that members of Indigenous communities may visit one another and rekindle relationships with family members separated by the border, and requested access to natural resources necessary for cultural or medicinal purposes and for the construction of houses. Members of the Hia-ced O'odham, Yaqui, Kumiai, Kiliwa, Pa-ipai, Cochimi, Kikapu, Mono, and Cucapa communities signed the declaration. In 1989, at the Border Tribes Summit, similar issues were raised. Representatives from twenty Indigenous communities from the Sonora/Arizona border and from the Creek, Cree, Cherokee, Ojibwa, Mohawk, and other communities separated by the US/Canada border were present. One of the main topics of discussion was the declaration fi-om the O'odbam Nation calling for the restitution of its territory in Mexico, reduced from 4,800 to 20 square kilometers in the span of two centuries due to cattle ranchers’ invasions from both the US and Mexico. In July of that same year.; the O'odbam Nation had asked the United Nations Subcommittee for Indigenous Rights to intervene in this eight year territorial conflict that is still unresolved. The importance that Vine Deloria bestowed upon the Summit and the declaration from the O'odham Nation is true for all of the Indigenous communities that are separated by national borders: "The fact that the O'odhams present themselves as one nation, forces the governments of both Mexico and the US to resolve the conflict through negotiations among equals and prohibits them from just turning the matter over to the courts." The O'odham Nation did not actively participate at the Encounter in Tecate, which may help to explain the lack of continuity between this recent Encounter and the 1989 Summit. However, an Indigenous group that is associated with the O'odhams - the Hia-ced O'odhams - was present. The Hia-ced O'odhams have been struggling since the beginning of the 1980s to be recognized as a community. As a result of the Hia-ced O'odhams' rejection of several mining projects, it became increasingly clear that they continued to exist as a group with the necessary strength to rejoin the O'odham Nation. But the Union Congress, at first, rejected an initiative to recognize the Hia-ceds as part of the O'odham Nation due to a lack of information regarding the number of people in this group and location of their communities. Marleen Vazquez said that faced with this problem, "a small group of people went out to visit houses in the Hia-ced communities and took down names of people, genealogies, photos, and even visited cemeteries. We sent all of the information we received to the O'odham Nation, and they accepted us. In 1984, 250 of us became members of the tribe. Since then, 1,200 of us have been inscribed, and there are 300 individuals whose acceptance is pending. The most difficult cases are found in Mexico. The Mexican O'odhams can't be legally inscribed in the tribe, until we have enough resources to complete the investigation as required." Another group also separated by the US/Mexico border; the Kikapu, presented its list of problems at the Encounter and drafted a series of needs and demands. The Kikapu descended from the Algonquins, and after seven successive migrations, finally settled partly in Oklahoma and partly in Muzquiz, Coahuila. Since 1947, they have enjoyed the right of free movement across the US/Mexico border. During the summers, some Kikapu work on farms in Oklahoma and return to Mexico in the winter. Because they are a migrating culture, they have called for the simplification of customs procedures so that needed resources can reach the Kikapu in Mexico. These resources include tule acuatico, a basic material used in the construction of homes and in the making of crafts and automobiles. The importation of resources into Mexico requires fiscal registrations and credit cards, both of which they do not have. “The Constitutional Reform, which holds the State responsible for the preservation of Indigenous cultures, is not carried out here," declared Jose Ovalle, an anthropologist that was invited to the Encounter by the Kikapu. Ovalle spoke at the Encounter about the newly implemented customs procedures at the US/Mexico border that make it neady impossible for the Kikapu on either side of the border to communicate. For further information, see Ojarasca #38-39, (November-December 1994). AUKA MAl KUAR KUAR was the First Historical Encounter of Indigenous Peoples of Baja California and the United States border states of New Mexico and Arizona. At this encounter, Indigenous peoples divided by nation-state borders attempted to rebuild their sense of unity by exchanging views and analyzing their current position regarding the ongoing process of organizing on a regional/eve/. What follows is a brief report on this encounter. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Once Divided: Indigenous Peoples in the US and Mexico Unite Across the Border Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Carolina de la Peña Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Eugenio Bermejillo Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Once Divided: Indigenous Peoples in the US and Mexico Unite Across the Border Item Type Journal Article Contributor Carolina de la Peña Author Eugenio Bermejillo Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 10-11 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note AUKA MAH KUAR KUAR was the first historical encounter of indigenous peoples of Baja California and the United States border states of New Mexico and Arizona. At this encounter, indigenous peoples divided by nation-state borders attempted to rebuild their sense of unity by exchanging views and analyzing their current position regarding the ongoing process of organizing on a regional level. Attachment Title Once_Divided_Indigenous_People_in_the_US_and_Mexico.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] borders Deloria Vine Kikapú O'Odham The Common Land and Indigenous Communities of Baja California Union http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/ec4cc645985592b9e90fad951d7b6df7.pdf 34110a21230d399ec01247d56c0a1a6e PDF Text Text Indigenous Fragmentation: Mexico's Domestic and International Borders by Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor For Indigenous populations, the notion of "borders" is directly associated with a history of occupation and usurpation of their territories. In the case of Mexico, the wars that have accompanied each international border demarcation have not been limited to Indigenous populations in the north or south. The formation of the Mexican Federation was carried out with the same amount of violence and colonization. Each territorial division within the country has been imposed as a "border" for Indigenous peoples. These borders were constructed in an artificial and arbitrary manner, and were superimposed over a cultural and historical geography that dates back thousands of years. Mexico's Southern Border Mayan communities suffer from both domestic and international border impositions. Within Mexico, the five states of the Mexican Federation ( Yucatán, Campeche, Quintana Roo, Tabasco, and Chiapas), almost one hundred municipalities, and over one hundred cooperative farms and communities divide the Maya people. Internationally, the Maya area covers the borders of six nation-states (Mexico, Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and El Salvador). The most costly impact of this fragmentation has been on the Mayan global identity, now surviving in multiple linguistic identities (Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolabal, Quiche, Tzutujil, Quekchi, etc.). These linguistic groups have not been able to unify into one single Mayan identity. Nevertheless, there are encouraging signs for unification, even though the Maya people continue to be fragmented. In fact, it appears that those living in Guatemala are undergoing a process of reconstruction of their global identity. Even though this phenomenon is also taking place in Mexico (albeit, in isolated instances), in the majority of the states in which Maya people live, the impact of tourism and industrialization has accelerated the tendency toward “deindianization”. This accelerated "deindianization" is occurring primarily in Tabasco, Campeche, Yucatán, and Quintana Roo. In Chiapas, despite a strong Maya cultural tradition, the Maya global identity is fragmented due to linguistic, municipal, and communal differences. Despite this fragmentation, the states, municipalities and communities which make up the southern border of Mexico constitute a region that has historically been integrated through a common Maya cultural base. Still, the phenomenon of “borders” has had a tremendous impact on the Maya people of Mexico. The Treaty of Limits officially demarcated Mexico's southern border with Guatemala on September 27, 1882. The demarcation with Belize dates to July of 1893, and was defined through negotiations with Great Britain. Neither demarcation process was peaceful. Wars and border conflicts preceded each accord. Even today, some Guatemalans regard Chiapas’ incorporation into Mexico as an act of annexation and theft on the part of Mexico. This feeling is similar to that of Mexicans in regards to the US-occupied Mexican territories of Texas, New Mexico, and California. In reality, this kind of nationalistic rhetoric about stolen land hides the fact that the real victims of border disputes and land annexation have been the Indigenous communities on both the northern and southern borders of the Mexican nation. On September 12, 1824,Chiapas was officially annexed into Mexico through a plebiscite. A total "Mayan communities suffer from both domestic and international border impositions. Within Mexico, five states of the Mexican Federation (Yucatán, Campeche, Quintana Roo, Tabasco, and Chiapas), almost one hundred municipalities, and over one hundred cooperative farms and communities divide the Maya people." number of almost 100,000 citizens voted to include Chiapas into the Mexican Federation. However, not all of those who lived in Chiapas had the opportunity to vote on such a crucial issue. In 1824, only those who could read or write and those who could prove that they were "honorable" citizens (citizens with wealth and of mestizo or criollo ancestry) were allowed to vote. The opinion and collective perception of territory of the Maya, Quiche,Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Tojolabal, Quekchl,and Marne peoples that lived in Chiapas was never taken into consideration. A Border in Conflict The Maya people's response to the fragmentation of their culture has never been passive. Hundreds of rebellions have demonstrated the Maya communities' nonconformity with their reality as a divided people. The Maya rebellion that has lasted for more than twenty years in Guatemala and the recent Maya uprising in Chiapas are modem examples of Maya resistance against the borders and what these borders signify for them: oppression and the loss of self-determination. The concept of "border" in southern Mexico became more tangible as a result of internal conflicts in Central America. Thousands of political refugees crossed Mexico's border. Many of them were Maya people who were escaping repression at the hands of the Guatemalan authorities. These people have now settled in the municipalities adjacent to the border. According to official government sources, there are almost 40 thousand Guatemalan refugees along Mexico's southern border, with half of them in the state of Chiapas. Many believe that the actual number of political refugees who have settled in the south of Mexico is higher. As is well known, not all refugees were accounted for in these statistics. Estimates indicate that the number of Guatemalan refugees in Mexico is at least twice that of the official count. The presence of refugees and the border's proximity to the Guatemalan guerrillas push Mexico's government to increase the presence of police and soldiers to guard the borders. Because of this, the one million Indigenous people of Chiapas and other border states have suffered assaults on their liberties, and all possibilities for democracy were halted. The authorities of Chiapas have consistently defied existing federal laws by allowing certain individuals to break them with impunity. In the last twenty years, the Maya who live along the southern border of Mexico have lived in a virtual state of war. They have struggled to achieve democracy via peaceful means. However, the authorities have responded 'with acts of violence and terrorism, similar to those experienced in "low-intensity" conflict areas. Violation of Indigenous People's human rights and impunity for the violators has also been a characteristic of the past twenty years. The violence and repression against the Mayas of Mexico's southern border has no precedence in the rest of the country. Yet, this kind of violence is not circumstantial. It is reproduced to the same magnitude in other border areas. Araceli Burguete is a native of Chiapas, sociologist, and technical and research coordinator for the Independent Indian People’s Front (FIPI) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Indigenous Fragmentation: Mexico's Domestic and International Borders Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Indigenous Fragmentation: Mexico's Domestic and International Borders Item Type Journal Article Author Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 8-9 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Territorial divisions within Mexico and Central America were constructed in an artificial manner, dividing and isolating indigenous peoples. This led to a division of Mayan peoples with Chiapas facing conflicts within its own territory and along its borders within Mexico and along Guatemala. Attachment Title Indigenous_Fragmentation_Mexico's_Domestic_and_International_Borders.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] borders Chiapas fragmentation Maya Treaty of Limits http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/69ef1f7952a591808b345410b5c5e4e9.pdf 5b2201e4a68f09f5cac07102ec7df12c PDF Text Text Ecuadorian Indigenous Nationalities to the nation and world: The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAlE) and the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) met in an Encounter of Solidarity for Peace and Dignity in the city of Sucua, Ecuador, at the headquarters of the Interprovincial Federation of Shuar-Achuar Centers (FICSHA), on February 21·22, 1995. After analyzing recent conflicts between Ecuador and Peru, we declare the following: In the countries of Latin America and around the world and, particularly among countries which are in conflict, we comprise a diversity of peoples and cultures which are historically located in our own territories. The border conflicts that today lead to bloodshed in neighboring populations and destroy their harmony and lifestyles, are not in our interests. Rather, they have lead to a stalemate and a deepening poverty for the communities involved. For these reasons, we Indigenous nationalities propose: That Ecuador be constitutionally recognized as a pluri-national, multicultural, and plurilingual state, because the recognition of and respect for different peoples is not an obstacle to the unity of a diverse country, but rather a resource that will strengthen its cohesion. In homage to the International Decade of Indigenous Peoples that the United Nations declared, we demand of International organizations and the guarantee nations of the Rio Protocol that Indigenous peoples in Ecuador and Peru be included in the peace negotiations as active participants in the search for a definitive solution to the conflict. That the Ecuadorian State permanently suspend the colonization programs in the ancestral lands of the Indigenous nationalities of the Amazon Region. The legalization of Indigenous territories in the border area and in the Amazon Region as a fundamental guarantee of the security and territorial integrity of the country. That the National Parks, Protected Forests, and Forest Reserves be given to and administered directly by Indigenous organizations for the appropriate use and management of their natural resources, That we be repaired for the socio-economic and environmental impacts caused by the war; a guarantee of the return of displaced peoples to their Indigenous communities; and the establishment of a fund for the relatives of civilians killed in the conflict. That the budget for the Intercultural Bilingual Education program be augmented. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ecuadorian Indigenous Nationalities to the nation and world Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Ecuadorian Indigenous Nationalities to the nation and world Item Type Journal Article Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 7 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) and the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) met in an encounter of solidarity for peace and dignity in the city of Sucúa, Ecuador. Attachment Title Ecuadorian_Indigenous_Nationalities_to_the_nation_and_world copy.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] borders colonization CONFENIAE natural resources Territory http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/c3d63f2606e091f42c91992a7079ebc4.pdf 8915718d621ebb10efd9fbd1ced67931 PDF Text Text Indigenous Assembly Grapples with Suicides Suicides among the Guarani Kaiowa, which have been on the rise for the past ten years, were the main subject discussed this past May at an Assembly of the Aty Guassu Organizzation in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil, he Assembly brought together shamans, Indian leaders and chiefs from 22 villages to try to learn why 22 Indians have committed suicide this year. The suicide rate among tghe Guarani Koaiowa is unusually high. The World Health Organization considers that an estimate of over one case in 10,000 per year is abnormal. According to FUNAI, 161 suicides, most of which were committed by young Indians, were registered among the Guarani Kaiowa from 1985 through May of this year. Extreme poverty, the gradual loss of traditional religious practices, and, above all, the lack of land are factors directly linked to the suicides, Araldo Veron, who also once attempted suicide, spoke on these factors at the Assembly. The villages of Dourados, with 8,900 Indians squeezed in 3,530 hectares of land, and Caarapor, with 2,346 Indians, have been the most affected. Information courtesy of CIMI - Conselho Indigenista Missionario Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Indigenous Assembly Grapples with Suicides Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource CIMI (Conselho Indigenista Misionário Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Indigenous Assembly Grapples with Suicides Item Type Journal Article Author CIMI (Conselho Indigenista Misionário Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 5 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Suicides among the Guarani Kaiowa, which have been on the rise of the past ten years, were the main subject discussed at an assembly of the Aty Guassu Organization in Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil. Attachment Title Indigenous_Assembly_Grapples_with_Suicides.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Guarani Guarani Kaiowa poverty suicide http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/2f1350a5b2b251360219b6173c1ed579.pdf b1b83e67687936cfc2259485a1be0b96 PDF Text Text Canadian Mining Interests in Nicaragua Threaten Sumu The Nicaraguan Ministry of Economics recently awarded a permit to the Nycon Resource Company of Canada to search for gold and other minerals in the Bossawas Reserve, on the border of Honduras in northwest Nicaragua, continues to be the site of mining, logging, and subsistence farming operations that endanger Indigenous populations and the environment. According to MARENA, there are now 700 non-Indigenous families living on the borders of the reserve who have cleared thousands of acres of forest for crops and cattle-grazing. Loggers have begun to haul tropical hardwood from the area to Managua, and flights over the reserve reveal huge clear-cut areas on the western and southern edges. Sumu leaders have demanded the cancellation of the mining permit. Information courtesy of Nicaragua Center for Community Action. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Canadian Mining Interests in Nicaragua Threaten Sumu Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nicaragua Center for Community Action Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Canadian Mining Interests in Nicaragua Threaten Sumu Item Type Journal Article Author Nicaragua Center for Community Action Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 5 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note The Nicaraguan Ministry of Economics awarded a mining permit to the Nycon Resource Company of Canada, despite the risks it will have on the health of the Sumu people. Attachment Title Canadian_Mining_Interests_in_Nicaragua_Threaten_Sumu.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Bosawas Reserve mining Sumu http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/40f59d8c4f0f9959c5637acc5bec7206.pdf 0ede3aec84ccda877c3c51b702f10b11 PDF Text Text Brazil: Indigenous Commission Fights for Demarcation A commission of twenty-three Xucuru Karirir, WassuCocal, Geripanko, Kariri-Xoko, Nand Karapoto Indians from Alagoas, along with Xoko Indians from Sergipe, went to Brasilia to denounce acts of violence against Indians and demand measures for the demarcation of their lands. The commission was heard by audiences at FUNAI, the Office of the Attorney General, and the Chamber of Deputies. Citing one of the most serious incidents, the Karapoto warned that at least eight mysterious fires had destroyed crops, fences and grazing land in their 1,810-hectare territory, which has been the object of litigation for two years. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Brazil: Indigenous Commission Fights for Demarcation Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Brazil: Indigenous Commission Fights for Demarcation Item Type Journal Article Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 5 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note 23 indigenous peoples travelled to Brasilia to denounce acts of violence against Indians and demand measures for the demarcation of their lands. Attachment Title Brazil_Indigenous_Commission_Fights_for_Demarcation.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] demarcation Territory http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/84de3b5d537a2b2b2842c88bc8cfd584.pdf 77ef859882089bfdee00d5ace4c3badf PDF Text Text Bill to Grant Ngobe-Bugle Autonomy in Panama Due to strong opposition by the Ngobe-Bugle community of Panama to the mining of their lands, the government has drawn up a bill that will grant the community autonomy over its territory. The Ngobe-Bugle people claim ownership of over 11,000 square kilometers of land in the western part of Panama. Marcelino Montezuma, a Ngobe-Bugle leader, explained that his community rejected the mining of their territory out of concern for environmental degradation. The Ngobe-Bugle people felt that without autonomy over their land, they would be powerless to regulate the mining process. “First of all, we want independence, then we will see if mining will suit us," he said. While discarding the use of violence to gain autonomy, Montezuma insisted that the Indigenous people of Panama "are losing patience." He also said that they demand to be treated with dignity and will not allow the Panamanian government to take away their ancestral lands. Information courtesy of InterPress Third World News Agency. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bill to Grant Ngobe-Dugle Autonomy in Panama Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource InterPress Third World News Agency Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Bill to Grant Ngobe-Dugle Autonomy in Panama Item Type Journal Article Author InterPress Third World News Agency Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 4 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Strong opposition by the Ngobe-Bugle community of Panama to the mining of their lands led to the government creating a bill that will grant the community autonomy over its territory. Attachment Title Bill_to_Grant_Ngobe-Bugle_Autonomy_in_Panama.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Autonomy Montezuma Marcelino Ngobe Ngobe-Bugle Territory http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/b5f1e040d2f2bcfb1f3312ffd9327f41.pdf 6f2832659bd635b7b67eabb3ce616325 PDF Text Text Honduras: Xicaque Denounce Government Xicaque leader Julio Soto recently denounced the Honduran government’s failure to demarcate their lands and assure their survival. “We’re in a bad state. The government will not say the land is ours, and allows the wild ‘ladinos' (non-Indians) to throw us off the land our ancestors left us,” he said. The Xicaque are one of the largest Indigenous groups in Honduras, and although they have been identified by national and international authorities as victims of social oppression, nothing has been done to alleviate the problems. The Xicaque suffer from starvation, illnesses, and the slow but eventual extermination of their people by colonizers of their land. A Xicaque elder, Timoteo Calixx, believes that the genocide of his people will end when the Honduran government sends the International Labor Organization (ILO) ratification of the Indigenous People's Convention 169, which guarantees their protection. Meanwhile, the government has promised to send the ratification of Convention 169 in order to assure all Indigenous communities that it will not abandon its commitment to preserve Xicaque lives and culture. Information courtesy of lnterPress Third World News Agency. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Honduras: Xicaque Denounce Government Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource InterPress Third World News Agency Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Honduras: Xicaque Denounce Government Item Type Journal Article Author InterPress Third World News Agency Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 4 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Xicaque leader Julio Soto denounced the Honduran government's failure to demarcate their lands and assure their survival. Attachment Title Honduras_Xicaque_Denounce_Government.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] social oppression Territory Xicaque http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/00ecdbe843fd4224239ea254e93342ce.pdf ffa9cd3ab22e1a738411c6d826eb8130 PDF Text Text Colombian Guerrillas Attack Venezuelan Outpost Tension has been building between Colombia and Venezuela since last February, when Colombian guerrillas crossed the Venezuelan border and attacked a military outpost in the Amazon lowlands. Both Colombian and Venezuelan officials deny the possibility of armed conflict between the two countries, yet Venezuelan President Rafael Caldera ordered thou· sands of troops to the border area. As a result of the conflict, anti-Colombian sentiment is high in Venezuela. Venezuelan authorities have deported thousands of undocumented Colombian migrant workers and graffiti slogans such as "Colombian Murderers Go Home" have appeared throughout Caracas. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Colombian Guerrillas Attack Venezuelan Outpost Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Colombian Guerrillas Attack Venezuelan Outpost Item Type Journal Article Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 4 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Colombian guerrillas crossed the Venezuelan border and attacked a military outpost in the Amazon lowlands. Attachment Title Colombian_Guerrillas_Attack_Venezuelan_Outpost.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Amazon borders guerillas http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/88c577a223ab07350d2ceb05c7dc95e1.pdf 8d81bbc709ea048625cb0f3b08161afa PDF Text Text Guajajara Murdered in Brazil Manuel Mendes, a Guajajara Indian, was killed following a land invasion in the state of Maranhao, Brazil. Mendes' assassin, Jaime Jardim, was an invader of the Krikati Indian territory, located in the Brazilian state of Maranhao. According to his daughter; Manuel Mendes had been receiving death threats for some time. Tension had been building in that area since a group of invaders prevented a team of technicians from demarcating the Krikati territory. The minister of Justice issued a directive ordering the Krikati territory to be demarcated in July of 1992. However, because of pressure from local politicians, land invaders and the family of ex-president Jose Samey, the demarcation has been interrupted. Meanwhile, Krikati land continues to be illegally occupied. Invaders have settled on about twenty farms and in a Krikati village. In December of last year, when technicians were once again sent to demarcate the area, invaders burned the entrance bridges and blocked access to the area. Information supplied by CIMI-Conselho Indigenista Missionario (Indian Missionary Council) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Guajajara Murdered in Brazil Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conselho Indigenista Missionario (CIMI) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Guajajara Murdered in Brazil Item Type Journal Article Author Conselho Indigenista Missionario (CIMI) Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 4 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Manuel Mendes, a Guajajara Indian, was killed among growing tensions between invaders into Krikati Indian territory and the Indian population living there. Attachment Title Guajajara_Murdered_in_Brazil.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] demarcation Guajajara invaders Krikati http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/315176e159dd3119f5e9771fd4c8c8be.pdf 9fbd722d61473924e51bf1c57176f589 PDF Text Text EDITORIAL State borders, rather than cultural borders, are one of the largest obstacles blocking Indigenous peoples from communicating, working together and reinvigorating our cultures. For this reason, we have dedicated this edition to publicizing Indigenous thinking and discussion on nation-state border issues. The 1995 war between Peru and Ecuador has rekindled interest in this ongoing debate. Reminiscent of the formative nineteenth-century nation-state independence wars in Latin America, this recent war is a bloody conflict between nation-states fought with Indigenous lives. Twentieth-century examples of similar situations include the 1932-1935 Chaco War between Paraguay and Bolivia which took 40,000 Indigenous lives, the so-called Soccer War in 1968 between El Salvador and Honduras, the never-ending strife on the Colombian-Venezuelan border, and the hardships which the Miskitu people in Nicaragua and Honduras and the Kuna Nation in Panama and Colombia have endured. European colonizers first, and then American States, delineated borders. Outsiders divided the continents' geographical space and states, provinces, departments, municipalities, and counties replaced cultural territories of Indigenous origin . The Spanish Crown, after decimating and exploiting Indigenous peoples, decided to give some territorial rights through the systems of "Mercedes lndivisas," "Cedulas Reales," and other communal rights. Indigenous peoples exercized autonomous rights to those territories. However, after the Criollo (descendants of Spaniards) elites expelled the Spanish monarchy in the so-called War of Independence, they took away those territorial rights, and imposed on Indigenous peoples a new ideology of "citizenship." Indigenous peoples were forced to enroll in the Criollo Independence Army. Needless to say, they were used as cannon fodder. The new governing elites decided that it was their turn to rule the vast territory which is today America. The Criollo elites reshaped, according to their individual interests, what today are considered the Latin American states. Indigenous peoples were not consulted to evaluate that process. With our populations decimated, borders were imposed on us, subdividing our Indigenous nations. Although the decline of the Spanish empire and the emergence of the Criollo elite ushered in the recognition of some of our own traditional territory, Indigenous "uprisings" throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were constant reminders of the denial of our immemorial rights to our own territories which we have occupied for thousands of years. New legal systems based on individualistic Roman judiciary tenets contradicted the collective cultures of Indigenous peoples. Today, the Latin American states continue to deny and ignore Indigenous peoples' conception of justice and government. Today, the Indigenous movements demand to be heard. It is important that throughout this Decade of Indigenous Peoples our different conceptions of political rights to self-determination and autonomy be reexamined. Our cultural practices and our reproduction as collectives requires having control over our territories. We are more conscious about the need to be heard as "collective entities." Indigenous peoples' demands need to be heard and met by new rules that cannot be defined by westem laws and cultures. It is imperative that governments and societies recognize our rights as distinct and original peoples of the world. Borders are but one of several obstacles we face as Indigenous peoples. Each demarcated border line has been created by the process of colonization and violence against Indigenous nations. Whether domestic or international, borders bear the same colonial logic. Ultimately, they mean our demise. In light of this fact, the articles in this issue will update the tremendous pressures we must face due to anachronistic colonial legal structures, by now obsolete, that deny us our rights as original Indigenous peoples. SAIIC Board of Directors Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Editorial Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource SAIIC Board of Directors Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring, 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Editorial Item Type Journal Article Author SAIIC Board of Directors Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 3 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Since the Spanish conquest, state borders have burdened, repressed, and alienated indigenous peoples from North, Central, and South America. This issue deals specifically with indigenous interpretations and actions to fight against violence, oppression, and development in their territories. Attachment Title Editorial.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Autonomy borders Criollo European conquest Spanish conquest Territory http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/3cb9b845fa1a68d63cb7e1337ed01a0b.pdf f3e64718574e0367a664e65934c89fb9 PDF Text Text A Nineteenth-Century War in the Amazon: Indigenous Communities Caught in the Ecuador/ Peru Border Dispute by Fernando Rivera Indigenous people who live in the disputed area between Ecuador and Peru have faced severe hardship and danger during the latest conflict which erupted in January of this year. Forced to fight and caught in wars not of their own design, Indigenous communities in both Ecuador and Peru endured the death of some of their people in battle, the threat of mass starvation, illnesses, and the destruction of their environment. The recent fighting is an unfortunate continuation of border disputes which have divided the two countries since the wars of independence and is another example of the internal colonialism to which Indigenous peoples are subjected. Each country has based its territorial rights on different treatises and international legal concepts. Each has had its own reasons for waging war. Both Ecuador and Peru, however, have ignored the impact that such land disputes have had on the Indigenous peoples who live along their borders. With every war and every treatise, neither Ecuador nor Peru has been as negatively affected as these Indigenous communities. The territorial dispute between Ecuador and Peru has been one of the longest and most complicated land disputes on the continent. During colonial times, first the Viceroyalty of Peru and later the Viceroyalty of Gran Colombia administered the Amazonian provinces. In 1829, after gaining independence, Peru and Gran Colombia signed an agreement in which they did not establish borders, but agreed to respect the former colonial divisions. Since the borders in that region were never clearly defined, their demarcation became a topic of constant debate. In 1941 a war broke out between Ecuador and Peru which ended with the signing of the Río de Janeiro Protocol which sought to define the border between the two countries. In 1950, however, Ecuador declared the Protocol null and void because of what it believed to be technical differences in demarcating 78 kilometers of land along the Condor Cordillera. In 1981, another war broke out between the two countries. Some analysts believe that the ruling government of Ecuador began that war as a way to distract attention away from its economic problems. Similarly, some analysts believe that President Fujimori may have begun the current war in order to assure his re-election. Whatever the motive, it is the Indigenous communities along the Ecuador/Peru border that are the most affected when the two countries decide to go into battle. First, both countries force Indians to fight in the military. This makes neighboring communities along the border and binational communities (communities divided by the border) fight among each other. Much has been said recently about intra-ethnic wars all around the world, but little attention has been paid to the fact that Indian peoples in Ecuador and Peru have been forced to kill each other. Many of these people belong to the same ethnic or cultural groups, as in the case of the Shuar, Achuar, Aguaruna, Huambiza and Quichua Indians. Second, the toll of the war is felt primarily in Indigenous communities along the border where most of the fighting occurs. Hundreds of families have been displaced by the destruction of their homes, harvests, and cattle. Bombings occur regularly, and deadly diseases are spreading rapidly. "Indigenous communities have never had borders," says Mino Eusebio Castro, vice-president of AIDESEP (Indigenous Association for the Development of the Peruvian Amazon). "What is occurring is that there is a conflicting interests between two political groups striving for economic control. We have never been consulted over the creation of borders, yet who do they use when there is a conflict of this type? Who provides the food? Who gets recruited to fight on the front lines? Who gets affected by protecting the borders? It is the Indigenous people!" Luis Macas, president of CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador) reported that the war has directly affected 21 of the 400 Shuar centers (or communities) in the Ecuadorian Amazon because of their proximity to the border. Also, among the 30 Achuar centers, the centers closest to the border have been greatly affected. Furthermore, out of the 25 Quichua communities on both sides of the border (10 in Ecuador and 15 in Peru), the number of affected families reaches 800. Finally, other smaller bordering communities also suffer from the war. These include the Siona, Secoya, Cofan, and the Shiwiar communities. The total number of indians in Ecuador alone affected by this war reaches 20,000. If the conflict continues, Macas predicts the loss of more Indigenous lives, homes, and livelihoods. A recent article in the Quito daily El Comercio describes the social and economic effect of the war. According to the report, 180 Indigenous communities and approximately 3,000 families "are faced with a social, economic, and psychological crisis because there crops and animals have disappeared and their understanding of their own territory has been changed" since the fighting began. "Life is not the same. Tranquility has not returned to the selva since the ceasefire," said Luis Yampies, a leader of the Shuar community. "Many communities cannot return to their lands because they are mined. That was a defense strategy by the Ecuadorian military, but we are affected." In formal and informal declarations, Indigenous groups have denounced the violence and demanded that the governments of Ecuador and Peru stop the war. COICA (The Coordinating Body for the Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin), an umbrella group that represents Indigenous organizations from the eight nation-states with territorial claims in the Amazon Basin, proposed the creation of a bi-national park which would demilitarize the conflict zone and guarantee peace for years to come. The proposal was born out of an impending need to protect the environment and the desire to re-integrate the Shuar and Achuar communities in Ecuador with their cultural counterparts in Peru- the Aguaruna and the Huambiza Indians. Another-perhaps more radical-declaration signed by members of both CONAlE and CONFENIAE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon), demands, among other things, that Ecuador be recognized as a "multinational, multicultural and multilingual country" (see sidebar (page 7) for extracts from the declaration) to guarantee the integrity and respect for Indigenous peoples. With all of these declarations, Indigenous leaders reiterate the importance that Indigenous participation should have in peace talks. They rightly point out that a meaningful and lasting peace will not be reached as long as the Indigenous peoples who live in the disputed territories continue to be ignored. Still, the governments of Ecuador and Peru are not listening. The government of Peru, for example, has proposed a plan to strengthen its borders by giving away Indigenous land to colonizers from different areas of the country. But peace will not come through the further colonization of Indigenous people. On the contrary, peace will only be achieved when Indigenous land is rightly and justly protected, and the Indigenous way of life secured. A joint declaration from AIDESEP and CONFENIAE states: "Nowadays, it is in vogue to speak of integration. However; we have lived for thousands of years in peaceful communion with our Indigenous neighbors on both sides of the border. Furthermore, borders that the white people created have divided communities like the Shuar, Quichua and Cofan. But we continue to feel as though we were part of one Indian continental nation: the ancient Abya Yala." Additional declarations and information from Indigenous organizations on this border conflict are in SAlIC's PeaceNet conference saiic.indio as well as on the Internet at: http:IIulwnaix.cc.ulwns.edu/-marc/geography/latinam/ecuador/border_main.html. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1995) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Nineteenth-Century War in the Amazon: Indigenous Communities Caught in the Ecuador/Peru Border Dispute Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Fernando Rivera Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring 1995 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title A Nineteenth-Century War in the Amazon: Indigenous Communities Caught in the Ecuador/Peru Border Dispute Item Type Journal Article Author Fernando Rivera Volume 9 Issue 1 Pages 6-7, 38 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring, 1995 Language English Abstract Note Conflict between the Ecuadorian and Peruvian border forced indigenous peoples within the disputed territory to fight for opposing sides. Attachment Title A_Nineteenth-Century_War_in_the_Amazon.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] AIDESEP Amazon binational communities borders