78 12 1190 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/51a82a542690290c878a3f63a065f5b8.pdf b870b853d55bd4bbe8eb3432f63ace7f PDF Text Text S EL f D ETERMINATI ON AN D TE RR I TORY Guatemala Peace Talks: composed of four M3)':1 Ot'!?nwuons: The t\c3dtmy of M~)'l\ LangU38"S of Guatemala. The Cound l of Moya Are Maya Rights Negotiable? Org,>ntzaltons of Guotemola. The Permanent Moya ~mbly. and The The tortuous dialogue between the Guatemalan Government's Office of Maya Unity ~nd Consonsus. Commission on Peace (COPAZJ and the National Guatemalan The document was first discussed and Revolutionary Union CURNGJ has been marked by exclusion of the approved by members of COPMt\GUt\, Maya community. a standstill on the subject of identity and and then edited ~nd approved by the Indigenous rights. sinking credibility of the parties involved, and eleven groups of the t\ SC. Fmally, the most recently, an ultimatum From the United Nations. document was prescmed to the repre· scntauvcs of the COI't\Z and the URNG by Estuardo Zapeta who lgt'\Oted it . A dny before the concluston of 1994 , the year tn whtc.h the Guotemalan go•·emmem had c.ommnttd luelf to stg~ung o p<ace agrttment. Gu.tcmol;ts n3llOrW d3ily pap<r Stglo Vttnrluno earned the front P"8" hc3dllnt, ' UN issutS on uhimotum to the Government and URNG" (Fnday. December 30. 1994). And an ultima· tum wns prcdScly whot the stalled p<ace proctsS seemed to need. The problems that provoked the Guatemalan civil wor-widespread illit· cracy. extreme poverty, m~l nu lri tion, Infant mortality, unequal access to fertile soli-remain unchanged :oftcr 34 years of conRict th>l hns ktllcd more people. destroy.:d more communities, dispbced mon: Guatemabns. and produced more widows :md orphans than the very proble~ th.tt $13rted tl. Conserv:ui,·e cstlmotes count over 100.000 dead, 35.000 disapp<ar<d. 22,000 widows, •nd 150,000 displaced people and refugees: the number of orphans h3s nc,-er been counted. Those most affect· cd by the SOC1altlls of a country characterized by lnjusucc and colonialism ore the s:~me ones who have suffered 95% of the ,;ctlms caused by the civil war: the Moya. Thllt Is why the open exclusion of any Mar:m represcnuui\'es in the discusSion of •tdcnmy ond rights of the Moyan commumty• has TC$Uhtd in criticism of fsluardo Z..ptta IS Maya-Caqchilju<l ar.d ""tit$ "''h lite untro dt fslwlro< dt 141 Culluta Ma)'a (CECMA) <{ Gtl<ltar.ala. the peace process ttsclf. The two groups pamcipaung 111 the d~nlogue. the gov· ernment and the URNG. 3re lyptcally lodmo (of European or miXed descent). urb:ln. and above all, exdus•onary. Gu.tcmab. on the other hand, IS pri· maflly ruml, muhtcuhur.tl and the m>JOnty (65") Is Mny>. Consequently. the "dtologue for p<ace· ts seen as • '"monologue· bctwc:c:n 1wo nnnorities who bas1cnlly m:tmuun the S.."\me coloni~l discou~. The negotl:nlon of Identity and Indigenous rights, on which the parties remam st.tllcd. Is being C'311ed Into question. Is May• ldemlty an element of the negouatlons? Are Maya nghts negotioble? Ycs. nppamntly so. smce this Item appears on the agenda, n appeors that the Government and the URNG behe'" th31 they are. Paradoxically, when the Moy> communi!)' petitioned 10 mclude their n:prcscnunlvcs in the "d••logue: the Go'..:mmcnt and the URNG I'Cspondcd wuh a resounding NO. h apJ>e.1rs thnt In Guatemala. after 500 yc.1rs, htstory repeats itself: two minorities nrc rnoklng decisions for the May> 1113JOrlty. The paper on Identity and lndigneous rights produced by the A.<scmbly of Ctvlc Groups (;\SC) and presented as • :<Ohd propos.1l in opposi· uon to the pantes involved In the "dia· Iogue• •Y:~S •gnorcd The ASC is an associatton of cle•-cn <Me groups. One of thes«: the M~ya coaliuon. Coordmoung O'l)>n•z.•uon of the Mayan lS Communuy (COPMAGUA). whkh is t\nother nern o( ncgon~uon m which the panics cannot 3grte as the mnf'ica· uon of the Covenant 169 of the lntemauonal Labor 0t'!?mzalton. ·on lndtgenous Communnte.s and Tnbal Groups mlndependent Coumnes.· The Guatemalan govemmem argues that Co\'tn3nt 169 tS unconstltuuonol; the URNG. for ns pan, ne•·er came out In fa,·or of ratifying the Co•·enam umil l~te in 1994. when the Co,·cnant was included as an item in the peace negoti· allons. Due to both p.1rtlcs' falling cred· ibility, the URNG~ support for Covenant 169 seemed u poorly timed polttlcal str.negy. All of thiS provoked n lcuer of ulti· matum from the Secretary General of the Unitrd Notions. 8outros 8outros Ghali, add~d 10 the Prestdent of Guatemab. dated Dcccmber 21. 1994. =ting the followmg. · t •m concerntd at the lack of progress m the p<acc ncgotialtol\S dunng the second p.1rt of 1994. As you know, the lat<'Sl round of discus· sions that beg.1n on October 20 has not resulted tn the hoped for agreement on 'Rights nnd Identity of the Indigenous Community.' This Is another delay after the suspension of discussion for four months due to the position adopted by the URNG between July and October" (Fret PrtSS. Dcctmber 30. 1994, p.2). Bectuse of the rejection of the ASC docu.mm. ond due to the fact that nc1· ther party could produce an ohcmativt proposal. the United Nations tnltiWntd by pre..,nung a draft proposol on Indigenous RightS ond nammg a moder· continued on pg. 37 26 Abya Yala News �CONT I N U ED Biodiversity, Community Integrity and the Second Colonialist Wave Guatemala Peace Talks < Continued from pg.12) <Continued from pg.26) mighr be desirable. bm rhe prime desire f<>r Indigenous peoples was an IPR regime that suppons their righl to s.1y '"NOM to privatization and commercial· iu uion. Indigenous delcgares mcering in Rio de Janeiro released rhe Kari·O.:a Dttlamrion and ln<lig<nous Peoples' Earrh Charter. Clause 95 Slates d>at "Indigenous wisdom musr be reoognized and cnoour· aged." but warns in Clause 99 thar "Usurping of traditional medicines and knowledge from Indigenous peoples should be considered a crime against peoples." Clause I 02 of rhe Kari·<Xa to discuss rhc evolving IPR debate. During the 1993 UN Year for the Worlds Indigenous Peoples. intellectual and cultural property righiS were on the agenda of ne.1rly every major Indigenous encounter. One of the most lacking areas of IPR research is that or non·western IPR regimes. Up to now. the debate has centered around UN and \Vestem concepts of intellectual and genetic property. But whar abom the property rxgimcs of Indigenous peoples themselves? A syn· thesis and :\nalysis of non-Western S)'$tems would be very helpful in finding cre:uive solutions to IPR protection. Declaration is e.xplicit about indigenous peoples' concern on IPR issues: As creators & carriers of civllizar!ons Conclusion \\·hich have given & conlirwc ro sJwrt It is fundamental that IPR/TRR lmowltdgc, experience & values with should nor be used simp!)• 10 reduce tra· humanity, we n::quht that our rig'u to intc:l· ditional knowledge into Western legal · kcttwl & cultural t>roperties be guarameed and conccprual frameworks: Indigenous & that the mechanism for racl1 implemrn· legal systems and conccprs of property ration l>t in favor of our p<oplrs & srudied righiS should guide the debate. The role in depth & imt'ltmcnU<L This respect must of scicmists, scholars and law)'ers lndude the right over gttiClit raourtt."S, should be to provide informarion and gtlle banks. biorechrwlogy & knowledge of ideas; it will be Indigenous and rradibiodivCI">ily programs. rional peoples rhemsclves who will. in Since the Earth Summir. dozens of man>' different ways. define Tradhionll conferences, seminars and workshops Resource Righrs rhrough practice and ha,·e been held by Indigenous peoples experimentation. VOi:SNo. 4 ator to work with both panies. On January 4. 1995. Siglo Veinliuno reponed that President Ramiro de Leon plans to sign a peace agreement on Februar>' 24. The more direct intervention of rhe UN Secretar)' General appe~rs to be producing results. but it remains to be seen. It is interesting to note that neither Lhe Government nor the URNG has clearl>' presented its respective posilion to the Maya community or to the Guatemalan populace. Each of the tWO seem to have used the Maya comnnmily as a pretext to drag out the process toward a peace that didn'l sui! either one. In times of peace. you cannot justif)' the e.xistence of a repressive military. nor of a radical guerrilla movcmenl. That is why we must contin\IC to rcasscn the final words of Se<:rctary General Ghali : "The participants in the Guatemalan pe-ace process must. renew their commiuncut to a dynamic negota· tion that provides clear direcuon towards a quick and just resolution lO the conflict." Along wirh Mr. Ghali. the Maya. the principal-and numerous-vic· tims of this conflict, request ..a jltSt resolution" for themselves, for their children and for Guatemala. 37 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Guatemala Peace Talks: Are Maya Rights Negotiable? Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Estuardo Zapeta Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Guatemala Peace Talks: Are Maya Rights Negotiable? Item Type Journal Article Author Estuardo Zapeta Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 26 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Winter 1994 Language English Abstract Note Dialogue between the Guatemalan Government's Commission on Peace and the National Guatemalan Revolutionary Union has lacked input from representatives from the Mayan community. Disappointed with the lack of progress in the negotiations, the UN issued an ultimatum to both parties. Attachment Title Guatemala_peace_talks.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Guatemala Guatemalan Government's Commission on Peace (COPAZ) Maya National Guatemalan Revolutionary Union (URNG) United Nations http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/49b1c128f192c809f5153ff2ae6b0315.pdf 89def9bb01ef68818cb245eae66c430c PDF Text Text 11'4 the mllillU)' who onsist th~t lndoan l•nds 111 the frontier zone thr-e:ucn nntlon:al security and tht: rnnintc:nancc: of Brazthan sovereignty. Tho$ erron by the Senate is one more obstacle to the already slow process of dcm~rcating Indian lands in Bmzil. According to the bill. future denmaotions would "'quorc the appro,'lll or the N•uon:tl Cong=. Addition~! provi.soon.s would require the Prau:itnt 10 consult ''ith th~ govemnttm of tM state in whoch the Indian Area is proposed Th- rules would make the dtn\.1n::lllOn of lndoan lands an)Where extremely diflkuh. 1f not Im pos>tble. BR I E f Indian Lands in US and Canada Targeted tor Nuclear Dumping uclcnr wnste produced throughout the Untted Statts could soon end up in the lands of the Meadow l..1kc Cree 1~escrve in Canada$ Saskatchewan provmce. tr plans under conslder:"tuon b)' tnbal c-ounca1s. nuclt~tr pow.:r compames N and gov~mment agtncits come to frunion. this would be 1hc "·lst• finol >top tn • long chain or nuclelr production and storage houstd on. or adjaeenl to. lndum bnds. The US Dcp>nment of Encr;y ond • potcntlO.I waste r<etpt<nt. Atomic Energy of Canoda LTD. uc consodenng construction or !\ pennanent nuclear wnstc dump on the From CIMI (lndrnn1U M1.$Swtr.a1y Co11rK10. Meadow l.,ke Cree Reserve. The Mcodow Lake Tribal Council hns supponed thts proposal. In their current l!<:onom1c lnttimives Report. the Council tout$ the dump as More of the Same Under Paraguay's an economic boon for the tribes 8.000 members. "Democratic" Government In promoting nuclear waste as the cure for econom1c nd~gCnO<lS peoples in Paraguay h.wc yet tO reap the benefits or dcmocmcy. which was restored m 198<} ~rter more th.•n titre<: tlls. th< Counctl follows in th< foototcps of the Mescalero cl=dcs of mdllllry diCt3lotShtp. Utde N5 ch;lngcd for Paroguays Tnb•l Counctl m New Mextc:o. whtch has olltred the hodlg<nous peoples smcc ~r:ll Allrcdo Su~r$ ovenhrow Mescalero r~r,~uon as 3 temporal)~ nucl.e3r sr:oragc snt m 1989.ln fact. rn>n)•orthecountlj~ lndogenousoommunhles In Feb. 1994. offictals of the Meadow L:tke Cree and the ""'" b«n fighnng mcrea.sed Jlr<SSUn'S to fore< them ollthetr C"..anadHm go,·cmment ,,sittd the Mesca1ero Reservalion. and arc reportedly working on an agreement \ltithin which lands. as wrll as go\'emment m.diiTr.rt:.lll'C to their needs. ' \\'e have tnle to our land. but 11 has been mvaded by more the Mescalero would act as temporal)' holder and broker or than 200 J>e:l.S."\l families. Our forest has been destroyed. our US nuclear waste-which would then be shipped on to Cree wild fnnt trees have been uprooted and tossed asldc without lands Mescalero Tribal Presodent Wendell Chino is cur· puy. the animals in the jungle ha,·c been ko off and we ate rently negotiating wuh thirty·t\VO utilities :md three lled going hungry." sud Nobeno Romero. nn elder m the Mby:l· nucle;ar comp;tmts for stornge of their waste, according to Gu.1rant communlt)t located m Ypa~ ln the S()Uthem depanment n Grccnpc3cc rcpresent3th..,. These pl>rlS may ha..-e been or c.-.-pa Dozens of surular confltru an: bang 0\-erlooked. or fordlalled b)' • tribal pltbtSCttc '" whtch Mcsc:dero mem· pla)ed doun, b)· President Carlos \\'osmosys g<>'-ernmcnt. bel'$ catcgonally rejec<ed propos:~ Is for nuclear '"llSSe stor· In 1Cl93. the lndig.."flous oommunlty m \'patl m.•naged to :tgc. The i'onh 1\mencan Free Tr>dc ,\grccmtnl (NAFTA) have SOlllt of tiS ttmtOij' dematattod :IS an lndtgt:nOUS resel''e has povcd the way for intcrnnuonnl shopptng or nuclear The COitlniUOil)' of Ypau \\':1$ gtven 2.600 hectares of natural wnstc. lrr.1di:tted fuel is a noi'Hnrl(f item wuhan the uadc fOt'dllS nnd swmnps 10 share with two other communities. However. 1hi~ has not put an end to the l:md mvasions which :lsrccmcnt. '""king it economic to ship nuclc:u 'vnste mto beg.1n In 1989. The mOst recent land uw:l$ion In \'pau beg;m this Cnnndf'l. The only requircmenl Is nccess «o temporary and paso Apnl, an official in the Mlni!.ll)' of Agncuhure and pwnnncnt stomge sites. For this. Indigenous l~nds have R.1nchmgs r..rm Credit Office Is reportedly • principal backer or been tnrgctcd, just as the)' h~ve •lways been for nuclear thiS tn\-;~S10n. Thn:e months >ftcr compe.stnos ~n invading te:sung. urnn1um mining and fuel enrichment. Tom Goldtooth of the lndtgcnous En,~ronmemal the Indigenous bnds- the )llS<tce ~hnlSil)' orde"'d politt to disNetwork char:teterizes th1s as ...a plot b)' government and lodge the tn\-.dets. Yet, no xuon l.,s bttn tokm The P.lrngu:ayan g«)\'t.mmcnl'~ pos:atton tn re.1:uion to tndU>tl)' to take ad,'llntagc of lndt3n trmtones: He adds. Indigenous commumties is charactonztd by a double standard. "'They know that wt don"t ha\'t: tnvn'Onmental codes or Parogua)• N5 one or the best l~ws 011 Indigenous rights in L:uin 1nfrnstructures that would protect us from stornge of w;\Ste. Amc!iCI. but pa)'S little aucmlon to ot. Instead. nccording to the Our network and our consutuems have been vchemcntl)' ln<hg<nous rights group ProfessioMI Soclo·Anthropologkal and opposed to 1hc federal stmtcg)' to site nuclear facilities on Legal Services. the government h:IS octunlly tried to p.1ralyze the our lands. It has to be stopped. If our d<•cted trib.1l orfi· dal$-<lnd some of them are puppets of the government-won't progr&.<S of Indigenous oommuniues nnd nllicd NGO~. stop it. our grassroots organizatiOns Will ... lttf~rmtttwn Jwm IAunan-.cnco Pr'ts.S, Uma. Ptru I \-Ill. 8 No. 4 s � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Indian Lands in US and Canada Targeted for Nuclear Dumping Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Indian Lands in US and Canada Targeted for Nuclear Dumping Item Type Journal Article Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 5 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Winter 1994 Language English Abstract Note The US government is negotiating with a Canadian indigenous community to construct a permanent nuclear waste dump on the tribe's preserve. Attachment Title Indian_lands_in_US_and_Canada.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Meadow Lake Cree Reserve NAFTA Nuclear Waste Saskatchewan http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/4410aa2f8f2888b06c4aab6c4edb1378.pdf 99d8175226e3e6b7e87f1c36217950c7 PDF Text Text ----- E~V I RO~ME~T A~D DEVELOPMENT Indigenous Peoples Unite Against Pan-American Highway by AUcia Korten and DiaUs Ehrman aders of the Kuna, Embera, Wounaan, Ngobe and Bugle peo- and o•hcr residents believe that the flood was a consequence of unprece· >les living in the Darien G~p dented deforestation in the last two region that borders Colombia and decades by loggers and cattle ranchers who have used the highw:>y to gain access to the regions resources. Pressure to complete the road has L; Panama announced thnt they would o ppose any plan to build the PanAmerican Highw:>y that did not first obtain their approval. The Indigenous Development Bank (lOB) is financing a S 1.5. million environmental impact statement for the construction or the J>an.l\merican Highwa}•S last segment. according to official documentS from the Ministries of Foreign Relations in Panama and Colombia. This financing is significant as the !DB generally funds ( IPAHC), representing over 200,000 increased in reccm months. Broad agreemem at the Summit of the Americas last December to unite the Indigenous peoples in Panama, made this dcclaralion in response to growing Americas imo a free trading zone by the year 2025, gives the highway's constmc- pressure to complete the highways impact s•atemcm. but nuher a general cnvironmcmal diagnosis of the region. lOB representatives have insisted that they would not finance such a environ .. 1nemally and culturally destructive pro.. stated Colombia$ Minister of ject. Yet. according to one well·known Transportation under the Gaviria Panamanian newspaper. Lhe lOB has Pan·J\rnerican Highway Commission Darien Gap link-which international business interests sec :lS critiC31 to fa.cili!ating trade between South and North America. Leaders unanimously agreed to reject construction of the Pan-American Highwa)·. a railroad. or any other project crossing 1heir lands until 1hesc lands have been legalized and demarcated . Indigenous people's fears regarding the environmental assessmems only if it intends to support the actual project. However, according to an I.OB reprcsen· t3tivc. the study is not an environmental tion new urgency. "The Pan·American liighwny is the only unfinished international highw:.y e\'tll though it is the most ilnportant in Lhc world ...all of hlllnanity is awaiting (itS completion)." administration, jorge Bedeck Olivella. Plans to build the road are rapidly moving into g~r. The lnter·American offered to loan funds of $29 million to finance the project. The World Bank is also funding an envitonmental impact highwayS negative impacts were reinfo rced by catastrophic Oooding in Nov. 1994 which destroyed several Kuna communities situated ncar 1he P3n· American Highway, which stretches for roughly 100 miles imo the Darien Province. "The night (the Chucunaque River rose) our children had to swim to stay alh·e. the wmcr came up to the necks of the older people. t\11 our fields and many or our houses were washed away. 1 have never seen such a flood in my lifetime: explained Horacio Lopez Turino, community leader of Wala. He Alicia Kortcn is a staff mcmba of th~ Ccrucr for Popular Legal Assistance. Td: (212) 64$3139 Fax: (212) 242-1901. Olalis Ehrman is the Kuna General CouncilS reprt'srntatl\'t to lhe IPAHC. Vol. 8 No. 4 The Indigenous Panamerican Highway Comission holds meetings to organize communities throughout the Darien 27 �E WVIROWMEWT AWD 0E VElOP MEWT .aotemcnt for the povmg <>I 1he 100 mile toad 1hm already pcnctmtes the Darien. Slalcd Luis Cns!ancda. Oi rector or Plannong at the Mlnlscry ol Public Works in Puna.m.a. P3JTamanum officials State lhot 1hcsc projects are p:~n ol • flv"·ytar n.,uon-wide road·bl!oldmg program. or 1he S406 milhon bud&<ted lor the pro· gmm, the lnler-Amcrican Oe,·elopment IJ.,nk and the World Bank arc providing $220 million in loons. •No highway construCtion can take place In Panama in the next five yeors lhot dO<S not follow IDB guideli=,· staled """ lOB official. Opposation to ex1ensoon o! the high· '''a)' lS also gairung morncnturn. Diverse organi%ations mngong from 1he lntcnlnlional Union for the Constr\'ll· tion of N3turc to the Union or Pnnamaman Umlc R.mchers have writ· · t(n ~luuons oppos1ng the roodS con... strucuon. These groups orgue tho! the m;d would dC"aSUie 1he ;ueas boo!<>gJ· c:.l ond cultural d.versuy ond facililate the spre:td or hoof-and-<~nd mouth disC3SC- into Nonh America. Even in Colombia. the road's mos1 aggressive supponer. the govcmmcm-run Institute for De\'<lopmem and Na1ural Resources (INDARENA). r<commended m O.C.mber of 199'1 hal1ong the proJect due to ats potenual tmrtronmental lmplct. Arch1e Carr. on emtnem biolo· gts1 wi!h 1he New York-based Wildlife ConservaLion SocicL \VUrned "the con· y, struclion o£ a highway ocross the Darien Gap would consliiUIC an ecological en· SIS . If Oancn tS a b•olog~cnl plug. a bar· ner to • biol<>gJcol uphe"'·al thot could offec1 bo1h maJor comments m 1hc regoon. 1hcn '' achoeves gremer conservauon slgnoficance 1han nny other forest." Indigenous peoples. whose homelands and cultural subsistence are at a stoke, condnue to be marginalized from all government dlSCUSSaons. '"\\'e. ha,·e been figh1ing 10 g>m • vot~ m the dill· Iogue, b\11 the gO\.. mmcnl has blocked lndogenous panicipalion: Sla!ed Ed)• DegM%o, 1he Embem-Wounaan General Congresss IPAHC delegate. The govemmen1 hos responded 10 18 i>~Ure £rom the Indigenous org>ni%3· wuh a few Government officials Lion conccssrons. invited an lndogcnous delegate to parucopa1c m 1he February 1994 meeting of 1he Good Nctghbor Commission. 2 bm~uonal body ncgotialing all agreements between Panama and Colombio. but refused to finance 1he •rip. ·~r,1hou1 moniC's to cover expenses. we could not send our dcleg>te: explained Cacique Leopoldo Baporiso. chief of lh< Embera-Wouno:m in 1he OJnen IPAHC deleg;llcs or< now meeting Wllh P:\nomonlon govemmenl Ofndols and mululn~erol bank represcmtlllvcs 10 demand jXlrlicipation in all studies ond dcvelopmenl projects for their homelands. They ore also ~chlng ou1 10 organwulons na1ionally and unemationally who hove expressed <On~m regardtng the hogh""'Y pions wders hope 1hnt 1hrough their con1inued and with Ihe suppon or solidnri· ty org.,nlmtions. they will be able 10 innucnce the destiny or their peoples and 1hc rotn!Orc$ts of the Oanen Gop on whieh they depend. crrons. R esolution of the hldigenous Embem. Wounaon nnd Kuna peoples of Panama at the second nntional meeting to discuss Lhe construction or the 'Pnn·American Highwny on October 7·.8 L994, In the Kuna community or Plndupe, Coman-a Mndungandi. We Resolve: I) To l'e)tct the COnSirucuon of 1he Pan-Amencan Hoghwa)~ a r.ulrood or any Other project through our lands withoUI our consent. 2) To demand the legalizalion nnd demarcnuon o£ the Madungandt, Ngobe· 6ugle and Wnrgandi Comnrcns and that collecuve lond lilies be pro,oded to the Embem and Wounaan in order 10 protect 1he na10ml r<sourccs of our terri Iones. We r.:fuse to accept any pro)cc1 of 1hcse demands have n<>l been met. 3) lo broadcast nauonally .md lmemauoMtly the cxtstence of the lndtgenous Pan·Amencan Highw:>y ComnuSSton... 4) To au1horuc the Commtssoon, tn consullnuon "11h 1he tTadlttonnl aulhor· utes. 10 seek the fund$ necessary to achH:;,•e the ComnussionS obJe(U\'~S at tt national and tmcrnntionnlle\rel. ~) To demand 1hat mullilnteml finandal1nstittulons and 1he na1ionnl govern- ment give po!11C1pollon 10 1he CommoSSIOn 1n nil plans to <OnSirUCI infra· scructure through lnd1genous 1emtoncs and pnmde 1he Commission aa:ess 10 all the mfomuuon ne<:<:ss;ll)' £or ouT Congresses to dwde whether the proJect ts beneficial or nOL. 6) To reucratc our demand for ponicipouon \\11hm 1he Good Neighbor Comm•ssion composed of the governments ol Pnnama and Colombln. 8) lo sohcit supporl for the C.omnussion from Indigenous organizalions Olll· side ol Panama, solidarity groups and non·gov~rnmenlal organiZBI!ons. \Vrlttcn tn the Madungandt <Amafla, Comrnunlly of PINDUP on Ocwb<r i. 199-f. FOT """'infonr.atl<ll1 f4y ~·· Comulon lnd!scna Camtcro I'<Vl·AI!IClf<<~""­ COONAPIP. Apanaclo Postal8720S9, Zona i, P - . Tel (507) 62 16 SS I'<J.X· (507) 62 JS 66. or Htelor llucrt.,, Llgal Ad""'" Conoi,Jon lndtgcno CaN<Icro P<•Mimcricana. Ccnuv dr. A>ISI<ncla Llgal Popular (CEAIJ'). ilponaclo Postal 6·5866. 1:1 Dcradb, Panama. Tel (jOT) 64 6.5 29. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Indigenous Peoples Unite Against Pan-American Highway Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alicia Korten Dialis Ehrman Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Indigenous Peoples Unite Against Pan-American Highway Item Type Journal Article Author Alicia Korten Dialis Ehrman Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 27-28 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Winter 1994 Language English Abstract Note Indigenous groups voice opposition to the Pan-American Highway, a proposed infrastructure project that would facilitate trade between between North and South America due to possible environmental destruction and community displacement. Attachment Title Indigenous_peoples_unite_against_pan_american_highway.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Conservation Embera Kuna Ngobe Pan-American Highway Wounaan http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/7017645c55efae6be075884bbca2f346.pdf b390c9d9a6822f3653880f1ba7cd9849 PDF Text Text ENVIRONMENT AND DE VELOP MENT International Opposition To Parana-Paraguay Hidrovia Mounts :as endangered by tht Hidi'O\'\a P'PJ«l Indigenous people from Brszi/, Parogvay. and BoiM8 joined envfronmenUJ/ grovps and sccJal orgonltotlons from eight countries in questioning p!Dns for lltllndusltiBI wst01W9Y on the Poroguoy ond Parona Rivers which. acccrdlng to technlcQ/ experts. could droin the we<ld's ltlrpest wetland expanse. tile Pantano/ of Mato Grosso. Brazil. The meeting, ~lied "Hidi<JVf8 Paf8na.Parag~ lrnpliCts ond Alternatives · was held ot tile Lotln American Parliament in Soo Paulo, from December 8-10. lives within the hm1lS of the PanlllllOI Three lnchgenous dclcg.uo were ch~ sen to panlclpate tn the coordin,uing body which will ad1•Jne< propos.1l~ for a brood campaign to r:usc aw:H"tness and development acaion plans regarding the ParnnaParaguoy liidroVla. According 10 p.utleipants at the Hidrovia semtn.'lr, "EnvunnmtntaJ lmp:act Studies mUSt include the p.1niclpatlon of •U scaorso[sodet~.. (thc lbnksl mu.st consult with lite pubbc tn a way wluch ts open and truly portJClpatory· The lmcr-aonmcan o.-..,lopment lbnk and Unttl'<l N:ouons De-~lopmtnt Progrrunme •rc coordmatlng economoc >nd cnglnecnng feosibtlity S~ud­ IOS. and an en\1ronm<nU11 impact ~ rmnt (ElA) for tht Htdrovia project. Conferene< delegates olso pointed out that the. Paragun)~n go\'ernnlcnt h:;a.s already indicated u ,..;u request bids from engineering companies tO explode rock outcroppings nt the b.uc of the Pantanal, which could lu1't irrtverslblc environ· mtnl3.1 impacts. NGO delegates at the S.1o Paulo n~«ting warned "If \\'Ork btgtns on pons of the projeCt b<fo"' the Environmtnttllmpnct Assessment is compkted ... dte E1A "'" hal-. no ,·,tlue. • by Glenn Switkes 0 rg.1nl:otions gathered in Sao Poolo womcd that construcnon or tht Hfdmia could climm>te lite P:mt2113l~ oblhty to hold "''"" dunng tht r:uny season. ause dls:Nrous llooding downslrc:~m, >nd threaten tht sun"-.! of n.1u'"' ~pits ond 01htr commun.ti<:s hvmg along the "'"'r ond itS tribumries. lndtgcnous ~pies nrt also concerned tht projeCt would hann populnuons or ftSh. birds. and wildlife, on which natl\·e commtmiues depend for $lll'Vh'tll. They also for.set incrtascd lond conflictS resulting from speculmory land buying. nnd a flow or mlgmms to tht arto in sc:m:h of jobs. Supponers of tht project claim that opentng tht upper ~hes of lite Pnmguay Rtver to ~-goong ,-es.sefs an sm-.. as tht "backbone' of South Amtnan «»nomic tntcgrauon ,._,than the new Southern Cone Common M>rk<t. Mtrrosur Some lu'"' gone so bras to P"'· doct • series of watetw>)'S that will hnk the Parnguay wtth the J\m.1ZOn and Onnoco. lndtgcnO\tS ~pie lllkang pan in the meeting sounded n warning based upon thetr cxp<:ritnces w1th other lnrgc-scak development projects. Vitor J\urnp<: Bakairi cited in>JXICts from Polonorocste. o World Bank road building projea. which he s.1ld "'tort ap;1n our communilies. People lOSt thtlr lond and mO\'td to the periphery of the citl<s. Many or our womt:n b«an~ prostktutt"S. \Ve don\ want tlut to h>ppen •sa•n." G!atn S"'tllu> coordtMlts d>t lotlllUIIi<lo!al Rmrs Nco.'llrk) HidMld C<tmp<ltgn. Vol8No.4 Bias Fedcnco Garctol, of the ~era! Coonhnmng Body or the l'llcom.1)'0 Basin of Pnr:lgu>)' S>ld th>t tht COUts< of tht Pilcomayo Rl\"tr \\';IS :s.hem:l m a nunntr smubr lO th>l pl.'nncd for tht l'>rogua): ·we don\ rt:member onymorc how II "':IS before. when the Pllcomoyo was the source of our hfe. !Wn doesro' come anymort. It's Impossible to cuhwate food. We had an cnonnOU$ L1ke, Lag11na Escabnte Cuellar, where <here was nlways rtSh: According tO Federico Gan:~1. the river project dosed ofT the river's tributaries. drying up the lake. Valtntin Mutlxt Guajt. the Sccrttary for Economy and Development of the Ccntr:J.I of Indigenous Ptoples of the Bolivian Orient< (0008), exp,.,...d tht r\011\'e poop!ts' dctenn•natoo to be tnvoh'td •n the discussion >nd dc~c J't&'rdmg the PfOJ«l- '\Vho ore we? A"'"" bke buk .,,. mals 1111htn the lores~l MOSt o( our peoplt lil'e along tht m-.rs. We thought de\-.lopmcnt was pnnletpatOry. equ.'l But. we see it is not. This development wtll sef\'e tht needs of how n"'nyl" Mann Guarnnl, of the K.1guateca Association, and Mn~~Cos Tcrtna, of the Allliancc of Indigenous Peoples of the Southern Cone, dtclartd their intention to disseminate infonn:uion on potential impncts of the 11idt'O\'tllto oatil'< communittes. Other rtp~ntftlwcs included Terena, Guamm, Bororo, Knlngang. and Partci people from Mlllo Grosso and M:no Grosso do Sui, Bnzd, as wdl :as Atlton Krcnak from the lndogenous Research Ccntu Adduion31 popuJ.utons identirl«< ''Y"""'· Ch.1m.1COCO, Tobo· mclude tht Maskoy, Angatte, P>t Tall)ten. and lite Guato, s popubuon ne~r extinction whiCh For marc tr.formaiJMC tr.t<ntcllt<ltlal RMt> Naworl<, 18'17 Bcrkdey ll'cly.ll<rkdey 01 9i 703. J\ n:port 'Consldcring tht HtdrO\fa" is availabl< forS 12 lnd;genouslea<ler Mana VitO< Guarani (right) adres.ses the meeting on Hidtovia 29 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource International Opposition To Parana-Paraguay Hidrovia Mounts Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Glenn Switkes Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title International Opposition To Parana-Paraguay Hidrovia Mounts Item Type Journal Article Author Glenn Switkes Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 29 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Winter 1994 Language English Abstract Note Indigenous groups from Brazil, Paraguay, and Bolivia and environmental organizations gathered in Sao Paulo to discuss the potential environmental ramifications of the proposed industrial waterway on the Paraguay and Parana Rivers. Attachment Title International_opposition_to_parana_paraguay_hidrovia_mounts.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Conservation Hidrovia waterway Paraguay River Parana River http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/0091a8f0daabe283c53627b90795704b.pdf 2496f54cd005894d95ece7a4d7612491 PDF Text Text I N B R I E F_ _ ,_,_ Indian Communities Trapped by Ecuador-Peru Border Conflict ighting erupted between the Peruvian and Ecuadorian armies in a disputed Amazon border region ~long the Ccnepa Rh·er valley on jan. 26. What looked at first like an isolated border skirmish has escalated into an intense conOict F At a press conference concluding their visit. the commission announced that the govemment could St<tnd in \'io1ation of the right to life and well·being as a result of oil pollution in the Amazon. t\ final repon on the visit has yet to be released. For more info,.matwn. coruacr: with at leasl 47 dead and 94 wounded combatants. The Sierra Qub l..tgal Dtj01S< Fund. /80 Montgomery St.. Suire HOO. S<ln Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) demanded a cease fire on Jan. 3 1. stating that. "'more than 300 communities a.re located in the zone of mili· FranclS<o, CA 9410-1, (415) 627·6700. FGX: (-liS) 62i·6i40, email: scldjsj@igc.copc.org. tary connic.t, these Indigenous cornmunilies that have nol Peruvian Indian Communities File Suit Against Texaco n December 29. a class action la,vsuit \I/3S filed in feder- been auended by either the government of Peru or of Ecuador". An unknown number of Indian residents of the region have been displaced from their communities. despite calls by CONAIE for the governments to respect the lives and territo· ry of Indigenous peoples. The war is reportedly costing each side overS 10 million a day. and has heated up with bombings on each side of the border and the downing of several Peruvian planes and a helicopter. Ecuador accepted a CCtlSC· fire mediation offer from former US president Jimmy C:mer and former COSta Rica president Oscar Arias. but Pcno declined to comment on the offer. OAS Commission Investigates Ecuadorian Human Rights Violations or yem'S. Indigenous organizations in the Ecuadorian Fmassive oilh•we suffered hum-an rightsb}'violations asmultina· Amazon a resuh or dC\'Cloptnem carried US-based OUl tiona! corporations and the Ecuadorian government within their territories. The struggle to resolve these problems hit a turning point on Nov. 7 when the Org...'\nit3tion of American Sunes· spe(:ial commission on hun'la.n rights arrh•ed in Ecuador to investigate human rights abuses in that country. Although the commission framed its visit as a general investigation of the human rights situation in Ecuador. the impact of oil development on Indigenous peoples was one of O al coun in New York on behalf of 20.000 Indigenous people !hong on and around the Napo River in the nonheast Peruvian Amazon. The suit charges that mismanaged Texaco activities within Ecuador, along the upper ~ches or the Napo River, caused severe damage to the lnditms' w3y of life in Peru- damage due to the release of huge amoums of toxic chemicals. and to repeated oil spills. This case follows a ground-breaking victory by Ecuadorian Indian organizations in the spring of 1994, when a New York coun held that Texaco could be held liable in US couns for their actions in Ecuador. The Peruvian suit charges Lhat ··texaco deliberately ignored reasonable and S<lfe practices and treated the pristine Amazon roin forest ... :md its people as a toxic waste dump... lt runhcr contends that over 400 flawed well sites were built. despite Texaco's full knowledge that they would ·rcsuh in SC\'Cre spills and environmental damages. The Ecuadorian governmem estimates that Texaco spilled 16.8 million gallotlS of crude oil and oil residues in its Amazonian provinces. with an unknov.m portion winding up downriver in Peru. As recently as J992. the Peruvian Rio Napo ran black with crude that had been released upstream . Irifonnati(}l1 I'YOYid<d by Edwatd f-lmnmcml.. two topics the Commission actually in\'cstigated (the other bemg the treatment of prisoners) . Half of the Commissions delegation traveled to the Oriente region. where they met with representatives from grassroots organizations and leaders or Lhe eoran and Siona·Secora tthnic groups. Commission members were appalled at Lhe impact of Texaco oil develop· ment on the envir onment. The Commission also mt:l with a Huaorani community from the Napo region who reponed on .J>ollution and the encroachment of colonists in their territory. In addition to meeting with state authorities, the Commission consulted environmental. human rights, and Indigenous organizations. including representatives from: CONAl E. CONFENIAE. COICA. ECUARUNARI, FICI, FOIN, and OINt\E. 4 Brazilian Senate Proposes Law Threatening Land Demarcation he Brazilian Stn..1te 3pproved a bill 3imed at eventually reducing existing 1ndian Areas within frontier zones. nnd T complicating the process of rmure demarcations. 10 become law. this bill will have to be approved by the Chamber of Deputies and the President of Lhe Republic. If approved. the btl! will put the already demarcated Yanomami Indian Area. located along the Venezuelan border, at risk of being reduced. The bill threatens not only the Yanomami. but would be a blow to all Indian peoples in Brazil. It is supported by CCO· nomic groups with a \'CSted intcr~t in exploiting the natural resources within the Indian Areas. as wen as cenain sectors or Abya Ya~ News � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource OAS Commission Investigates Ecuadorian Human Rights Violations Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title OAS Commission Investigates Ecuadorian Human Rights Violations Item Type Journal Article Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 4 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Winter 1994 Language English Abstract Note The Organization of American States (OAS) commences an investigation on human rights violations related to oil development on the part of US-based multinational corporations in Ecuador. Attachment Title OAS_commission_investigates.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Cofan Human Rights Napo Organization of American States Siona-Secoya http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/502bc62fe0444372bfafa5ffda5ef47a.pdf 914731534b461dbc55dc9b3c5282ee1f PDF Text Text ORGANIZATION - - --=- Coalition in Support of Indigenous Peoples and Their Environment Founded lndigenous organizations. Panicipants di.scussecl1he struggle for autonomy and self.detcnnination. how to create mech· anisms to assure respect for Indigenous he Coalition in Support of Amazonian Peoples and Their rights. and how to strengthen access to decision·making on Em·lronment opened an ofric:e in government T Washington DC in Nov. 1994 to Indigenous rights. The intent of the con· impro,·e communication and coordina· ference was to develop clear definitions of autonomy and self·detemlination. tion among US-based NGOs working with Amazonian peoples. The Coalition was born from an alliance between Indigenous peoples of the Amazon and groups and individuals concerned with the fu ture of the Amazon and its peo· pies. Coalition Members suppon Indigenous territorial rights and sustain~ nblc development ahemath·es. and share the belief that people are an integral pan or the ecosystem. The Coalition will hold an annu.~l Fomm !or NGOs to meet, receive guidance !rom Indigenous leaders of the Amazon. discuss current issues, and develop politic~l action su·atcgies. Topics at next years !omm (May I O-l2 1995 in Washington. DC) will include: Free trade and De\'elopmem, Intellectual Property Rights. the Timber Industry. At present the Coalition has three working groups: U.S. Policy and Hl.lntan Rights. Defense of Territories. and Financial Resources. It is helping to coordinate a number of cmnpaigns such as the Ecuador oil campaign. In an e!fon to promote communications among interested organizations. the Coalition: distributes a monthly Am~ort Update with news from Co..1lition members. F()r mor~ inj()rm,uion, p/(6$(. ccncac1: CoalitiOIJ Coordinmo,. Melina Sel\'Cl:Ston. 1$1/ I< St. N\V Suit< 10+1, 1\~ irtgton . DC 2()()()$. Te/;(202) 637-97 I8.jax;(202)63i· 9719. emaiJ: am«Z:om:ool@fgc.apc.oJi. Self-determination Seminar in Mexico T he Second Seminar on Sclf-determi· nation in Mexico held on Jan. 20·21 was organized b)1 the Colegio de Mexico under the direction of Rudol!o Stavenhagen and hosted by Oax.1can Vol. a No.4 American Indian Satellite Network Makes History or the first time. Native.owned and F public radio stations across the country have access to regular program· ming for and about Natjvc Americans. thanks to the new t\IROS (American Indian Radio on Satellite) network. Since Oct. 31. tl1is history-making ser· ,;ce has offered a daily one-hour feed or dramas. documentaries. litcrmure, self. help programs and heritage pieces, all related to Native Americans. The AIROS network, initially funded b)• the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, is developing and establishing what will eventually be a 2+ hour distribmion system of radio pro~ grnmming by, for and about Native Americans. The AIROS feed includes a storyudling series, interviews with various Native American personalities. historical specials and a multi-pan series on breaking the C)'cle of child abuse. as well as a ' 'ariety of other specials and series. Nalivt America Calli11g will premiere at the end of February as a daily. hour-long. live call-in talk show focus· AND COMMUNICAT I ON most of whom operate on inadequate funds; says Susan Braine, AI~OS Manager. "We're working closely with the tribal stations to detem1ine program~ ming needs and to address those needs through tl1e radio programs that AIROS is able to acquire. Our goal is to encour· age and facilitate their own production of these programs. This is their network. It will be as successful and relcvnm as they. the stations, collectively make it: Braine said. AIROS also has plans to acquire ponable uplinks in order to broadcast conferences. po'"'vows. and oLhcr cui· tur:d events from reservations. This would allow tribes to share limited resources while learning from each other. For more information on the t\IROS schedule. contaCt your local public or Native.owned rndio station. Stations interested in becoming affiliated with AIROS should contact Susan Braine at 402-472·0484. Internet for Native Peoples Conference ndigenous activists !rom throughout California gathered at U.C. llerkelcy on Nov. l9 to learn new techniques and I discuss the opportunities for network· ing and alliance building on the in!or· tnation highway. Marc Uecker led a workshop using the Mosaic program to explore the Internet. This prompted both ideas and concerns about using the lmernet as a tool for funhering the causes of Indigenous peoples world wide. 01scussion that followed pointed to the ing on currem issues a.nd topics affecting demand for a larger and more in·depth conference in the future. Man)' who Native Americans. attended questtoned the use of this tech· nology !or people living on resen'l!tions and other third-world conditions who radio is the sole telecommunicmiot\S might not ll.we access to telephone lines service. AIROS directors see the net- or even electricity. work as a first-step towM<I an ambitious Ifyou have acc:t:SS lo a computer and modem. goal: building and linking stations on you mighc be inten-..ste(l in the following liscs the 250 Indian reservations in the rdatcd to Indigenous issues: Indigenous United States. greatest challenge is Knowlt:dg(. NaJive Netin obtaining Native comcm programs. Jisturv@('OP'ndl.tdu, Chiclt;, ~·fujcr 1.. ·liSt· particularly from the Native stations, proc@lmrinet.gsc.ucsb.cd!f, Rata Net. t\IROSlinks most of the 25tribal sla· tions located in Native communities in 10 states, many on reservations where ·our 35 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Self-determination Seminar in Mexico Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Self-determination Seminar in Mexico Item Type Journal Article Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 35 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Winter 1994 Language English Abstract Note Indigenous groups in Mexico held a recent conference to discuss important indigenous issues including autonomy and self-determination. Attachment Title Self_determination_seminar.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Autonomy Colegio de Mexico Indigenous Rights Oaxaca Mexico self-determination http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/0cbf9c0e9e62055028489b82ced8e624.pdf 2f994b26b83ffa990d5154782a93a883 PDF Text Text PERSPECTIVES ON B IODIVERSITY AND INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY The Human Genome Diversity Project: Implications for Indigenous Peoples We reported on the Human Genome Diversity Project in Abya Yala 's Dec. 1994 issue. Indigenous opposition to the project has been growing since that time. and the project has yet to respond ade· quately to fundamental ethical problems such as those raised in this article. By Debra Harry he HUinan Genome Diversity Project (HGD Project) proposes to collect blood and 1issue so1m · pies from hundreds of different Indigenous groups worldwide for T gcnc1ic swdy. On the assumption 1hat these groups are headed for extinction, sc-ientists :ue rushing to gather DNA somples before they disoppe•r. Then, Issues of Concern HGO Project sciemists claim to be searching ror answers to questions about human evolution. However, Indigenous peoples already possess strong beliefs and knowledge regarding their creation and hiStories: funhemlore. this is not a ptiotity concern for Indigenous people. The HGD Projects assumptions that the they say. ;u least the human genetic diversity will be prcser:vcd in gene banks as "'immortalized cell lines." BUl why the tremendous interest in sa\ring the genes of Indigenous people •nd not the people themselves? Who rc311y populations will be "discovered" and sdemilkally •answered" is insuhing to groups who already ha\'Cstrong cuhural beliefs regording their origins. What will be the ilnpact or a scientific theory stands to benefit from this endeavor? of evolution and migration that is ami· What •rc the dangers and long-term implications of biotechnology and genetic engineering? These are ques· tions Indigenous people must ask them· selves tn order w protect their interests in lite face or such a mysterious and well-funded cffon. thetical to an ln<ligenous groups com· mon beliefs? Will these new theories be used to challenge aboriginal territorial cl•ims, or rights to l•nd? Debra Harry is a Paitde Indian from Ntmda, USA. Sl1e is n:scarchirtg ISS!(f.S rdatrd lo IPR •nd the HGD Proj<Cl. Vol.8 No. 4 origins and/or migrations of Indigenous Medical Benefits? The often repeated claim that med· ical applications will be developed to tre•t diseases sulfered by Indigenous peoples is a complete misrepresemation of the Project. •nd scn•es to coerce the participation of subj~ts based on the false hope for medical n>ir:~cles. The Project's mandate is simply to collect. database. and maintain genetic samples Md dma, not to develop medic•! appli· C.3tions. The HGD Project will make the genelic samples available to "the pub· lie ... However, it is not clear who will have access to the data and actual genetic samples. It appears that the HGD Project will maintain an open· access policy. This me<~ns th3t once genetic ma1erials are stored in gene banks. they will be available in perpe· tuity. with minimal control. to anyone requesting access. Scientists need only demonstr:\te the validity of thei r scien· tific research in order to gain access to the samples. Medical applications are in fact likely 10 result from the eventual research. manipulation. and commercialization or the genetic materials. But they will mosl likely come in the form of pharmaceuticals or expensive genetic therapy techniques. Possible benefits ";II go only to those who can 13 �PERSPECTIVES ON BIODIVERSITY AND INTELLECTUAl PROPERTY afford the high costs of such treat · ments. The proposition that medical bene· fits will result from genetic &'tmpling is further suspect since no aspect of the project will take imo account the role that existing and historical socio-eco· nomic or environmental conditions play in the health of lndigcnoll5 com· munitics. lf an Indigenous popuhuion were interested in researching a genetic ques· tion spec,ific to their group. they would not need the HGD Project to do so. Genetic research te<:hnology and cxper· Since 1980: .. there has been a disturbing trend in US patent law that extends patent protec· tion to life forms. tise is widely available. The enticement of potential medical benefits is an empty promise which will be used to gain access to communities for the collection of samples. Commercialization. Ownership and Intellectual Property Rights The HGD Project l'l!iscs inevitable questions regarding both ownership of the genetic samples themselves and who stands to profit from the commcrcializa.. tion of products derived from the sam~ pies. The Proje<:t puts Indigenous peoples' most fundamental property-their own genes-in the hands of anyone who wants to experiment with them. In dotng so. the Project opens the door to widespread commcrci31ization and potential misuse of the samples and data. The Project will enable "bioprospectors" to stake legal claims on the natural genetic resource base of Indigenous pe:o· 14 pies. Some of those claims will strike it rich, in the fom> of profitable patents. As in the case of future medical applications. the d irect benefits from the HGD gene banks will go to those who can arTord 10 invest in research , manipulation and commercialization of the genetic data. Patent law will be the primary vehicle which enables scientists to secure exclusive rights to the genetic samples. Patent laws gl'llnt a limited propcrt)' right to the patent holder and exclude others from using the patented item for a specific period of time. usually for n 17 -yeaq>eriod. Patenting Human Genes Since 1980. when the US Supreme Coun ruled that the creation of an oil· t..1.ting microbe ls patemable. there has been a disturbing trend in US patent law that extends patent protection to life forms. Since then, the US Patent and Trademork Office ( PTO) has granted patents for newly created micro-organ .. isms, living animals. and for human tiS· sues and genes, b reaking the longstanding policy thm animate life forms were not patentable. The National Institutes of Health. and others. ha,,e secured patent rights for fl'llgmcnted gene sequences. many with unknown function and physical significance. This lrend has enabled research inslitutions and corporations to secure patents for almost 5% of the entire human genome, and has spurred a ntsh for o'vnership of the remaining 95% of the human genome. Does anyone have the right to own a life form or to commodify parts of the human body> While many debate the ethical and mol'lll implia.tions or patenting life fonns, in 1993 US Secretary of Commerce Ron Bro"" filed a patent claim on the cell line of a 26-year-<>ld Guayami woman from Panarna. Her ceH line was of interest because some Guaya.mi people carry a unique \~rus, and their antibodies may prove useful in AIDS and leukemia research. Fortunately, intetnational protest and action by the Guaymi General Congress and others led to the withdrawal of the patent claim by the US Secretary of Commerce in November 1993. Patent claims have also been filed by the Secretary of Commerce for the cell lines of Indigenous people from the Solomon Islands. The Solomon Islands Government has demanded withdrawal of the patent applications and repatriation of the genetic samples. citing ar1 invasiort of sovereignty, lack of informed consent. and moral grounds as the reasons for protest. In early March. Secretary Ron Bro\llfl rejected these requests. stating that .. there is no provision for considel'lltions related to the source of the cells that ma)' be the subject of a patent application." In other words, according to existing patent lav..•, the source of a genetic sam· pie is irrelevant. Indigenous people must be aware that it may be extremely difficult or impossible to recover or reparriate sam· pies of our blood, tissues. or body pans, once lhty arc remo·ved from our bodies and stored elsewhere. In 1984 john Moore filed a lawsuit claiming that his blood cells were misappropriated while he was undergoing trearmem for leuken'tia at the University of Califomia. los Angeles Medical Center. During his trealmem. Moore~ doctor developed a cell line which proved '"'luable in fighting bacteria and cancer. The UCLA Board of Regents r.led a patent claim on this cell line from which they developed commercially valuable antibacterial and cancer-fighting ph3rmaceuticals. Moore claimed that he ' v:IS emltled to share in pror.ts derived from commercial uses of Abya Ya.a News l �PERSPECTIVES ON B IODI VERSITY AND I NTELLECTUAL PROPERTY these cells ~nd any other products resulting from reseateh on any of his biological materials. In a significant l990 California Supreme Coun deci· sion. the court established that '"donors· do not have an IPR property right in the tissues removed from their body (6). genes. Sample Collection seems like sc.ience fiction to many peo- The HGD Project will seek the conscm of the individuals and populations to be sampled. Questions of what con- ple. it is a reality. Through genetic engineering, scientists are capable of reprogramming the genetic codes of living stiuncs '"infomled consem" ~md how it will be secured remain to be answered. The HGD Project has secured a gram things to meet societtd or economic goals. Transgenic experiments can rni.x pJam genome with that of animals. and human genome with that of plams or animals. The ethical and legal questions prillls· cf living organisms. C- rle technofo· c gy ma,~cs it possible tc isofatt, s-plfct. insert, rearrar1ge, r-ecombiru: aJUI mass-r·ep!Q{II~Cc placemal tissues as sources for genetic samples? How will the project be explained in the local language? Will the full scope of the project and the short· Vol. 8 No.4 about the full scope or this project and the potcmial dangers of genedc manipulation before they decide whether to participate. It is impermive that our communities become fully aware of the Projects implications and begin documenting proposed or current sample According to existing patent law. the source of a genetic sample is irrelevant. collecting. 'Vlc need to form an interna.. Nonetheless, this area remains vinually tiona! Indigenous research group to unregulated. determine the e.xtent of existing interna· tional protec,tions for human materials. While the HGD Project itself does not plan to do genetic engineering. no safeguards exist t.o prevent others from doing so with the HGD genetic s.1mples. Genetic manipulation mises serious ethical and moral concems for Indigenous peoples. for whom any vi<r lation or the natural order of life is abhorrently wrong. Scientists are genet· ically manipulating existing life fonns. altering dte course of natural evolution, and creating new life forms. Genes are living organisms which reproduce. migmte and mutate. The full implications or genetically altered life forms released imo the envirol'tmem cannot possibly be anticipated. tlal uses or the samples be fully dis- Recommendations Indigenous organizations need to closed? \\r,ll donors be fully informed of the potential for pro£hs that may be alert all Indigenous peoples to the work made from their genetic samples? of the Human Genome Organiz.atfon (the body governing the HGDP) in order \Vith ger~t: lic engineer-ing ca.lmology today. it is P"Ssiblc to manlpulatt the 'bh•e· genetic materials that raised by genetic engineering technolo- gy are nurncrous and unanswered. a.nd long·term implications and poten· Other Potential for Misuse Ml)' community education ax'ld discussiOt\ -Andrew Kimbrell, The Human 8ody Shop. 1994. Though genetic engineering still from the J.D. ~nd C .T. MacArthur Foundation (despite the expressed opposition of Native leaders) in order to develop a model protocol for the collection of genetic samples from lndigenous groups. The concept of "informed consem· rniscs m3ny unanswered questions in the minds of Indigenous peoples, such as: Who is authorized to give consent? Should consent be required only by the individual being sampled, or also include the governing body of that par· ticular tndigenous nation? C.."\n consent be granted by government o!ftcials or the nation-state in which Lhe Indigenous nation is located? How will permission be obtained for collection o£ samples from the deod, or for use or fetal and reclaiming have already been taken. Indigenous people must engage in and to develop additional policies which insure the protection of our imellecLUal. cultural and biological propeny rights. Indigenous people must call for a world-wide mor3torium on the collec· tion, datab:~sing. transformation. and commercialization of cell lines and genetic materials of Indigenous peoples umil international standards and regulation are put into place which fully pro· teet the environment and the interests of Indigenous peoples. For Mort lnf()rmation Omrace Debra Harry, P. 0 . Box 72, Nixon, Nt:\'ada 89~24. 002) 574·0309 tmail: /)(bra_Narl)•@Togc:ther.org or dharry@igCAJX:.OI); jcanncut Atmstrc>ng. En'ow- in Ctnue, 257 k 8fi.UI.SWici.: Sttetl. Pt:nlteton. BC V2A l n materials by this project, or by free-lance (604) 493-7181 RAFl·Canada. (Rural Ad\'at~Ccmtm Fowtdation tncemalfonal), Suite 504-7 J Bank Sl'""· Oua..·a. Onwrio KIP 5N2. (613) 567· scientists. and to assist groups in 6880 lO pre,·ent the taking of their genetic 15 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Human Genome Diversity Project: Implications for Indigenous Peoples Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Debra Harry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title The Human Genome Diversity Project: Implications for Indigenous Peoples Item Type Journal Article Author Debra Harry Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 13-15 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date 1994 Language English Abstract Note The Human Genome Diversity Project seeks to collect genetic information from indigenous peoples across the globe. Indigenous communities should be hesitant to comply, given the potential for misuse and exploitation. Attachment Title The_human_genome_diversity_project.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Genetics Human Genome Diversity Project Intellectual Property Rights Patent Law http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/7d21adf1ab7b77f7d41b3286b2166c45.pdf 7df5bd1f72f7675c1dc71a3a35855847 PDF Text Text • We Are Involved 1n a joint Struggle Interview With Carmen lrnamberna undreds of Indigenous rcp~ntatwes gathered In Gene•"• m june of 1994 10 discuss nnd comment on the Draft Dcclar.uion of Indigenous Rights being prcJ>Jrcd by the UN Working GI'Oup on lndtgcnous Peoples. There, we lme"oewed C.1nnen lrnamberna, Prcsidem of the l'ederauon of Indigenous People ond O>mpesinos of lmb.1bura (fiCI). one of the largtst hoghland Indian organl%3uons m Ecwdor. on the draft dedar.ulon and her expc~nces 3S a \\'Ort13n leader H zauon. our own politics. our own foznls of economic devel· opmr:m . 1'here are differences between lndi~enous People on the best wny to express our rights. Some argue for '"free·dcter· mlnmlon.· others ror '"autonomy... Autonomy implies the expansion, the development lof rights]. under already established norms and structures. W11h free.<feterrninnuon. we are peuuonang the dtre<:t recogmuon of our nghtS-that go..emments recogntze us for who we an: These differences m<rcly tndtcate that the different peoples we rcpn:sem confront dtf· fcrent problems. have different >truggles. and diff~rent expenences. And so for some, the dedarn11on or autonomy ts suffictent. 6ut fo r those who arc t ruly in >truggle fo r free deterrmnl).uon. nutonomy is not suffic:1Cill. V.1 hcre there is n'uch discl'lmlnation, it will not protect us. We lof Ecuador! at'C argumg for free-detenninatlon, not simply autonomy. My position has aiW3)'S been 1h.11 1f we are not recognized in this Arc you >3tisfied wi th what has occurred here 31 the UN or do you think that lhe aspirations of l ndigcnous Peoples arc not being heMd? Well, I cn.mot e"actly s.1y sousfted Out 11 seems to me that the initiatives proposed here "'" Important so that " "'h ume the governmentS increasmgly open up the barriers 10 the recognlllon that we Indigenous peoples have rightS. This sp.1ee here in the UN Working Group IS impoTWlt for manner then we cannOt say tlut thl$ is our law-t.hat o£ tht outlming a program whteh the Indigenous Peoples can then lndtgenous Peoples. Rather. It Is • UN bw decbred tn the use. But I bel•.-·e th:u nothmg will change through this alone. pr~nct of lndtgcnous Peoples. Our only guamntec " the force of our peoples. Regardless of how many laws ore appro..ed. tf our commu- To conclude. could you say something about your posinltie~ don't struggle. there are no gua<Jntees. Clearly the law tion. Y are the only female president o f an Indigenous ou will be • lcgalmstrumem , but Its use depends solely on our federa tion in Ecuador. Whm enabled tha.t and what chalstrength. A s lew of laws protecting our human rights already lenges do yQu face? exist. but when and where have they truly been applied ? This is what everyone asks me. :md I really don't have a \Vhcn hnvc: we been protected under them? Rarel}r. if ever. clear re>ponse. Since <he mceptlon of FICI, for the twenty arc luws on paper complied wnh. More often the ime.rests of years thJt 11 has existed. !here h.~ ne•·er been a woman as thost In power rule. So, regardless of how marvelous our president There h.'tS been female p3ruclpntion and leaderprogram here m the Worlung Group ts, 11 will nt\'er bear >lttp. but thiS has always been •n <he role of S«mary of fruu unless w~ guarantee: it Women-not the pn:siden<:): not. even as head of one of the olher dep.utmcnts. So. lhtS ttme there W:IS a mtr.telc. llow do you feel about the drnft d cclamtion, where d oes FlCI s tond in this regard' How have the: men in the orgtmi:Qtion responded to you. Some J>tOplc believe that, because a universal decla· d<) you reel t hat t hey doub t your capacity? Well. that depends on how you proceed in the work. rntion of human rights already exists. that this adequately covers all of humanity. llut actu.1lly. Indigenous People are not S<)me may have doubts, but In gcnerni, I h:we the total sup· taken adequotcly into account under existing laws. I believe port of my colleagues. If they don't >up port me. I Sl)' th:u lhey that lndtgenous People need to be nddress.:d spocific.tlly. arc not. obeying the desires of the provt!I(Oe. For I was not because we arc different. We h.1•e our own forms of org.1ni- elected b)· JUSI one community but by the provmctal congress. JO ~Yala 1\'aos �WO MAtl To date. I have not had any problems, but rather the support and respect of all the members. \Vhat aboul women'S organiz·ing within the FlCI? Are there groups that work specifically on women's issues? Our form of struggle docs not stop " ;th specific objectives for women. I believe thot this is something imposed by colo· nialism-that women arc to fight for their rights separately. and that men then organize for the men. I don\ agree with this. I believe that we are involved in a joint Struggle where men. women, and children participate. But we can have specific activities as women within this snuggle and there can be specific problems between the genders. after all. machismo still exisls. But what we, as women, are trying to promote is that everyone is respec-ted as an equal. And that everyone understands that women are capable of assuming any responsibility. 'IA'e, as Indigenous people and a$ women ne.ed to have direct relations between our peoples where limita~ions are not imposed. where our spaces are not limited. As women. we need to understand that we are capable of taking any responsibility-that we can move forward. Throughout the world , we heard about d\e Indigenous uprising lruajune that dnew much of lhe country into tur· moil until the Ecuadorian government agreed to negotiate with Indigenous organizations. \Vhat caused the uprising? The central issue was the new agrnrian law. Over the past few years. the National llgrarian Coordinating Body organized by CON/liE held assemblies and workshops in communities to debate agrarian reform. This popular analysis Cltlminated in the "L.1w for Integrated Agriculture", which we presented to the National Congress a year ago. Yet. this proposal was never discussed by congress. In May of this year. the executi\•e branch submitted its own agrarian la\v, FoUo,-.ring our vigor· ous protest, congress rejected this law, but then turned around and approved a virtually identical bill of the dominant conservative party-the Social Democrats. The nationai "Mobilization for Life• erupted from the political and unconsl..ituti6naltnanipulation or this law that direct~ ly affects the live.• of Indigenous people and small fanners in Ecuador. The mobilization began on June 13 and lasted more than eight da)os. It resulted in many deaths. three disappearances. and 540 injured. \Vho was responsible for this violence? Throughout the Mobilization for Life, the government never accepted our proposal for open dialogue. Instead, President Duron's solution was to declare a State of Emergency. In this way, he began to milit~rize target communities. \Vhcn the nlilitary and police were authorized to intervene. the killing began. The deaths and injuries were the product of the govcmment's state of emergency. Vol. 8 No. 4 So. what's the current situation wilh the agrari3n law? Well , the law was approved. But finally, after so n)any deaths, the Tribunal of Constitutional Guarontees declared the law unconstitutional. At the same time. however, the President and the Social Democtats appealed the decision to the Supreme Court. Thus the law was still in force despite the fact that a high-level institution of the s:une state declared it to be unconstitutional. \~'e. of the Agraian Coordinating Body. have appealed to the Supreme Court that it too declare the law unconstitutional. At the same time, a commission was established to re£onn the 1aw. The commission comprised representatives of the: Catholic church . Indigenous organizations, agribusiness and ranching, the national congress. the Social Democrat Party. Ministry of 1\gricuhure, and the President of the Republic himself. Decisions of the commission are simpl)' recommendations. howe\• and mtast still be approved by congress er. where the conservative Social Democrats :trc 1hc majority. ls the government showing good will in relation to Indigenous demands now? 1 there were good will, the government would have acted r before all the violence. We don't believe the re is good will. Rather, the commission 'vas constituted because of the Indigenous movementS demands and the intervention of international organiu.tions. That is why we have dialogue. Still, this is not a dialogue where decisive resolmions can be made. Rather, it is a dialogue similar to that occurring here in the Working Group. Carmen lrnamberna·s organization FICI represems thousands o f Ind igenous people in the Ecuadorian highland s, like these women from Otavato province. 31 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource We Are Involved in a Joint Struggle: Interview With Carmen Irnamberna Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title We Are Involved in a Joint Struggle: Interview With Carmen Irnamberna Item Type Journal Article Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 30-31 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Winter 1994 Language English Abstract Note Abya Yala News interviews Carmen Irnamberna, President of the Federation of Indigenous People and Campesinos of Imbabura, on challenges, issues, and possible repercussions of the Draft Declaration of Indigenous Rights being prepared by the UN Working Group on Indigenous Peoples. Attachment Title We_are_involved_in_a_joint_struggle.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] FICI Human Rights UN Working Group on Indigenous Peoples http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/da151cfe8a29ff844619be1d34b810a6.pdf 6f891760a8710e8f4ec06d943c5cafbd PDF Text Text ORGANIZATION AND Expanding Indigenous Journalism in· Central America ndigenous leaders met in E1 S.1h'11dor from NO\'. 11 -13 for the second Centro! Amencan plnnnmg meeting for the lntcrn:lllon:ll Indigenous Decade. According 10 the I PS news service, represcntnuves focused on plans to boost lnd1an news mcdlo 1n the region. N1cnmguan l ndl~enous leader Mirna Cunnlngh.'\n po1 nted 10 • pilot project bemg camw OUI In N1camgua with md1o and the p~ wh1ch could be ben<flctnl for 1he d.-·elopment of lnd1genous med1a m Ccntml Amenca. She ln(ormrd IPS th.'ll the tr;umng of lndtgenous )oumahsts and professionals ·IS alread)' happemng m the regton. ah hough 01 modest levels." and added that the upgmdmg o( CXIStiOg programs is bcmg sought. ;\dnnn Esquino L1sco. head of the N•uonal Indigenous Association, stated that they were thinking of stnrtlng an lnd1 gcnous mdio station, although they lacked lnfomtatlon on the current situa· tlon R1goberta Menchu. who W:J.S also pr<S<nt at the m<eung, pledgtd the suppon of the Vicente Mcnchu Foundation m undcnnkmg a study of the oaual situotoon and needs of lnd1genous communmos In Guatemala, Hondur3S. N1caroguo Jnd the southern Mexican state of Ch1>p.1S. COMMUNICATION of trust "'sponslbiliues h tstoblished a Zunl on 1ssucs conct'ming n:uu~l resources. S1gnifl(llmly. the pbn uses Zuni religto\IS ond cuhuml valuos :J.S the b:J.Sis for decision-moktng. This approach to development has pro\•isions to provide Imming of Zunis already brought a 8"'"t deal of success to fall profes.~ional positions. the build- to the project and to Zuni. The project ing of gcogmph1c lnformauon systems. now cmploys60 lll:oplc. 59 of which are ond elabomtlon of n resource develop- Zuni. lmplernc.nuuion o( lhe pktn 1$ 1n its first yblr and watershed rehabilitament pion. Intellectual Property R~ghts is one of lion has already begun. Tmd1tional agothe pLOJ«ts prmctpal concerns. 2um are culture IS molong a comeback and trndl· in the process of deflmng for themselves uon>l technolog)' lor ci'0$1on control IS what Zum tmellectu>l proptny IS and being tncorpomt<d mto the rthabohta· what t)'pt of "pLOt<ctton" they would non \\rork. lnd1gcnous communuzes hkr to sec for thts proptrt)CTrodutoml tntemauon.tlly have shown amerest in seeds, for exnmple. need to be plotect· the ptOJCClS appro.1Ch to communuyed. but cnnnot be used-¢,-en by b:J.Sed development ZunlS-for commerdol purposes. $.1cred sues. religtous ani(:~cts. trodiuonal an Tribal Sovereignty: Back to the styles. l:mgungc. religtous ceremonies. Future? songs. and medicimd plants nre other his symposiUm on the rights ond status of Indigenous people was types Of "property" COnSidered for pro· tection . sponsored by 1he St. Thomas University. A related yet sepamte Issue is that its Hun10n Rights Institute, its law of cultural preservntlon. Many of school. and the Oklahoma Cuy Zunt5. tradhaons have endured the pas• Umverslty Notlve Amerlcon Legal 500 years. Zum contmue to pracuce Rcsoun:e Center. It took place m ~hami, rchgoous and cultuml tmdiuons that Flonda on Dec I and 2 The conference. ongmatcd thous.mds of years >go. The addressed issues or lod1311 culture and past 50 yc.• rs. howe\'tr. have brought sptritu>hty "" well M cbiOIS of tnlxtl about ropld chongcs In dcmograph1cs 50\'treignt)' and cnucal IS>Ues of fcdcral and hfestylt. The Conserv:mon project lndL1n law. ond was designed 10 Crt.lte a holds that much of I he do mage 10 Zuni launchmg pad for ongoing research and lands "'suhcd from the breaking of ana.lysos. Zuni Conservation Project traduional forms of land manngcmcnt. The conference fcaturcd • broad Pushes Sustainable and know~ that traditional methods array of subject m~ner ond expen Development are much more sustnlnnble, and strh·es speakers from Bmzll to Alnskn. Papers he Zuni Tnbe loc~ned in wesHcn- 10 mcorpomtc and rtjuvenme the use from the conference and highlights of tml New Mexico fomted the Zuni of traditional technologies and prac- the discussions will be published in a Conscrvntlon Pl\)jcct in 199 1 to serve as lices into nnturnl resource use plan· special Spring 1995 issue of the Sr. th~ir dcl):'rCmem of n:uurnl resources. ning. Thomas l.aw Re••fcw. The Zuni communuy has approximately By the end of 1993. the Zuni 9,000 pe-ople. In 1990, p.15Sag< of the Conse"•auon Pro.JC(t completed a plan For mot< lnformattoto: the Zuni Conservauon Act enabled of acuon fe>< sustaonablc development Pnlf"'-"'' Slrtfru:d ll'f<»tt<r. Clwlr. Sutnng l>unchlng of 1hc project The Act was -the Zuno ~rce o.:,·elopment Plan. Commlll« Tribal Sowr<~g~~ly S)Oijli>Wm. J>35$d to cnd Ol.'lny >~rs of litiW~tion This pbn follows the forn~11 of the UN'S S<. ThDrnM UnM"'IJI S<looal cf l.a"' >g>lnst the US Go\'cmment for damage Ag.onda 21 doeumem. tn se1ung gu1dc- 16-ICO N IV J2nd "'~ Mwmt, fl<>nd<J JJOSi. to Zum l•ncb ond f10m mismanag.omem hnes. goals. and .lCioon obJCcti\'CS for Td; (lOS) 62J.2JOS, FGX. (lOS) 62J-2.J90 I T 16 Sl7 moUton trust fund to set up a system of bnd management to rehobilit;ue nnd conserve Zums land and natu.ml resources. Also Included In the Act ore T � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zuni Conservation Project Pushes Sustainable Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Zuni Conservation Project Pushes Sustainable Item Type Journal Article Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 36 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Winter 1994 Language English Abstract Note An indigenous tribe in New Mexico is implementing a sustainable development plan that draws from the tribe's traditional forms of land management. Attachment Title Zuni_conservation_project.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Agriculture Intellectual Property Rights sustainability Zuni Conservation Act http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/d7c6173b3aba075f6a011ab478440fad.pdf cda88468e6a2fb0d6d6e6500920e18d6 PDF Text Text SOUTH AND MESO AMERICAN I NDIAN I NFORMATION CENTER Newsletter Vol 6 No 3, Spring & Summer 1992 Linking Indian People of the Americas �Contents AMAZON March from Pastaza to Quito (Ecuador) .................. Sacha Yachana Research Center (Ecuador) ............. Military Reserves on Indian Lands (Brazil) ................ Spreading Venereal Diseases (Brazil) ...................... Inte rv iew with President of ONIC (Colombia) ........... 4 8 9 9 10 SOUTHERN CONE The Mataco Face Cholera Outbreak (Argentina) ...... 500 Years of Epidemics (Argentina) ....................... Letter from PIRCA (Argentina) ................................. Pehuenche Lands Still Not Secured (Chile) ............... Mapuche Protest Forced Eviction (Chile) .................. Mapuches Living under Ozone Hole (Chile) ............. 14 15 15 16 17 17 ANDES Indian and Campesino Leaders Meet (Bolivia) .......... 18 Drought Forces Aymara to Migrate (Bolivia) ............. 19 Indigenous Help Draft Constitution (Colombia) ........ 20 MESO AMERICA CONIC Meeting in Kuna Yala (Panama). ................ Police Raid Indian Cooperative (El Salvador) ........... Dangerous Agricultural Reforms (Mexico) ................ Indians Violently Evicted in Palenque (Mexico) ......... Logging Deal Blocked (Honduras) ........................... Proposal to Create Biosphere (Honduras) ................ 22 24 25 26 27 28 NORTH AMERICA Inuit win Back Territorry (Canada) .......................... 29 I NDIAN WOMEN Inte rv iew with Carmen Pereira (Bolivia) ................... 30 CONFERENCES ....................................................... 32 Indigenous People's Alliance .................................. 23 Second CONIC Meeting ....................................... 23 OTHER NEWS Letter to the Pope ................................................... 34 Indigenous Leaders Sign Paris Declaration ............... 34 UNCED ................................................................ 35 Available Items ........................ Back Page Mail: PO Box 28703 Oakland, California 94604 Office: 1212 Broadway, #830 Oakland, California 94612 Phone: (510) 834-4263 Fax: (510)-834-4264 Peacenet E-mail: saiic@igc.org SAIIC Staff Coordinator: Nilo Cayuqueo Coordinator Assistants: Eva Aguilar Veilleux -Jim Freeman Development Coordinator: Karl Guevara Erb Accounting: Quipus Radio Program Coordinator: Carlos Maibeth Design & Typesetting: El Andar Publications SAIIC Board of Directors Gina Pacaldo (San Carlos Apache/ Chicana),Nilo Cayuqueo (Mapuche Argentina), Carlos Maibeth (MiskitoNicaragua), Wara Alderete (CalchaquiArgentina), Xihuanel Huerta (Chicanlndia), Guillermo Delgado (Quechua-Bolivia), Lucilene Whitesell (Amazonia Native-Brasil) The SAIIC Newsletter (ISSN 1056-5876) is published 2-4 times per year and available for an annual $15 personal membership, $25 for an organizational membership, or $ at certain newstands. For membership, you will also receive Urgent Actions bulleti ns. We would like to thank the following people and organizations for their generous assistance and donations to SAIIC. A Central Place, Peter Veilleux, Juan Aulestia (Oxfam), Jeffrey Bronfman, Karima Cammell, Theodore Downing, Dianne Engleke, Ethnic News Watch, Fellowship of Reconciliation,W. H. Carol Ferry, Howard Frederick, Abby Friedman, Dan Greenwood, Rick Hamouris, Incomindios, David Lauer, Andrew Mutter, Sergio Montaño, Alfonso Palmas, Robert Patton, Joe Quigley, Rainforest Action Network, Julie Rogers, Judy Wells. Thanks to the following foundations for their generous support : The John D. & Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, General Service Foundation, Tides Foundation, Funding Exchange, Seventh Generation Fund, Agricultural Mission, United Church of Christ, Peace Development Fund, Vanguard Foundation, Oneway Trust, Highlander Center-Environment and Democracy Campaign, Compu Mentor, Damien Foundation. �Editorial Since the publication of our previous SAIIC Newsletter, Indigenous unity and continental organizing continues to be a subject of dynamic discussion. More Indigenous peoples have been contacted, and we have witnessed encounters with younger leaders, men and women, who continue to take political responsabilities within Indian communities. This year's meetings have resulted in strengthening ties among Indigenous peoples. They have helped to clarify our positions within the larger spectrum of societies, and international organizations. The Indigenous perspective is contributing to promote a process of mental decolonization, and is opening spaces of dialogue unknown before. Some are Demands continue to considered positive as in the case others have SAIIC, we are questioned. Hoover, untenable , truggle of continue to receive reports of the s Indigenous people in their efforts to achieve greater levels of influence. These have increased as thes e groups better uunderstand current nation-stat es. their own Printed on Recycled Paper PRINTED WITH SOY INK �AMAZON Ecuador AMAZON I NDIANS DEMAND TO B E HEARD We come to speak in the name of all In the last three years the Ecuadorian the lives of the jungle, especially for those government has been intensifying the explowhich are disappearing. ration and exploitation of the natural resources in the Amazon region, especially in the Pastaza They are the water spirits: Province, homeland of the Quichua, Shiwiar the Yacurunas. and Achuar Indians. As a way to defend their They are the jungle spirits: territory the Indian People, led by OPIP, have the Sacharunas. They are the fertility spirits. been trying to persuade the government and They are the sowing spirits. oil companies to recognize Indian territories They are the harvesting spirits. and conduct rational exploitation of the reThey are the gods of abundance. sources in these territories. After exhausting the possibility of a negotiated settlement, the Allpamanda! Causaimanda! Indians felt their only recourse was to march Jatarishum! on the capitol. (For land! For life! We all rise up!) Thus on April 21, 1992 10,000 marchers — from a flyer distributed by the marchers arrived in Quito, led by 2,000 Indians from the 4 Pastaza Province, to demand that the Indian voices be heard. The marchers called on the government to legally recognize their territories, and reform the National Constitution to protect the different nationalities and cultures ofEcuador. The Indians a re demanding control over the largest remaining Amazon rainforest lands. Under very heavy military guard, the government of President Rodrigo Borja partially met their demands by officially recognizing over two and a half million of the almost five million acres of lands they occupy. The government also called for a special session of Congress to review Indigenous Peoples' demand for constitutional reform. SAIIC Newsletter �Woman with bouquet at the march The Amazon march was coordinated by the Organization of Indigenous People of Pastaza (OPIP) as a response to nearly three years of fruitless dialogue between the government and the national Indian federations, culminating in the government's refusal to legalize the Indian territories and its acquiescence to pressure from trans-national oil, timber, mining and tourism industries to exploit the Amazon rainforest. The Quichua, Shiwiar, Zaparo and Achuar marchers were following in the footsteps of their ancestors. Ninety years ago, led by the legendary chief Palati, leaders of these groups marched from their communities in Pastaza to the capitol of Quito to meet with the government over the rights to the territory which they have occupied for a millennium. The leaders returned to their communities with a title to all the lands of the Pastaza Province. This title to seven-million acres was buried and forgotten when the chief died. On April 23, President Borja warmly greeted and thanked the Indians for their courage and agreed to negotiate the first of their demands of the legalization of their traditional territories. Despite the warm welcome and promises, the peaceful marchers were met by a massive contingent of police and military in riot gear and army tanks. Tito Merino, the communications coordinator of OPIP commented wryly that he did not realize that Ecuador was at war. Vol 6 Num 3 One hundred of the Indian leaders were allowed to pass through the military blockade to present their demands to President Borja. Indian leaders, from Luis Macas, the President of the National Indian Confederation of Ecuador (CONAIE), to a traditional midwife urging the President to legally recognize Indian rights. The negotiations with the Indian People of Pastaza reached a deadlock over the government's refusal to legally recognize Indian territory which falls within a 25 by 120 mile swath of land along the Peruvian border. The main force blocking the legalization of these lands is the Ecuadorian Institute for Agrarian Reform and Colonization (IERAC). IERAC claims that this border area is necessary for "national security" and h as re- Ecuadorian March cently begun a campaign to colonize the region under a program known as "Living bor- ders." Citing the loss of nearly half its territory to Peru this century, the Ecuadorian government claims it is encouraging development along its borders to prevent further incursions. The Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza are not asking for areas already colonized, but only land which they currently use. Close to 35 percent of the Pastaza Indian communities are located within the border region slated for colonization. They are demanding that this security zone be reduced considerably. On May 13th, the Borja administration formally handed over title to over one-half of the Indian-occupied lands. The Indians claim that all of their territory must be legalized and that these lands be contiguous so as not to separate communities of the same nation. Instead, the government is recognizing 19 separate blocks of lands as the properties of individual communities. The military charges that the Indians are attempting to divide the country by claiming their "nation-hood." CONAIE disagrees. "In no way are we calling for dissolution of the Ecuadorian State. We only want our country to legally recognize the fact that we Ecuadorians are made up of different nations and cultures," stated one member of CONAIE. The Indians suspect that oil interests are at the root of the government's reluctance to formally recognize all their territory. PetroEcuador, the pow5 �Rally In a town after the march erful branch of the Ecuadorian government which oversees oil concessions to trans-national oil companies, announced the day before the marchers arrived in Quito that the US based oil company, ARCO, had discovered a huge reserve of oil within the territories being claimed by the marchers. OPIP organized the march to prevent the ecological and cultural devastation which they witnessed in the Northern and Southern Ecuadorian Amazon regions. Due mostly to oil development, Ecuador has the highest deforestation rate of any South American country. The Pastaza province contains the largest remaining pristine rainforest in Ecuador. Since Ecuador's oil boom began in the early 1970s, over twelve million acres of Amazon rainforest have been turned over to trans-national oil corporations. Millions of gallons of oil and toxic waste by-products have been spilled or dumped into the rainforest, contaminating the soil, air and water. O il development has brought deforestation, colonization, militarization, prostitution, alcoholism, violence, poverty, malnutrition and disease to the Indigenous Peoples. "They treat it [the Amazon] like a box full of resources," says Tito Me ri no on the government's attitude toward the Amazon, "They turn it upside down and shake it out and leave nothing for those who live there." "We marched along with the men to Quito to demand the recognition of our ancestral territories," said Patricia Gualinga, a Quichu women from the Sarayacu commu6 nity. "The women in Amazonia are fighting together to defend our people from the oil companies' threats to our territories. The oil companies come in and they bring disruptive ideas. They are trying to change the way our men act. One example is that they a re trying to prostitute our women. So, we have to be strong. Some women get pregnant. This is very bad for the community. The women feel embarrassed, and they move to the cities." Along with their demands, OPIP presented a natural resource management pl an in which they explained their traditional, nondestructive use of the forest, "not only for short-term benefit, but for the benefit of the children of our grandchildren." The concept of indigenous territoriality is a fairly new one for the Ecuadorians. The only lands currently recognized as Indian territories in the country a re those occupied by the Huaorani—also located in Pastaza—and the Awa on the Colombian border. These territories were legalized in the 1980s due to international pressure placed on the government. Over the last decade, environmental and human rights activists have become increasingly aware that ter ri to ri al rights a re necessary for the survival of Indigenous Peoples and for the protection of rainforests. OPIP now wants to extend these territories to include the rest of the Pastaza Indian lands. They claim that terri torial rights a re necessary in order to guarantee the survival of their cultures and their communities. The Organization of Indigenous People of Pastaza is calling on the government to change Article I of the Constitution to read, "Ecuador is a pluri-national, sovereign, independent, democratic and unified state which recognizes, protects and respects cultural diversity." Most South American countries have either reformed or are in the process of reforming their constitutions to recognize and protect the rights of Indigenous People. However, the popular concept in Ecuador is still that Indians belong to the past, part of what is known as "folklo re ," to be commercially exploited. In an attempt to contrive a single and uniform cultural identity, the government has been actively promoting the "integration" and "civilization" of Indian people since its formation in 1830. This strategy has led to the social, economic, and political exclusion or exploitation of Indian people who comprise 40-45% of the total population of Ecuador. After three weeks of camping in a public park in Quito, the Indians left with less than they came for. They gained the titles to little more than one-half of the lands they use and Congress called a special session in June to review the Indians' demand for constitutional re form. Another important achievement was winning the hearts of the Ecuadorian people. Long thought of as "invisible savages," the Indians are now recognized as courageous and articulate people. The marchers met in Puyo, the capitol of Pastaza, on April 10th, many of them having SAIIC Newsletter �Argentina HISTORICAL REUNION OF THE MAPUCHE NATION After one hundred years, the first reunion of the Mapuche nation took place in Neuquen, Argentina. Over a hundred lonkos, spiritual leaders of Nagmapu, Chile, and over 200 traditional leaders of different communities in Argentina met to analyze the situation of marginalization and oppression that the national states of Chile and Argen ti na are imposing on the Mapuche people. They also reaffirmed their historical rights of existence as a nation, the rights to exercise their traditional law and speak their own language, and walked and canoed there from their communities 150 miles away on the Peruvian border. Men, women and children nervously set out from Puyo on the 11th in the pouring rain, holding leaves and plastic over their heads to keep dry. When they entered a community, throngs of people met them, offering donations and support. On their fourth day out, they were greeted by musicians and a fiesta in the Indian village of Salasaca. The community had built bamboo huts in the center of town for the marchers to rest. The "Salasacas" opened all public facili ties to them and greeted them with speeches of solidarity. Over one-half of the marchers' enormous needs for firewood, food, drink, blankets, clothing, shelter and medicine were met by donations from communities along their route. In a press release, the Indians stated, "Our historic walk has definitively changed the relations between Indian people and the white/mestizo society: the demonstrations of solidarity with our objectives a re a clear sign that it is possible for us to live side-by-side, respectful of unity within our diversity." Many of the marchers came down with severe colds and were treated by one of the doctors and/or shamans accompanying the march. The people of the Pastaza rainforest are accustomed to a very warm climate at near sea-level. During the march, they had to climb to al ti tudes of up to 14,000 feet where the nights were sometimes below freezing. In reaction to the gala jubilee celebra- Vol 6 Num 3 agreed on the creation of a Mapuche flag. The reunion ended with a ceremony with the participation of more than a thousand people. A complete report will be published in the next SAIIC newsletter. Also for more information write to: Nehuen Mapu Barri o Islas Maluinas Batilana 315, Neuquen, Argentina tions being planned by governments and corporate interests throughout the Americas and Europe to mark the 500 years since Columbus began the process of colonization of Indian lands, leaders of the march declared, "Now is the ti me for de-colonization, the time to recognize our rich cultures and build a new Ecuador." 7 �Ecuador SACHA YACHANA The Sacha Yachana Research Center (CISAY) was created in February 1992 as the scientific arm of the Organization of Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza (OPIP). It was established to advise OPIP and its member communities and associations on issues related to the management and conservation of ecosystems in the indigenous peoples' territories of Pastaza. The goals of CISAY are: o To conduct studies of indigenous peoples' territories and their natural and managed ecosystems ° To research cultural and ecologically sound socio-economic development plans for Indigenous communities o To evaluate governmental and nongovernmental organizations' economic development projects for Pastaza that affect indigenous peoples' territories. ° To evaluate governmental and NGO scientific projects within Pastaza's indigenous peoples' territories. o To develop guidelines for scientific research, socio-economic development, resource extraction, and conservation within indigenous peoples' territories in Pastaza. CISAY's finances and management are independent from OPIP. However, CISAY is accountable to the policies emanating from OPIP's congresses and assemblies. A diagram of CISAY's internal organization follows. CRITERIA FOR THE SELECTION OF CANDIDATES FOR CISAY'S SCIENTIFIC TEAM 1. A workshop for team pre-candidates will take place in Puyo in May 1992. The theme of the workshop will be: natural resources and environment, traditional Quichua knowledge, environmental policy. 2. Candidates will be chosen because they are: bilingual (Quichua/Spanish); at least high school graduates; inclined to work 8 on environmental issues; and, experienced in community activities and organizations. 3.Team members will be chosen among those who have: good training, a commitment and understanding of indigenous and environmental issues, understanding of the national mestizo/creole society and the other ethnic groups of Ecuador, and also on the basis that they exercise their traditional and cultural practices. Currently, CISAY is formed by Leonardo Viteri, Director; Alfredo Vargas , Hydraulic Engineer; Wilfrido Aragon, Zootechnist; Olga Pineda, Research Assistant; Maritza Toala, Secretary; and Ricardo Grefa, Cartographer. THE ORGANIZATION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF PASTAZA (OPIP) OPIP was established in 1978 by the Quichua, Achuar, Shiwiar, and Zaparo peoples of Pastaza. It is formed by 148 communities with a population of nearly 20,000 people. The grass-roots members of OPIP are organized in centers (settlements); and associations (groups of centers). The first authority of OPIP is the Congress which meets every three years with delegations from each community. Additionally, there are annual assemblies and ordinary bi-annual assemblies. OPIP also h as aboard of directors elected by the Congress which are: President, Vice President; Director of Promotion and Organization; Director of Territories and Natural Resources; Director of Education, Science and Technology; Director of Community Health; Director of Community Development; and Director of Women in Development. The goals of OPIP are: 1.To promote the unity and develop the organization of the peoples of Pastaza. 2. To obtain land rights to our ancestral territories from the government of Ecuador. 3. To develop policies for conservation and sustainable management of natural resources on our territories, for the benefit of indigenous people and for the rest of humankind. SAIIC Newsletter �Brasil MILITARY RESERVES ON INDIAN LANDS I N THE AMAZON The Brazilian military controls 25 million acres of land in the Amazon. Presidential decress have alloted and reserved 36 areas for the armed forces. According to Angelo Pansa, an Italian priest who is a member of the International T ribunal for the Rights of the People and who is also active in CIMI (Indigenous Council of Missionaries) there are 6 areas that trancede Indigenous lands, totally or partially. In the southern part of the state of Pará, where 2,600 Indians live, the military holds 16 million acres, an area twice the size of the Kayapó Indian rese rv e. The majority of the land reserved for the military is devoted to the establishment of living quarters, the stationing of battalions and border platoons as well as for military training in areas that a re remote and sparsely populated. Source: Jornal do Comércio, 2111192 (via alternex) GOLD-MINERS AND SOLDIERS SPREADING VENEREAL DISEASES TO INDIGENOUS WOMEN Indigenous women and young girls in the Amazon have been contracting venereal diseases from gold miners and soldiers. According to CIMI (Indigenous Missionary Council) and Indigenous leaders from Pará, Amazonas and Acre, many of them, lured to the cities, end up in brothels and in the trafficking of babies throughout the Amazon. "Prostitution among indigenous girls is alarming. Indigenous women come to the city and don't have job qualifications, so selling their bodies becomes the only alternative", said Antonio Apurina, Coordinator of UNI-Acre (The Union of Indigenous People in Acre). Anthropologist Antonio Maria de Souza confirms that soldiers have been known to gang rape Indian women in the city of Sao Gab ri el da Cachoeira, on the border of Brazil and Colombia, in the state of Amazonas. Source: Folha de Sao Paulo, 2/10/92 (via alternex) Vol 6 Num 3 9 �Colombia I NTERVIEW WITH ALFONSO PALMA PRESIDENT OF ON IC SAIIC: What region do you come from and who do you represent? AP: My name is Alfonso Palmas, I come from the department of Tolima from the inte ri or of the country, and represent ONIC (Organization of Indigenous Nationalities of Colombi an ), of which I have been the president since June, 1990. SAIIC: What is the role of ONIC? AP: Our role is to train, orient and promote organization in the indigenous communities, because we believe that it is the indigenous peoples who must look for solutions to our own problems. ONIC promotes programs, we like to promote inter-ethnic relations among the different ethnic groups in the country and with those in other countries. SAIIC: What is the indigenous population of Colombia, and how many groups are there? AP: There are about 100 indigenous groups, and we speak more than 80 languages and a re located all over the country. SAIIC: How would you desc ri be the situation of the indigenous communities in Colombia? AP: Up to this moment the wave of violence against indigenous peoples continues in Colombia: very often the leaders are persecuted and even assassinated. We continue to face colonization of traditional lands — that is indigenous lands a re still being taken — 10 o o Alfonso Palma, center, describing the situation In Colombia at the SAIIC office with representatives of the Tonantzln Land institute and Bay Area Indian Alliance the drug problem, guerri lla organizations... all these groups have lack of respect for the indigenous communities. In addition, a major problem is that of communication, there is no permanent communication. We have no means to communicate among ourselves, much less with indigenous communities of other countries. The state does not provide us with anything, in fact the government has sponsored division among us by creating organizations simil ar to, but self-sufficient from those of the indigenous peoples. Therefore we cannot analyze or understand other communities problems, nor can we be updated on issues which involve us, or evaluate the actual national situation. Another problem is the exploitation of natural resources by foreign and even national companies. They never consult with the in- digenous communities and their acts only bring more problems for us. First of all, the cultural clash. Then, contamination of all living creatures and plants, and death of our people. Also, we have land but no means to produce, and if we do produce then the production goes through an intermediary and this person retains all the profit, leaving the indigenous with little or almost nothing. SAIIC: C an you tell us about the massacre of Dec. 16 and what ONIC does in such cases? AP: In Colombia there are, legally speaking, "indigenous reservations", these cannot be sold nor rented (leased), and they ar e imprescriptible; that is the indigenous communities c an claim them whenever they want. In this c as e there are many territories SAIIC Newsletter �with colonial titles that belong to the indigenous communities, but the farmers, ranchers, and landowners, and production companies have kicked out indigenous communities by violent means, and this is what has happened in Colombia. In the case of the massacre, the killing took place in the department of Cauca in the PAES territory, where they had been reclaiming their land from the government for four years. However, this land h as been invaded by big landowners who form large groups and send them to kill the indigenous. In this case, the indigenous had communicated to the government about their claims, however, the State did not answer, therefore the massacre took place. In these cases, ONIC, first of all issues denunciations at the national and international levels. We've denounced this and many other problems which a re unknown to the international community. For example, the massacre of December last year, where five compañeros were burned alive by narcotraffickers. We denounce all of this violence against indigenous peoples. Last year ONIC met with the Government Ministry, and the senators and we demanded that the state respond to all of these acts of terror and what the State was doing to investigate. Until now, all we know is that there is an investigative commission and that there is a negotiation being carried with the institute of land reform. However, we are pessimistic about these type of investigations because our experience is that such investigations do not bring any results, as occurred with the indigenous peoples of the Aruaco community, where the armed forces and even government people were involved, and nothing was ever done. In that case, more than 20 compañeros were assassinated. SAIIC: What are the activities of ONIC planned for 1992? AP: At the local level, we a re working with the organizations in the inte ri or of the indigenous communities. We are working with students, professors, the popular sectors, blacks, environmentalists and other people who see in the campaign a positive aspect, that it is important to reflect and cultivate our magnificent and rich culture, also that we evaluate and reflect what these 500 years have meant for our culture. Also in the Vol 6 Num 3 proposals for the Constitution we have to make clear that Colombia is a multi-ethnic pluricultural country, and we have to work closely with other indigenous peoples who are working on the campaign, who have similar and different problems, so that we c an create bonds of fraternity and unity among indigenous and non-indigenous peoples. SAIIC: There were 3 indigenous representatives elected to the congress of the country. Who are they? What are their proposals to the national Constitution? AP: Compañero Gab ri el Muyuy, representing ONIC, and Anatolio Quira of the Social Indigenous Alliance and Floro Alberto of the Auto ri dades Indígenas de Colombia. They represent different indigenous sectors, however we are trying to work in unity and present our proposals together. In addition, we believe that by having our own representatives we can have a voice; we are open to work with other people and like that other sectors of the society of Colombia work with us in problems which affect not only the indigenous peoples but all Colombians. Concerning the issues of the national Assembly, we have obtained that in the constitution it be stated that Colombia is a pluricultural state; the harmony of many cultures is declared; the issue that the state must protect our national identity, that is our customs, traditions, language, all that makes us different. We have now achieved the recognition of our languages in our territories, that education be bilingual. We have about 40 groups who live near the border with other countries and the governments do not understand that for indigenous peoples there are no borders. So now they have double nationality. Another achievement is the recognition of ownership of our territories. Right now there is a discussion with the government because the government does not want to recognize territories traditionally occupied, which are large extensions. They want to recognize only the reservations; now we will struggle for the recognition of traditional lands, reservations. For this we are proposing a pl an to the government so that we do not have foreigners coming to our communities and pl an our development, but instead that this planning be left to us, once 11 �we're trained. Another important aspect is that of jurisdiction; that is each community has its own form of sanction and imposition of penalties. We will try to fix this according to the national system. Now this is considered. Another issue is that in relation to the natural resources, its exploitation must be consulted with the indigenous peoples. For this we a re hoping to write a guide, rules from all indigenous Peoples communities, that will be followed, because even if there are already laws they do not represent our view, nor are they followed. However we must organize within the communities, so that we c an face the problems and present plans. For this we are planning a mee ti ng for December 1992 to discuss the problems we have, how will we participate politically speaking. INCORA is the institute in charge of h an -dlingasue,coft;hralge extensions which have been traditionally occupied by the indigenous peoples who have always lived there and have no titles for it. They are called "traditionally occupied". The reservations are where INCORA has handled titles, but this sort of land is not defined yet. SAIIC: If you could realize anything in the world, this year of 1992, what is the outcome you would hope for? AP: At our level it will be that the Constitution serve our interests and not those of a few people, as has happened historically. We want to retain our cultures. We hope to unify at the con ti nental level. We want to avoid past mistakes and work towards understanding among different communities; we are not going to celebrate the genocide, we want to analyze the past so that we can work for the future. We want to make demands on the UN since 1993 has been declared the year of indigenous peoples. We want a strong United Nations (UN) presence so that human rights violations be watched carefully and that something more than just condemnations be made. We want protection. SAIIC: What role do you see the government playing in this multi-ethnic and pluricultural state? 12 AP: I believe that the government should facilitate changes. They are not only indigenous peoples but blacks and other groups; the government should protect the culture and promote overall cultural development. SAIIC: What do you say to the Crioles, Campesino people who are afraid of losing land while indigenous peoples recuperate their lands? AP: First of all, we are not claiming land which is not ours. Our claims are over lands which we have been on for hundreds of years; therefore we believe that if there a re cases where there are Campesinos who have come to our land due to many problems, we demand the government car ry out an integral agrarian reform, that they be relocated to lands where there are no indigenous communities, and to lands where they c an survive and develop economically. SAIIC: What ONIC is doing about education? AP: We are talking to the government. We are participating in certain areas of education, such as health and agriculture. We believe that the state should provide access to education for indigenous peoples because it is only in this form that we c an become independent and govern ourselves. SAIIC: C an you comment on the continental struggle against 500 years of colonization? AP: By being here and after exchanging views and talks with other people, I acknowledged the we the indigenous peoples all through the continent face the same problems such as land recognition, development, etc.. We must acknowledge how can we unify and defend ourselves as communities. First of all, indigenous peoples' lands must be recognized. Secondly, the state must respect cultures, different cultures from those which were brought to Latin America by the Europeans. Therefore we must communicate and join together in order to demand this from states and from the UN. We need to develop a means of communication. We need to know the problems of our brothers and sisters in other countries. In reference to SAIIC Newsletter �the campaign, we must develop the campaign in an autonomous form that is because the situation, even if it similar, is also unique in each country. We do have commonalities. We have to negate these state celebrations and come up with specific proposals, because for us the campaign does not end this October. In fact, this is only the beginning; the plans of the Indigenous Continental Alliance is to continue working for the rights of indigenous peoples and others with similar problems to those we have. Therefore the campaign for us goes beyond this year. SAIIC: What does development means for Indigenous Peoples in Colombia? At the community level, we c an talk about how to develop solutions, alternatives on development. In Colombia we are trying to find solutions for our communities. AP: In Colombia, with the so-called economic internationalization, or the economic aperture, the indigenous communities will suffer problems because most of these projects carried out in the name of development will exploit and explore the wealth, the natural resources, diversity, wild life. In the area of the Choco (Pacific coast) and the Amazon, the resources are being negotiated behind our backs. These negotiations are going to be carried out among the government and the large foreign companies. They do not consider the people living there. We a re never consulted. We need to put international pressure on the government. SAIIC: What do these Con ti nental Conferences mean for the communities? SAIIC: What is economic development for indigenous peoples in your opinion? AP: First of all, we discuss and share to analyze the situation of the indigenous people of the con tinent. We want to know what the specific problems of indigenous peoples are. Once we acknowledge this, we c an start to think about solutions, alternatives which we ourselves formulate. Those encounters try to find this diagnosis of the problems, but also through them we solidify our links at the continental level. AP: First of all, let's look at the word development, for us development is not just economics, it is integral; that is to have autonomy, to have organizational and administrative capacity. In these terms, when promoted like this, we can realize development for the community as a whole. Most of the ti me when talking about economic development, it means to have economic possibilities for the betterment of our compañeros. For us, however, it would not just mean individually, but at the collective level; it means to propose solutions for the community. We have to generate many alternatives such as appropriation of technology, credit possibilities, adaptation of an economy proper to us, an economy that allows us to con trol our means, that allows the communities to develop their autonomy. In Colombia, since we have such a variety of indigenous peoples, we say that our country c an achieve development once the communities and their cultures have developed to the upmost. This identity of the country is important to look at from different points of view, in the mutual harmony of different communities, so that we learn to live and recognize cultural and historical differences, which have been denied for 500 years. We consider that this identity of Colombia must be looked at from its territorially, regions, religions, anthologies, different cultures, rites, practices. We have to analyze what is Colombia, because throughout all of the years in Colombia others have been wanting to impose one culture, different to ours, and this is not possible. We are a country rich on cultural traits, therefore we must try to live in harmony among all of these cultures. Vol 6 Num 3 SAIIC: C an you talk to us about environmental organizations in Colombia? AP: I believe that the environmental organizations and indigenous peoples have one thing in common, that is the defense of nature, of the environment. However, we indigenous peoples go beyond that, we defend human life too. We have to initiate a dialogue so that we can work for nature but also for human life. Environmental organizations c an coordinate international actions so that projects are carried out only if indig- enous peoples have been consulted. We really need to work on a dialogue in order to see how indigenous peoples c an work together with environmental organizations. SAIIC: Could you please talk about culture in Colombia? AP: One of the main purposes of ONIC is to protect and promote indigenous peoples' cultures. We consider that culture is an authentic expression of peoples or a specific group; that is, their very own traditions, practices, form of government, values, organization, adaptation to changes maintaining their values. One of our achievements has been the recognition of a multi-ethnic society, country. For us, education is important because through it we learn to value our culture, because right now we have problems mainly with religious organizations which want to wipe out our cultures and create foreign one. Through education we value our cultures and learn the differences SAIIC: What about oil companies in Colombia? AP: There are now oil companies going to Colombia wanting to explo re and exploit our lands in search of oil and other precious minerals. In our proposals to the constitutional reforms we proposed recognition of our right to the land; that is, the soil and subsoil, because for us land is property which belongs to the community and soil and subsoil are not separate, they a re an integral part. However the state did not want to recognize this right, because they know there is enormous wealth, so there is an article which states that where there are minerals, oil, or other exploitable resources there will be consultations with the indigenous peoples. At this point the foreign companies are experimenting in many places in order to find oil and other resources. Where there is oil the government takes the land even if it belongs to the indigenous peoples. It is for this reason that we believe it is crucial that we organize so that we can defend ourselves, that we learn Spanish so that we can talk their language and conduct a dialogue. March 1992 13 �Tartagal. Gerardo Tortelli, a medical doctor who lives in Salta, arrived in Misión La Paz and said that, "drinking water in this area is contaminated with cholera, but we cannot do much about it, except to tell people to add the chlorine we a re distributing to the water, and to boil it before drinking." Landowners in Salta, Argen tina, have used the cholera epidemic to accuse Indian communities of hosting such diseases. Journalists asked Health Minister Julio César Aráoz, if it was true that local landowners had said that "due to a bunch of shitty Indians our Province will lose a lot of money." The Minister answered, "Whoever is thinking that way is stupid and inhuman... What I am interested in is not the Salta landowners, but people infected with cholera, and not trying to confine it to this sector [the Indians']. Afterwards we will talk to the landlords." Local landowners, exporters of fruits and produce, have pressured Health Minister, Julio Cesar Araoz into not reporting the presence of cholera in Salta, "because the cholera presence would affect the export and sales of our produce on the market." Argentina The Mataco of the Gran Chaco Health Secretary Alberto Mazza reported to President Menem, the press corps and administrators in Tartagal, that the total number of people with cholera has risen to 154 cases Mazza also noted that the cholera type is different from that in Bolivia and Peru, and that most of the affected people a re children. Source: El Tribuno (Jujuy) and written by journalists Diana Alvarez and Walter Echazu The following is excerpted from a letter to the newsletter in Boletin de las ComunidaesAbríg. December, 1991 ................................ HARASSED AS THEY FACE CHOLERA OUTBREAK More than one hundred Ma taco and Toba people who have lived for centuries in the Gr an Chaco, a territory that comprises the colonial boundaries between Bolivia, Argen ti na and Paraguay, are facing incredible hardships due to an outbreak of cholera on the Pilcomayu River where they traditionally fish. Local authorities have been accusing the Ma taco of being responsible for the cholera outbreak, and have closed off the Mataco's territory, not allowing them to leave, nor allowing people to enter their territory. This forced isolation by the Argentinian authorities h as led the Mataco to denounce their discriminatory treatment. "Our source of life is the Pilcomayu ri ver. If we a re not allowed to fish there, we will die not of cholera, but of hunger," said Noe and Martin Bravo. The Ma taco harvest squ as h and watermelon on their tiny plots of l an d, but they have been forbidden to sell, buy, or exchange with local merchants. Ma taco Indians also live from selling folk art, and their small surplus of produce and fruits. "Authorities do not allow us to leave or travel," a Ma ta co Indian recently reported in 14 I am writing to inform you that our work continues at our own pace: we are preserving the production of quinoa and kiwicha seeds, and it looks like some small farmers in the south of Mendoza are seriously considering cultiv acing them commercially. We are in touch with a similar group in Bolivia with whom we are attempting to resolve some of the problems we are having. We recently completed 54 houses in rural areas utilizing our traditional technology and we colored them with paints which were used by our ancestors thousands of years ago. We even extracted them from the same sources our ancestors used! We continue to videotape life in the Andean world. We have taped more than 100 hours which will be edited as soon as we have the opportunity. We have finished installing the offices for Radio FM Pirca in Tilcara. Occasionally, we have been able to air our programs thanks to borrowed equipment. Well, the struggle continues, with all the usual problems. Nevertheless, we are progressing. Please receive from all of us a fratern al hug. Arm ando Alvarez Proyecto de Rescate de la Cultura Andina (PIRCA) CC 6 (4624) Tilcara, Jujuy, Argentina. SAIIC Newsletter �Argentina VICTIMS OF CHOLERA AFTER 500 YEARS EPIDEMICS BROUGHT BY "CIVILIZATION" ARE STILL KILLING THE INDIAN PEOPLE The Indian people of Argen tina in general, and particularly those living in this territory, have been displaced by the national society to marginal areas; they constitute a cheap labor force, and do not have access to adequate health care and education. They become the center of attention of government officials only when they a re victims of infectious diseases which c an be transmitted to the rest of the society. However, historically they have been silent victims of malnutrition, dysentery, Chagas disease, tuberculosis, infant mortality and many other illnesses which do not represent a threat for the rest of the population. It is not by chance, that Indian people have been the first victims of cholera, "the disease of poverty". On Jan. 1, 1992, during a long and warm summer, Argentina was hit by the cholera epidemic. The first person to acquire the disease, and the first fatal victim, was a Mataco Indian who lived in S anta Victoria Este, a province of Sal ta . Soon five mo re c as es were diagnosed, all of them Indians of the same village. The focal point of the epidemic was the area where the Ma taco and Chorote people live. The area is known as "The Great Chaco" (El Gr an Chaco) and it includes the provinces of Salta, Formosa, and Chaco; this area has been devastated by indiscriminate deforestation. The Indian sandemervsoficuitn people live in communities which lack sanitary tion. The p rovincial government in Sal ta , implemented tight military control, with the participation of the military Border Patrol. Physicians were allowed into the area only when accompanied by military personnel. The Indian people were intimidated and forced to attend the sanitary establishments. A military blockade was set up to isolate the area. The Ma taco people still remember that during the smallpox epidemic of 1930, military personnel burnt their houses often with the sick people inside, in an effort to prevent the spread of the disease to the rest of the population. As a consequence of this treatment, many Matacos fled to the forest, allowing for further spread of the disease. Vol 6 Num 3 Attitude toward the Indian People The statements of the mass media regarding the cholera epidemic showed that in Argen ti na Indian people are seriously discriminated against. The discourse of the press blamed the Indians' way of life for the acquisition and transmission of the disease, ignoring their historical experience of exploitation and discrimination. We c an provide many examples of the disdain and ignorance of the press in their coverage of the "news about the cholera epidemic": A woman legislator said: "these groups do not have culture or education, what c an we expect of the Indians?" The latifundists of the province of Sal ta, who export vegetable crops, declared to the local press: "Because of a few shitty Indians we are going to lose a lot of money." Arguments of the press and health officials for explaining the epidemic: "The Indians eat raw fish, they use the river to defecate." None of these statements are true. The Ma taco people do not eat raw fish, and they a re very careful to avoid contamination of their rivers. Headlines of a newspaper of nationwide distribution stated: "The faseiorchltnwpsabedigno." Racial conflicts in Argen tina are usually covered by a discourse which presents the Argentine society as a homogenous population of European descent. It conceals and ignores the fact that Argentina is a multiethnic country, like any country in the American Con tinent, and most of all, it conceals the discrimination against Indian people. Five hundred years after the arrival of the colonizers, the epidemics continue to be a weapon for the extermination of the first nations of this con ti nent. To protest the discrimination, and most of all the fact that the Argentine society consistently igno res the existence of Indian people, please write to President Carlos Menem, Casa de Gobierno, Buenos Ai res, Argen ti na. Source: The Oyemboati Foundation for the Promotion of Indian People 15 �Chile Ten members of the Mapuche Indian Nation were arrested in front of the government palace Thursday, Feb. 7, during an antigovernment protest against their anticipated expulsion from land they have lived on for years. The protest was organized by the National Council of Indigenous Peoples (CNPI) in support of the 22 Pehuenche (abranch of the Mapuche) Indian families who face the expulsion order. A recent judgement determined that the territory, an agricultural zone south of the Chilean capital, belongs to a group of families called the `the Gallatue Society.' CNPI protested the police "repressive measures," and demanded that the govemmentgive a"justifiable explanation for this shameful action." While the police dispersed the crowd, several ministers and members of the Gallatue Society were negotiating a possible expropriation of the lands where the Pehuenche Indians live and work. "We view with profound disdain the fact that 500 years after Europe invaded our continent, we are still being robbed of our ancestral lands," said a statement read in front the National Palace. Representatives from Mapuche and Aymara oganizations, as well as other Indian groups, took part in the demonstration. They blame the slow resolution of the problem on the "inefficiency and lack of political willingness on the part of the the negotiating commission" which is addressing the issue. A committee for the defense and solidarity of Indian tribes is proposing that Mapuche representatives negotiate alongside those who claim to be the rightful owners of the territory. Edgardo Boeninger, General Secretary to the President, has announced the government's offer to purchase the territory from the Gallatue Society for five million dollars. Although the territory is not "economically exploitable" explained Boeninger, "the offer is based on our desire to resolve this conflict to the satisfaction of the Indigenous community." 16 Faced with an eviction order from the Chilean Supreme Court, the 22 Pehuenche Indian families li ving in the Quinquen Valley are hoping for an agreement between the government and the landowners which will allow them to stay on their ancestral lands. Officials a re trying to beat the March 2 deadline set by the Supreme Court for the eviction of the Pehuenche from the 333,450 acres of the Cordillera Valley located some 385 miles south of S anti ago. The Pehuenche Indians say they have occupied the lands, rich with forests of araucaria pine trees called "pehuen" in their language, since ti me immemorial. The Pehuenche got their name from the trees which are also their source of income. The Galletue firm, which got its name from a river that flows in the area, claims it owns the valley and brags of land titles to prove it. Galletue, which obtained the eviction order from the Supreme Court, h as refused the government's offer to buy the lands for five million dollars. The bi-monthly magazine Página Abierta has accused Galletue owners, Gonzalo Lledo, Miguel Lamoliatte and Mauricio Menas of trying to profit from the negotiations. The government of President Patricio Aylwin wants to turn the Quinquen Valley, whose name means `place of refuge' in the Pehuenche language, into a national park and re serve. In the early 1970s, the socialist government of Salvador Allende set up an agrarian reform program which expropriated the Quinquen lands from Galletue and recognized the Pehuenches' right to the l an d. But the Augusto Pinochet dictatorship gave back the lands to the firm in 1974, and later authorized it to exploit the araucaria forests. Last year, the Aylwin government declared the araucaria tree a national monument and once more prohibited its exploitation all over Chile. Asa result of this decision, the state gave Galluete six-million dollars in compensation and paid the firm another fivemillion to conserve the forests as a national patrimony. But Galletue is asking ten million dollars for the lands, a sum considered "excessive" by the government and "immoral" by the Pehuenche, politicians and ecologists. Government experts say a police eviction of the Pehuenche would elicit criticisms locally and abroad, particularly in consideration of the upcoming quincentennial. Local Indigenous groups waiting for the government's decision describe the case as the "robbing of their an cestral lands which began five hundred years ago." Should Galletue and the government fail to reach an agreement, Aylwin, backed by the ten parties of the ruling democratic coalition, will have to urge congress to pas s the bill expropriating Quinquen. Jorge Arrate, acting president for the Chilean Socialist Party which is the second strongest group in the coalition, has accused the government of acting with timidity on the case. Fe rnando Quilaleo, President of Ad-Mapu (the national Mapuche organization) h as called on the government to solve the case this year. "But Quinquen is only one of Chile's problems. Between the Chilean state and the Pehuenche Indians, there are a thousand mo re Quinquens," Quilaleo said. SAIIC Newsletter �Chile The Mapuche Nation of Chile has launched a campaign to draw international attention to the plight of over one million Indians threatened with forced eviction from their an cestral l and. "What we a re asking is that the Chilean authorities leave our people alone," Reynaldo Manqueo of the Mapuche Committee in Europe said. This message was also communicated to Chilean Ambassador German Riesco Zañartu in a letter addressed to Chilean President Patricio Aylwin. The Committee, representing the Mapuche-Pehuenche, said they launched the campaign to confront the "unofficial state of siege" declared recently in Indian territory in Chile. Mariqueo said: "The government h as sent in a police contingent of approximately 400 men, military vehicles, police vans, mounted police and helicopters, and (taken) other measures to prevent a possible uprising in the Andes mountains and take the l and." The community, situated in the Quinquen district of Cautín province, survived mainly on the pehuen tree, harvesting the pine nuts for food and selling or exchanging the surplus for other essential goods. But the Indians were unaware that as far back as 1918 their land had been sold by the Chilean state to private owners (non-Mapuche) who then resold it fora profit In 1987, Pinochet's government issued a decree that allowed timber industri es to override an earlier forestprotection law. When the present government came to power, another law was passed to protect the forests, which meant the owners now wished to sell the land that they could no longer exploit. But in June 1990, the land owners filed a case at the supreme court asking the Indians to leave to facilitate the selling of the l an d. "The present situation is desperate. Until now the strength of opposition from Mapuche organisations has delayed the eviction proVol 6 Num 3 cess," Manqueo said. Orders to proceed with the operation, he said, have now been given and will be carried out by Gen. Osvaldo Muñoz Sanhueza, who was ac tive in the Pinochet dictatorship. The objective, Manqueo said, is to transfer the people together with their personal belongings and animals to a designated area away from the community, while their homes will be destroyed. Mariqueo quoted Sanhueza as saying that military units from three provinces had been mobilized, and a base camp had been set up to superv ise the takeover and provide logistic support. The Mapuches, living in the Andes mountains, are the o ri ginal inhabitants of what is now Argen tina and Chile. During the Spanish conquest, the Mapuches signed a treaty to define the borders of their territory, which was honored by Spain. The treaty was also acknowledged by Argen ti na and Chile when they gained independence. They signed several more agreements with the Mapuches but which they later b roke. "Our major objective is to continue with the campaign until justice is served to our people," Mariqueo said. "if we don't campaign, the atrocities will con ti nue. Our ultimate aim is to press for autonomy and self-determination for our people." Source: International Press Service Mapuches Living Under the Ozone Hole The people living in the tip of Tierra del Fuego are living under the ozone hole, which scientists have recently found to be growing much faster than anticipated. It is now four ti mes larger than the United States and from late August until early December is directly over the high mountain homeland of the Mapuche. Walter Ulloa, a 28-year-old farmhand found that his arms burned "like boiling water" and his eyes became swollen, irritated and clouded over after working high mountain pastures. His left eye is now completely blind. After examining him, Chilean doctors said that he was probably exposed to excessive ultraviolet-B radiation. They prescribed UV-resistant sunglasses, which Ulloa can't afford. Chilean scientists estimate that levels of the carcinogenic ultravioletB radiation jumped more than 1,000 percent in Punta Arenas, the largest town located under the ozone hole. Huge increases in skin cancer, and sheep, fish and rabbit blindness are being reported in the area. Despite this startling evidence, there is very little research being done in the area. The University of Chile was unable to raise the $11,000 for a spectral radiometer to measure radiation levels and because of this a planned three-year study fell through. 17 �Bolivia Aymaras herder with their Llama "Nearly 150 Indian leaders from the La Paz provinces came together in a planning and consciousness-raising meeting to consolidate the Assembly of Nationalities," reported Zenobio Quispe, permanent secretary of the Federation of Campesino Workers of La Paz (Tupaj Katari). During the event, campesinos of La Paz, struggling for unity, reiterated the need to establish their own political party and assembly of nationalities, and determined that the Indian confederation should be formed, under its own laws, and its own political constitution "until Aymara, Quechua, Guaranies and other nationalities assume power." The participants reject the celebration of the quincentennial because Oct. 12 is a date of pain and mourning for campesinos and Indians of the continent. For this reason, they will demonstrate with a reaffirmation of their cultural identities and 18 against ethnocide, genocide, and the destruction of cultural values. Ideological and Political Unity The participants will ask professionals committed to the cause of Native peoples for their support in creating documents and school texts, both historical and otherwise, which will encourage Native cultural values. "This first meeting h as been positive, because with the initiative of the campesino and Indian authorities, we have accepted the responsibility of strengthening our organizations," said the Director of Tupaj Katari at the conclusion of the meeting. He indicates that the most important step is to organize because the Indi an , campesino, worker, and popular movements have been weakened in the current political climate. "In spite of the adverse situation, campesinos and Indians have accepted the great challenge of establishing the assem- bly of nationalities and a political party, to provide an alternative for the marginalized and oppressed sectors of Bolivia." Seventh Congress The seventh congress of the Federation of Campesino Workers of La Paz (Tupaj Katari) will be held Dec. 20-22. At this event the Federation will discuss the situation of the campesinos, who categorically reject property taxes and demand that the government fulfill the numerous obligations it h as made to agricultural workers. The Federation of Campesinos of La Paz, which seems to be consolidating itself after several actions which were interrupted by official militants, "h as decided to form a new pluralist executive committee, but only with leaders who fight for the people and not with those who have sold out to the oligarchy's parties." Source: Semanario Aquí [Chuquiyawu, Bolivia) SAIIC Newsletter �Bolivia A gathering of Aymara Women AYMARA CAMPESINOS FORCED TO MIGRATE TO THE CITIES In one blow the drought and freeze of 1978 destroyed the future of Nicolás Mullisaca, who as the eldest child would have been responsible for his parents' l an d. Like many other children of campesinos, he was forced to leave for La Paz in search of work. "It was not a happy day, but it was the only choice because there was nothing to eat. For a campesino, leaving the land that our ancestors have farmed for generations is always a very sad thing." Nicolás Mullisaca, and later his five brothers, started out as casual laborers in the city of La Paz. He became a mason and has worked in this profession ever since, except for two years when he went looking for gold for a company in Tipuani where he nearly died of tu be rculosis. For one year now he has worked as a mason fora construction company with about 30 employees. It is hard work, with a ti me card to punch and pay docked for arriving even a little late. He travels an hour from the worksite in the center of the city to his home with his wife and eight children in the barrio of Pasankeri. Pasankeri is located high above La Paz and is one of the final rungs in the ladder of suburbs which climb up out of the city. It is the last barrio before arriving at Ciudad Satélite at the very peak in El Alto. Their pig stays in the lower part of their yard. Above, there is a little pa tio that his wife Ceferina uses to wash clothes and p repare the Vol 6 Num 3 food, and where the kids and the dog play. The adobe house has two rooms, and alongside the bed stan ds a sewing machine that the two parents use. Spanish and Aymara a re spoken in the Mullisaca family household, Spanish because it is mo re practical in the city, and Aymara so the children don't lose their culture. "I dream of opening a tailorshop in Pasankeri. For a year and a half I've attended a sewing course at night here in my barrio and soon I'll be done," says don Nicolás. His wife has attended a course in weaving and is hoping to get a loom. But with ten stomachs to fi ll , they live hand to mouth and it's practically impossible to pull together the necessary capital to start their own business or save the 150 bolivian os that a loom costs. "I will probably be a mason for many years to come, and knowing this, I take on as much responsibility as the others in working to form a union to ask for better wages." At one time he was a campesino leader in his village. Many migrant families suffer from the harsh conditions of the city, and from not even knowing their neighbors and have to face frequent periods of unemployment. "We worry about the children and fear that they will fall in with delinquents or drugs," explains Ceferina Mullisaca. "In the countryside, life is far more peaceful and safe." "Sometimes mestizos and white people ride by in mini-vans and humiliate us for being Aymara. They harass us as we car ry our loads and accuse us of being dirty." In the city, access to medical attention and education is easier. Yet without money, life in the city is impossible, while in most cases, people in the countryside can live from what the land yields. "Work in the city is boring and makes us feel like slaves. For a campesino, work is also hard but at least you feel free, and the work is interesting," said Nicolás Mullisaca. His parents still live in the countryside and he and his family return during planting and harvesting to S an Andrés Machaca, a village located in the province of Ingari, three hours to the west of La Paz, near the Peruvian border. For Nicolás and Ceferina, going to the country is like returning home, while their children treat these visits as outings. "I am not ashamed of my roots as an Aymara and a campesino. I am proud of our culture. When my children grow up, I hope to go back and live in my village." "But to make this happen, we will need economic help for digging wells and better tools to work the l an d. We're never going to get these with governments run by the rich who could care less about the problems and needs of poor campesinos," said Nicolás. He adds that "so long as neoliberal policies hold sway, migration from the country to the city is sure to con ti nue." Source: Aquí, [Chuquiyawu, Bolivia] 19 �Colombia •••••••••••••••• • •••••• • The following in• formation was given to • • • SAIIC by Alfonso • • Palmas, President • • National Organization • • of Indigenous Peoples • • of Colombia (ONIC), •• while visiting in Febru•• ary 1992. • • At the demand of students, activists and the general population, the Colombian • government was obliged to call for elections to a National Constitutional Assembly • • (NCA) on Dec. 9,1991. Aside from a few minor reforms introduced by Colombia's two • political parties, the liberals and the conservatives, the Colombian Constitution had not • been modified since 1886. Indigenous people had never participated in constitutional reforms, but this time the indigenous movement introduced two candidates, Francisco Rojas Birry of ONIC and Lorenzo Muelas of the Indigenous Authority of Colombia (AICO). The indigenous candidates were elected despite lack of experience and funds and the fact that a large portion of the indigenous population was not registered to vote and did not even have the official identification required to register. The indigenous •• movement was concerned with natural resources and regional development, and wanted • to change the constitution to decla re Colombia a multicultural country. But they also • • • stressed the more general issues of democratic participation, human rights and resolution •••••••••••••••••••••• of regional conflicts, and the candidates were elected with a large percentage of non20 • • • • • • SAIIC Newsletter �Indian votes. Once in the assembly they had to broaden their proposals to benefit not only indigenous peoples but also the general population of Colombia, especially those who like the indigenous peoples, live under oppression, discrimination, exploitation and misery and who struggle to build a better society. The indigenous movement achieved the following points in the new constitution: I. Right to Culture: Colombia is recognized as a multi-ethnic and pluri-cultural country. The great diversity and coexistence of cultural identities made up of values, customs, community practices, rites, religions and languages which differentiate one group from another a re recognized. II. The languages of indigenous peoples will be official languages in their respec ti ve territories; and education will be bilingual and bi-cultural in those territories. III. Dual nationality is recognized for the indigenous groups who live on the borders with other countries, such as Brazil, Venezuela, Panama, and Ecuador. IV.Indigenous reservations a re recognized as territories of collective ownership which cannot be sold, rented, or owned by other peoples because they are the communal property of indigenous communities. These territories will be administrated together with the state. Indigenous Councils will be formed and a governor will be named for each department according to the practices and traditions of the indigenous communities. These councils can develop and design plans and programs for economic and social development; in addition they will watch over the conservation of natural resources, promote public investment and coordinate programs together with the community. V. Jurisdiction: In the indigenous communities there exists customary law which dictates how the members of the community act and how they a re punished. This law is recognized but it varies greatly between communities and will be coordinated with the judicial system of the country. Nevertheless it will be indigenous peoples' authorities themselves who will judge and sanction penalties in indigenous communities, in accordance with their practices and traditions. VI.Permanent participation of two indigenous peoples in the Senate of the Republic , which is formed by 100 members, is guaranteed. Despite these gains the new constitution was a mixed victory. There was no change in the structure of the armed forces which have committed many human rights abuses against Indians. The constitution mentions indigenous communities and reservations but does not give Indians rights to their traditional territories. The government also retains subsoil rights. In December 1991 three indigenous people were elected to the Senate: Gab ri el Muyay of ONIC, Anatolio Quira of the Indigenous Social Alliance (ASI), and Floro A Tuñu Gala of AICO. They face a great challenge because the Senate is dominated by the traditional parties, and groups working for change have less influence than they Vol 6 Num 3 did in the NCA. The indigenous movement will have to mobilize the communities and get them involved in the law making process. They will also have to look for national and international solidarity to support their proposals in the Senate and they will have to fight to make sure the new laws protecting indigenous rights a re enforced. It is clear to us that laws alone will not solve our problems. In fact we recognize that we need organization, autonomy, decision making power, permanent community work and ac ti ve participation. In addition we acknowledge the need for changes within the political, economic, cultural, territorial structure of the Colombian state, changes which correspond to who we are as true Colombians and not to models which do not fit our needs. In conclusion, there were already laws in Colombia which protected indigenous peoples, but they were neither enforced nor respected. Even though the killings, massacres and persecution of our leaders con ti nue, we will continue struggling to strengthen our unity, to attain autonomy, to preserv e our culture and to promote and protect our right to work for change so that we can live in a just society with opportunity and dignity for all. 21 �Panamá Representatives at the meeting for the foundation of ONIC in Panama THE COORDINATING BODY OF INDIGENOUS ORGANIZATIONS AND NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT In December 1991 the main Indian organizations from South, Central and North America met in Panama to discuss the future of the inter-relationship between the Indian People of the Con ti nent, and to define the politics and way of communication with nonIndian people due to the failure of building alliances with some of the grass-roots organizations, especially with the groups that a re directing the "Con ti nental Campaign 500 Years of Resistance of the Indigenous, Black and Popular Movement" Some of the resolutions of the meeting are the following: There is an urgent need to unify the Indigenous Peoples (O ri ginal Nations) of the continent. We want to re-establish and utilize the historical links that were disrupted by the invading colonizers. In this way, together, we are planning the reconstruction of our communities. On the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the European inv as ion, we reaffirm our 22 historical commitment to unity and to the development of a pl an to mobilize for 500 Years of Indian Resistance and Struggle against colonialism. We a re declaring to the world that, despite more than five centuries of genocide, more than 40 million Indigenous Peoples from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego continue to live and pl an for our future. We maintain a firm position against all forms of colonialism, neocolonialism, and internal and external racism. We reject all kinds of manipulation and ideological or political imposition, because we, as peoples, have our own ideology. We support alliances with other popular sectors in order to change the conditions of injustice in which oppressed peoples of the world find themselves today. Hence, we have decided the following: 1. To form an Indigenous commission committed to organize a mee ti ng of Indigenous Peoples, the establishment of a continental coordinating body of indigenous organizations and peoples. This con ti nental coordinating body will consist of representatives of all Indigenous Peoples, O riginal Nation of Abya-Yala (Land of Life, the America continent in the Kuna language). 2. To carry out a coordinated pl an a action for 500 Years of Indian Resistance an Struggle against colonialism. 3. To organize workshops and continen tal gatherings in order to make known the Indian position regarding the 500 years, wit the goal of attaining a definitive unity at th con tinental level. We reject the celebrations of the so called "Quincentennial of the Discovery o America," "Encounter of Two Worlds," an the "Quincentennial of Evangelization." W are promoting actions at the regional, national and continental levels which respond to the fundamental interests of our people and honor our ancestors who gave their live defending the dignity of our peoples. In th same spirit, we will continue to confron oppressive forces, such as military invasion and repression, and exploitation of our toriesbyan lcportis. SAIIC Newsletter �We reaffirm our commitment to a con ti nental Indigenous alliance, and to reciprocal support in our struggles for rights and self-determination, traditional ways of life, religion, culture, and the protection of our Mother Earth with all her resources. Finally, we call on all nations, organizations, and Indian communities of the con tinent, even the most isolated ones, to unite in this great effort for action and con ti nental coordination, on the path towards the liberation of our peoples. Signed on the Dec. 21, 1991, in Kuna Yala, Panama Indigenous Peoples Alliance Founded in North America In Jan. 10-12, 1992, the National Indigenous Forum, the Indigenous Peoples Alliance of North America was founded. The mee ti ng took place in Alburquerque, NM and was hosted by the Tonantzin Land Institute. The participants came from the different Indian communities of Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada, Californ ia, Idaho, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and South Dakota, and Alaska. The decisions that came out of the conference represent a consensus by all participants. Some of the of the main resolutions of this conference are the following: • It was decided to create an alliance called the Indigenous Peoples Alliance. This alliance is open to all Indigenous Nations and organization who a re interested in building a long term alliance of Indigenous People who emphasize grassroots community involvement in issues affecting Indigenous communities. • The Indigenous Peoples Alliance would endorse the Con ti nental Indigenous Coordinating Commission's resolution that was written in Kuna Yala, Panama. • Tonantzin Land Institute was given the responsibility for sending out all communications being produced and /or being sent by the Indigenous Peoples alliance. •The Indigenous Peoples Alliance should implement regional meetings that would focus on education and training. It was decided that the first re gional mee ti ng would take place in conjunction with the Indigenous En- Vol 6 Num 3 I ^ 2 We understand ONIC to be a communication instrument for the Indigenous Peoples of the Continent and not a representative organization. Our objectives are the following: 1. To seek Indigenous unity on a con ti nental level, recognizing that we have a comnpastdre, that we have decided to work ogether beyond the years 1992, respecting the situation and strategies which each Indigenous Nation may adopt to reach their liberation and self-determination. 2. To develop a con ti nental communication network which would directly involve the grass-roots communities in order to strengthen our ties and make known the critical situation in which we the native Peoples live, and seek solutions for our future. 3. To promote a process leading to dialogue and consensus based on our spiritual values, life styles and millennial knowledge. 4. To form a common alliance to reconstruct our Nations which were dispersed by colonization and to fight to curb the destruction of our Mother Earth and her harmony. t Meeting in Kuna Yala environmental Network conference in the Ca lumbia River area. It was decided that the focus of the regional meeting would be on sovereignty. • Our logo consists of a turtle (to represent Turtle Island), with the con ti nental campaign logo of the Eagle and the Condor located inside the turtle and the North, Central and South American continent in the Center. Second CONIC Meeting in New York The Second Mee ting of the Coordinating Body of Indigenous Organizations and Nations of the Continent, CONIC, took place in New York City from March 4-7, 1992. The mee ti ng was hosted by the Native Council of New York and organized by Tonantzin Land Institute and SAIIC. Delegates representing Indian organizations and nations of the continent from 17 countries participated in the Meeting. Indian delegates: Kuna, Panama; Maya, Guatemala; Following are some Mapuche, Chile; and Nahuath, El Salvador of the resolutions that came out of the mee ti ng in New York: The Con ti nental Coordinating Body has Solidarity Organizations: arisen due to the need to consolidate the bonds Solidarity organizations and institutions of union and communications between orga- may participate in meetings specifically organizations and nations native to this continent, nized to exchange information coordinate which include, the Southern Cone and the activities, or promote dialogue with members Caribbean. of the Coordinating body. These general prin- 23 �iples and guidelines will continue to be dis-cussed within each organization and in the Regional Workshops. This Coordinating Body calls upon all he progressive, honest and committed to join against the contra-celebration of the colonialist plans. In the same form, we call upon the popular sectors and the racially discriminated to form an alliance to struggle against the oppression, respecting, among ourselves our diversity. Regarding the "Continental Campaign of 500 Years of Resistance Indigenous, Black and Popular Sector" In 1986, the Indigenous Movement initiated a campaign to disseminate information about the state of oppression under which our peoples live. The movement has taken the opportunity of t h e Quincentenary as a way to let the world know about the situation of repression under which Indigenous Peoples live; and to show our rejection of the celebration of the so called "V Quincentenary of the Discovery of America or the Encounter of the Two Worlds," led by the Spanish government and the Vatican and supported by the governments of the colonial states of the continent. Among the initiatives of the native peoples of ABYA YALA have been to invite the different sectors of the society to organize a common front, based in mutual respect of the differences and characteristics among sectors. This indigenous proposal has been distorted, and usurped by sectors which have always carried out discriminatory practices. Their policy has failed in our region and in other parts of the world, because their project are far from the reality of Native Peoples, because they tried to impose a system of a homogenous society which is based in centralized and bureaucratic power which ignores the right of Indigenous Peoples to Selfdetermination. In conclusion, the Indigenous, Black and Popular Sector Campaign, does not respond to the demands of Native Peoples of the continent. In addition, the form in which it is structured does not guarantee that Indigenous proposals will be respected in the future, nor does it allow for an honest alliance based on the right of each people to decide their own destiny, no matter how small the group is. Therefore, this Coordinating Body calls upon all the progressive, honest and committed people to join us in the struggle of the oppressed peoples, to join in contra-celebration of the colonialist plans. In the same form, we call upon the popular sectors and the racially discriminated to form an alliance to struggle against oppress ion, respect ing among ourselves our diversity. Given in New York (Indigenous Land occupied by the United States), 5/5/92. For more information contact: Kunas Unidos for Nabguana (KUNAS) Via España y Via Argentina, Edificio Brasilia, 1 er Piso Panama 1, Panama Tel: 507- 638-879, Fax: 507-693-514 Consejo de Todas las Tierras Casilla 448 Temuco, Chile Tel: 56-45-234542 Tonansin Land Institute Tel: (505) 766-9930 Fax: 766-9930 (You may also contact SAIIC) El Salvador POLICE RAID INDIAN COOPERATIVE On Thursday, Feb. 27, 1500 police raided the Corte Azul Cooperative, arresting 60 Indian men, women and children and destroying crops and supplies. The community members had peacefully occupied the unused government land to plant their crops. The police arrived at 7 am accompanied by three representatives of the United Nations Observation Team, reporters from a local television station and a group of local landowners. The police ordered the 250 workers from the Indian community of Costa Azul to leave their fields immediately, and when asked for a warran t ordering the displacement, they replied that they did not have one, but President Cristiani had instructed them to proceed as quickly as possible. The workers responded that their crops were already planted and that they could not leave them unattended. 24 At 2:15 p.m., in the presence of the ONUSAL officials, along with a captain, a second lieutenant, and the director of the National Police of Sonsonate, the police proceeded to intimidate the Indians with their weapons and then arrest 60 Indigenous workers and physically remove them to a nearby command station. The Indians were then taken to the nearby hacienda of Dr. Guillermo García Guerra, where the police officers were received with a special luncheon. During this ti me, the arrested men, women and children were made to st an d and listen to the police say things like, "We should just machine gun these sons of bitches down to solve our problems." Hours later, they were transported to the Sonsonate police station and imprisoned and not allowed to speak with family members or lawyers until Saturday, Feb. 29, when they were released. The following local landowners were with the arresting police officers: Andrés García Corona, Rafael Flo re s, Elsa Gutiérrez Candel, Julia Leiva, Juan Martínez, and the three brothers, Carlos Chacón Moreno, Arm an do Candel Calderón, and Guillermo García Guerra. The Co rte Azul and nearby Monzón cooperative members have received numerous threats in the past from these men, especially the three brothers, who flaunt their close ties to President Alfredo Cristiani. The crops, hammocks, blankets, beans, corn, crates, clay frying pans and comales, and a food storage hut were destroyed in the raid. Source: ANIS (National Association of Indigenous Peoples of El Salvador) SAIIC Newsletter �M éx ico THREATENING INDIAN LANDS In December 1991, Tarahumara, Tepehuano, and Raram uri sent the Governor of Chihuahua, Fernando Balza Melendez, a document demanding the protection of Indigenous territorial rights. The document came from the Commission in Defense and Solidarity of Human Rights (COSYDDHAC) with input from eleven communities and focused on the impending agrarian reform. As Mexico works out the details of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the government is in the process of restructuring the country's agrarian laws to, among other things, allow the privatization of ejido lands. Though in principle the new laws respect the terri torial integrity of Indigenous peoples, the Indians have reason to be skeptical. Their lands a re coveted for tourist and agribusiness expansion. "We do not want hotels and other things that do not belong to us on our land," they stated. "We do not want to work for others who come to own the l and." In principle, free trade is contrary to Indigenous beliefs, "We do not negotiate the lan d, or the forest, or the animals; we the Raramuri do not work in order to make business of our l and." Fundamentally different philosophies about human relationships to the earth arise when passing privatization policies. "The land is the one who sees that we grow, she is like our Mother who gives us nourishment, the one who takes care of us, she is all we have." One of the significant victories of the Mexican Revolution was the 1917 Agrarian Reform Law which established communal land ownership in the ejidos. The ejidos are communal farms formed from expropriated large estates on which farmworkers are given free access to small plots. Ejido tenure is nontransferable. However, under constitutional changes proposed in November by President Carlos Vol 6 Num 3 present reforms to [article] 27 of the constitution will give new impulse to the invasion of indigenous territory, against the justice that the spirit of the law seeks." The Indians say that, as it is written, "This reform is only for the benfit of the rich, it is not in favor of the poor.... The ejido should stay as it is." The Indians therefore proposed the inclusion of the following sentence to article 27: "the law protects the territorial integrity of Indigenous peoples." Salinas de Gortari, communal ownership and land distribution under the agrarian reform law would end. The amendment to Article 27 of the Constitution, was promulgated on Jan. 6, the final stage of its approval. Article 27 as amended, will abolish restrictions on corporate ownership of land (including ejido land), and farmers on ejidos (ejidarios) would be allowed to own their land outright and to rent or sell it to non-ejidarios. The law provides for the abolishment of constitutional obligations for land distribution and Indian an cestral claims, insitutional reforms, and relaxation of the limits to property size. The COSYDDHAC proposal sent to Fernando Balza Melendez focused specifically on Article 27, section VII of the Mexican Constitution, which refers to lands of Indigenous communities. The statements by the Indians challenged the government's very right to legislate their lives and lands: "The government did not plant the grass, this was planted by God. The government did not give us the grass, God gave it to us. The trees a re not government property, nor does the grass belong to the government; therefore the government cannot take our land." The legal process was criticized: "We are called only when we a re needed to sign, and we a re not given explantions about what we a re signing." The COSYDDHAC proposal states "The In the proposal to the State of Chihuahua, Indigenous groups expressed concern over the uncertain future of their lands. The statements from the people included: "What is going to happen to our children? They will have nowhere to go, nowhere to live because all that once was ours will pass to others' hands." Elders are concerned for their descendants, "We the older ones will die, however what will our youth live from if they are not to inherit even the l and, which is ours and which gives us what we eat." History h as confirmed their concerns. The privatization of lands held communally by Indigenous nations is a common strategy to weaken their self sufficiency. In the late 1800's the United States Dawes Act allotted acreage to male heads of households, and males over 18 years of age. This created a fictitious surplus of lands that were then sold to settlers. The Indian landholders then split up their land to give to their children, who had the power to sell. Within three generations, 90 percent of the lands allotted under the Dawes Act were expropriated by settlers. The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971 allows Native shareholders to sell shares of their lands to non-Indians beginning in 1991. Thus their lands a re more vulnerable to takeovers by private corporations, especially when the economies of Indian commu25 �nities are depressed. Alaska Natives resisting this process are encouraging members of the tribes to transfer title to the Tribal Councils from the Native Corporations, thereby protecting communal ownership. Free trade and privatization will benefit the business community, as is aptly noted in a headline in a Bureau of National Affairs publication called BNA International Trade Daily which states "Agricultural Reforms announced in Mexico should benefit U.S. Firms, specialists say." The Tarahumara, Tepehuano, and Raramuri of Chihuahua want the government to recognize the ethnic and cultural diversity of Mexico and allow the Indigenous people to play a role in the national a re na. They state: "For the Indians of the state to retain their identity and contribute to the identity and richness of the state, it is necessary to respect the territory that they have been defending for four centuries." Mexico I NDIANS V I OLENTLY EVICTED At midnight on Saturday, Dec. 28, 1991, 200 state judicial police bearing sticks and firearms violently evicted 300 Tseltales and Cho'ol Indians from the steps of the Municipal Palace in Palenque, Chiapas. They had occupied the square two days before to protest police violence, unjustified arrests, and judicial abuse and corruption, and to demand access to interpreters in the court system. As a result, 102 people were arrested, including Jesuit priest Jerónimo Hernández, and Cho'ol deacon Sebastian Torres. While being held incommunicado, they were beaten, dispossessed of their belongings, and pressured to sign declarations which they were not allowed to read. The Public Ministry of Palenque denied a request on the part of local government officials that prisoners be medically examined in order to certify physical injuries suffered. On Monday, Dec. 30, Hernandez and 92 Indians were released . The remaining nine were held without bail on charges which included disturbing the peace, inciting to riot., and sedition. On Saturday, Jan. 5, while government officials held formal talks with the organizations involved, sentences ranging from 10 to 40 years were handed down for the nine. Non26 dian Freedom (CDLI), the Union of Indian Communities of the Chiapaneca Jungle (UCISECH), and Tsoblej Yu'un Jwocoltic Union, have since returned to the Plaza at Palenque, where they are holding a vigil to pressure for the resolution of their o ri ginal demands and for the immediate release of the nine prisoners. governmental human rights organizations took the case to the government's National Commission for Human Rights. The wives of the incarcerated have received support from throughout the state of Chiapas, as well as from other parts of the country. Local merchants have financed paid aids requesting that the authorities respond to the Indians' petitions. Telegrams demanding freedom for the imprisoned have poured into the governor and Chief Justice's offices. Meanwhile, government-controlled farmer and workers' organizations have responded with a counter-campaign. On Wednesday, in Tuxtla Gutirrez, one of the judges in charge declared himself incompetent to continue with the case. The three organizations who sponsored the December sit-in, the Committee for the Defense of In- The above-mentioned organizations ask that people send telegrams demanding freedom for the imprisoned to: • The Mexican President, Carlos Salinas de Gortari (Palacio Nacional del Gobierno; Mexico D.F.) • The Chiapas State Governor, Patrocinio Gonzalez Garrido (Palacio de Gobierno del Estado de Chiapas, Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas) • The government's National Commission for Human Rights president, Jorge Carpizo. (Periferico Sur #3469; Col. San Jeronimo Lidice; C.P. 10200 Mexico D.F.) For more information contact the. Miguel Agustin Pro Human Rights Center, Puebla #45, Col Roma, C.P. 06700 Mexico D.F. Telephone & Fax: 011-525-511-9097. E-mail: igc!sipro. SAIIC Newslette �Honduras I< LOGGING IDEAL BLOCK daily influx of landless campesinos. On Feb. 27 the Honduran government announced the indefinite postponement of the decision to give a 40-year logging concession to Stone Container Corporation of Chicago due to a tremendous outcry from national and international environmental and indigenous organizations and from the Honduran people. The concession would have allowed Stone to log 840,000 acres or four-million cubic meters momentum continue to fight against the Wellington Ha ll Company, a US furniture manufacturer which is logging mahogany in the Mosquitia. There were three demonstrations in Honduras organized to protest the concessions. One was organized by teacher unions and Miskito Indians, one by campesinos and one Although the contract between Stone and the Honduran government was shrouded in secrecy, activists obtained a leaked copy which revealed that mo re than 80% of Honduras could be subject to logging. The contract would have permitted Stone to cut trees anywhere outside of this area at anytime within annually of pine forests of the Mosquitia, home to the Miskito, Tawahka, Garifuna and Pesch Indians. The Indigenous inhabitants were never consulted on this matter, which could have had disastrous effects on their lives, and an environmental impact study was never conducted. by university students. Never before in Honduras has there been this kind of solidarity and consensus on an issue which has united people of all social classes to protect the environment. the next 40 years if they did not obtain sufficient pulp wood from the specified region. Stone intended to use the pulp wood for the manufacturing of paper bags, and disposable cardboard packaging. La Mosquitia covers the eastern third of Honduras and is not yet connected by roads to the highly populated inte rior. This has allowed the Miskito, Tawahka and Pesch Indians to retain their cultural and land base to a large extent. The population of the region is approximately 40,000, with the Miskito people constituting nearly 90%. Separating the Miskito Indians' coastal pine forest and the country's interi or is one of the largest surviving Central American rainforests, the home of the Tawahka Indians. Although the Tawahka obtained "provisional guarantees" for their lands in 1989, the agreement is not being enforced and they are threatened by an almost The Honduran government and the Congress were bombarded by letters and faxes from all over the world protesting the agreement. Protest letters were sent nationally by groups as diverse as the Association of Honduran Loggers, Organization of Miskito Peoples (MASTA), Community Education for Health (EDUCSA) and the Association of Honduran Biologists. In North Ame ri ca, urgent action campaigns were organized by the Rainforest Action Network, Global Response, Ancient Forest Rescue, SAIIC and the Task Force on Multinational Resource Corporations. The head of the Honduran Forestry Department (COHDEFOR), announced that "due to public and technical interest it was impossible to reach a satisfactory agreement with the Stone Container Corporation." The rejection of the concession was announced as over 3,000 people marched against Stone in the streets of Tegucigalpa. Miskito forester Jorge Salaverri stated, during his speech in front of the capitol, that this is just the first victory for the Honduran people and the environment, and it is necessary that the Vol 6 Num 3 27 �Honduras HONDURAN GROUP PROPOSES DECREE A proposal has been drawn up to create the Tawahka Biosphere Rese rv e in La Mosquitia, Eastern Hondur as , by Mosquitia Pawisa (MOPAWI), a Honduran group which advocates the demarcation of Indian territories. The proposal was made, recognizing that protecting forests and the Indigenous People who inhabit them is both important and a legal obligation of the Honduran government, and includes the following points: The goals of creating the Tawahka Biosphere Rese rv e include guaranteeing the Tawahka people the space they need to live in their traditional manner; protecting biodiversity in the central Patuca River area; stopping encroaching deforestation; protecting natural resources to promote ecotourism, scientific research, and sustainable development; and completing a continuous ecological corridor that would also include the Rio Platano Biosphere Reserv e. The Rese rve will be for the collective use of the Tawahka community and the people who now live in the area, with the goal of maintaining the traditional economy and sustainable development. The Tawahka communities will promote, pl an , and execute the 28 management of the rese rv e, through the Tawahka Indian Federation of Honduras (FITH), subject to supervision by the Executive Branch. colonists who settle in the areas after this decree takes effect. The exploitation of subsoil resources by inhabitants of the Rese rv e will be subject to The Reserve will be divided into three federal laws and must be authorized by the areas — a central natural zone, a buffer zone, government and include benefits for the and a settled cultural zone — which will be Tawahka community. If people must move in determined by the Tawahka community. Land order for this exploitation to be carried out, and natural resources in the region will be they will be compensated. used as they have been traditionally, and in the manner indicated by the Regulations for Land Archaeological sites and objects, hisUse approved by the Tawahka Congress. torical documents, and other tes timonies of Current land ownership will be respected, and the past that are found in the Rese rve will be sales will be allowed, with the condition that placed in the custody of Honduran Institute of the Tawahka community be given preference Anthropology and History, in accordance with over other prospective buyers. current laws about the defense of cultural heritage. The Institute will work in coordinaThe following activti ies will not be per- tion with the Tawahka community. mitted in the Rese rve: industrial exploitation of the lumber, pasture-intensive cattle raising, "All inhabitants of the Tawahka Bioillicit removal of fauna, and other activities sphere Reserve will have the same rights and that work against the biological conservation obligations as all other Hondurans." of the Reserv e. The Tawahka community, with the support of various governmental The government will try to gain admit. entities, will be responsible for protecting the tance for the Tawahka Biosphere Reserve to resources within the Reserve. If the Tawahka the international network of UNESCO's Man community so requests, the Honduran Armed and Biosphere program. Forces will take necessary measures to eject SAIIC Newsletter �Canada After a long struggle for economic and political rights, the Inuit people won the political rights over a region which is more than 770,000 square miles (1/5 of the Canadian land mass). The government agreed to the creation of a new political subdivision of Canada, which will carry the name of "Nunavut," meaning "Our Land" in the Inuit language. In addition, the government accepted the terms that this territory be independent of the Northwest Territories. To the 17,000 limit people living in the Great North, this agreement marks a victory after a long struggle, which began after the European explorers claimed the Arctic archipelago. In addition to political and terri to ri al control, the Inuit will receive economic advantages through this accord in the form of an indemnity of one million dollars, payable within 14 years. Experts believe that the Nunavut Territory is rich in oil, natural g as and precious metals. The Inuit will grant limited rights for the exploitation of these resources. Source: Nitanissan Bulletin. No. 24, February 1992 Vol 6 Num 3 29 �Bolivia This report was given during the March 1992 CONIC conference of the Coordinating Body in New York. Carmen Pereira, leader of the Organization of Indigenous Women ofBeni, discussed the situation in Beni following The Indigenous March for Land and Dignity to La Paz in August 1990, and the signing of the decree which recognized the territories of the communities of the area. mountain where we make achaco and plant tomatoes, rice, yuca and oranges for our daily sustenance. We have organized watch posts in the forest so the loggers will not enter but it is difficult to control. The Indigenous women of S an Ignacio together with the central organization have to go and see. We went in January and took away an eight horse power engine, two barrels of gasoline, Carmen Pereira (far left) In a meeting with the Board of Directors of the Center for indigenous People two chain saws, their boat and their wood. This wood will now The cattle ranchers a re still in the area. Francisco, the barbed wire has already benefit the community and will be sold to They a re not going to leave until the reached the edge of the village. Now ev- make a school, sanitary facili ties and government buys the lands from them erything is flattened, the ranchers knock whatever else is needed. because they have property titles. Now the over the trees. The government decree is government has to buy the land to give it there but it is not being enforced. The We women have only done this beto the Siriono people, something they logging companies also continue cutting cause, as we have said ,we do not care if we have not done yet. Where I live in S an wood. We have to travel far to pl ant, to the die in order to get what we want. The 30 SAIIC Newsletter �Indian women at the CONIC meeting New York, March, 1992 logging companies a re very abusive: They enter the communities and cut the wood in front of everyone. There was a serious problem where they killed a child, Roy Juarez. This family, although it is Indigenous, h as cattle and there was a cattle rancher who wanted to take their l and. This rancher, who is from Suc re , sent one of his servants. As they did not find the father who had gone to the ri ver, they shot and killed the six year old boy. The boy was with his little brothers, one who was three and the other who was one year old. The three year old grabbed his younger brother into his arms and ran to the mountain. From there he heard the shots and went to tell another family. When they got back the boy was dead. This happened in 1989 and there is a case which is still pending in court but nothing will come of it because this man has a lot of money to keep the lawyers quiet. For the Indigenous People there is no justice. For that reason we would like a law in Bolivia which would protect the Indigenous women and men. For further information contact: Carmen Pereira Central de Pueblos Indigenas del Beni Casilla 58 Trinidad, Bolivia Tel: 591 464575 Alicia Canaviri Coordinadora de Mujeres Indígenas de Sud y Centro America Av. Burgaleta Pasaje Callacoque 1947 Villa Copacabana La Paz, Bolivia Tel : 591 2 3121043 or 591 2 30478 Wara Alderete PO Box 28703 Oakland, CA 94604 Tel : 51 0 834 4263 Fax: 51 0 834 4264 The Organization of Indigenous Women of Beni is a member of the Coordinating Body of Indigenous Women of Central and South America, which is a communication and support network, by which Indigenous women c an publicize and share our work, our problems and achievements. We also hold activities to promote the organization and participation of our sisters on a continental level. I Vol 6 Num 3 31 �500 YEARS OF I NDIAN RESISTANCE EVENTS International Seminar of Indigenous Women The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) will sponsor an International Seminar of Indigenous Women of the Americas on June 28-30, 1992 in Santa Cruz, Bolivia.This meeting will serve as a tribute to Indian women, and to support the right to life, territory, culture and political participation of indigenous people. The seminar will be held in preparation for the WILPF XXV International Congress which will be held in Santa Cruz, Bolivia on July 1-6 and will culminate in the signing of a "Peace and Justice Treaty among the Women of the Americas." The WILPF is an international organization which seeks to unite women all over the world in an effort to work towards peace and human rights. For more information contact Peggy Lara, WILPF, Casilla 5040, Santa Cruz, Bolivia; Telephone: 011-591-3-329838, Fax: 011-591-3-329888 or WILPF 1213 Race St., Philadelphia, PA 19107-1691, USA; Telephone: (215) 563-7110 Fax: (215) 864-2002 32 SAIIC Newsletter �WALK ACROSS AMERICA FOR MOTHER EARTH (Ohio, USA) Walk Across America is a nine month event in solidarity and support of indigenous peoples' 500 years of struggle for their cultures and lands. The Walk is one of many events aimed at changing the destructive and environmentally disastrous course of this country. The walk began on January 31, 1992 at the United Nations in New York City. The walk will continue the 3,000 mile journey, ending at the Nuclear Test Site on Western Shoshone Land on October 12, 1992 with a massive non-violent demonstration. The marchers will be passing through Philadelphia Pennsylvania, Washington DC, Columbus Ohio, Indianapolis Indiana, St. Louis Missouri, Leavenworth Kansas, Col orado Springs Colorado, Albuquerque N e w Mexico, Big Mountain Arizona, Havasupai Land Arizona, and Las Vegas Nevada. The entire route, once indigenous peoples land, is now littered with the broken promises of 378 treaties signed by the US government. Native Vol 6 Num 3 speakers, demonstrations, and workshops are planned along the route to bring attention to these struggles. Between 150 and 300 participants are currently walking. Everyone is invited to walk with the group for a day, a week, or the whole way. For those unable to participate in this way, consider supporting another walker or contributing funds for an indigenous speaker, equipment, or medical assistance. For more information about contributions, more specific routes, including local contacts, call (800) 466-9255 or write: Walk Across America, 1066 N. High Street, Columbus, OH 43201 Other 1992 activities include: • Spiritual Gathering at Big Mountain, Arizona, USA, June, 1992. • In October of 1992, there will be the Second Continental Conference: 500 Years of Indian Resistance in Panama For more information contact SAIIC or the following: Kunas United for Mother Earth Apartado Postal 536, Panama 1, PANAMA Phone: 507-638-879, Fax: 507-273-525 Frente Independiente de Pueblos Indios (FIPI) Apdo 28145, Mexico DF, MEXICO Tonantzin Land Institute PO Box 40182 , Albuquerque, NM 87916 Phone: (505) 766-9930 Fax: (505) 766-9931 33 �Indigenous Leaders Sign París D eclaration Indigenous leaders meeting at the December 1991 NGO conference "The Roots of the Future" in Paris signed a declaration demanding that governments and international organizations guarantee the rights of Indigenous Peoples to self-determination and control over their natural resources. The declaration rejects the celebration of the "Quincentennial of the Discovery of America" and states that"the l l th of October,1492 was the last day of freedom for the Indigenous Peoples of Ame rica". The signers also demand the right of Indigenous Peoples to participate in the UN Conference on Environment and Development to be held in June in Brazil. The Indigenous leaders wish to present an alternative modal for sustainable development based on the traditional harmonious relationship between Indians and the environment. They reject the western development Letter from the Indigenous Delegates present at the Palace of Nations in Geneve Switzerland, to the Pope. Geneva, August 1, 1991 Chief of State of the Vatican Pope John Paul II Rome, Italy The indigenous delegates present at the Palace of Nations, in Geneva, Switzerland, in debate regarding the Universal Declaration of the rights of indigenous people, convened by the "Working Group of Indigenous People" of the United Nations, hereby present and declare: In view of the declaration on May 3, 4. 1493, of the Papal Bull INTER CETERA, b) which territories of indigenous people are con ceded to Spain and Portugal, without taking into account the mate ri al or spiritual rights of the indigenous people in case of ABYA-YALA (America) and other parts of the world; In defense of the sacred rights of the indig enous people, and in promotion of human dig nity and harmony that should reign among hu. manity on this pl anet, For all these purposes: 1)we demand from the vatican state a de nunciation of the unilateral treaty Pope Alejandro 34 modal based on a market economy which only benefits the powerful and which is responsible for the destruction of the environment through over exploitation of natural resources. The following is the introduction to the declaration: We, the Indigenous Peoples of the world have been constructing, since the ancestral times, a culture, civilization, history and a view of the world which have permitted us to co-exist harmoniously with nature. This normal process was interrupted in America in 1492 VI, as being contrary to the Universal Human Rights of Peoples. 2)whereas the year 1993 completes 500 years of a supposed spiritual conquest without clear rectification of this universal injustice, allowing the nation-states that have benefited from the inherintance of Pope Alejandro VI to continue programmes of genocide and ethnocide, denying the indigenous people the recuperation of a harmony based on reciprocal human respect, we demand that the Papal Bull of May 3, 4, 1493 INTER CETERA be annulled. 3)we direct John Paul II to accede to universal concepts of justice including the spiritual and mate ri al rights of indigenous peoples, in furthereance of life, harmony of human beings with our Sacred Mother, and the spiritual peace of the Great Creator in accord with the cosmovision of each one of our indigenous peoples, free from all oppression. Thus we proclaim in the name of Human Dignity, in harmony with our Mother Nature and in the Spirit of Truth. Signed, the indigenous delegates, and organizations. by the European invasion of the continent and has meant genocide, the negation of our culture, the violation of our human rights, racial discrimination, the usurpation of our natural resources and the occupation of our territories and sacred places. Currently the Indigenous Peoples find themselves very affected by the necessity created by the economic and cultural system imposed by the great powers and governments. At the same time we have contributed to the "development", sacrificing our peoples and resources without receiving any compensation. For a copy of the full text send $3 to SAIIC. SAIIC Newsletter �Indian People Criticize Earth Summit (Panama, Ecuador) Indigenous Peoples do not expect a significant reduction in the rate of destruction of the environment after the United Nations Conference on the Environment and Development (UNCED) to be held in Rio de J aneiro in June, and demand that their voices be heard at that conference. most progressive and Indian-friendly,"said CONAIE president Luis Mac as . For the Confederation of Indigenous People of Ecuador (CONAIE), the nature of the pre-UNCED negotiations held so far seem to point to the meeting being "great theater, with few conc re te results". He criticized governments and NGOs for giving little importance to the "human aspects of conservation" during preparatory discussions for the Earth Summit. "We have seen governments and environmentalists from both North and South get deeply involved in discussions on biodiversity and technology, but without speaking about us (Indians), who have conserved the Earth for millennia,"Macas said. Oswaldo de Leon Kantule, a youth leader of the Kuna People of Panama, said that he is opposed to the conference. He charges that it only provides a forum for governmental and non-governmental organizations and leaves out the native populations who are "the true defenders of Mother Earth." Delegates from the Ecuador ethnic conference had attended the Pre-UNCED negotiations which began in Kenya in August 1990 and ended last March in New York. For Macas, those who took part in the discussions "forgot the Indian tribes, who for centuries have lived in the forests and the high plateau of America." De Leon insisted that the UN summit officially recognize Indian groups as the true environmental protectors and give them a forum from which to voice their demands after five centuries of exploitation, death and extermination. He said Indigenous groups throughout the world would present to the Rio summit a report showing how the Indians view the universe and demanding that all economic activity in areas inhabited by Indians be administrated by the Indigenous groups themselves. Indigenous groups say official documents to be signed at the Rio meeting would hardly stop the current rate of environmental destruction in the region. "It will be a grand spectacle where each government will want to appear the Vol 6 Num 3 Powerful countries must increase their economic aid, but at the same time, change their paternalistic and imperialistic outlook on he south," said Macas. He blamed the market society and the capitalist model for 75 percent of environmental deterioration in the world. Vianor Pe re z, Kuna activist, described as "contradictory", the fact that Latin American governments wholeheartedly back the conference and at the same time, approve of the cutting down of the Amazonian forest. Every year, close to 200,000 acres of forest re se rv es a re destroyed, territory which for centuries h as provided food and shelter to the Indian population. "A fundamental issue that the conference must discuss is the Indians' right to use their own l and," said Kuna leader de Leon. "If some kind of agreement is not reached, the Indigenous people of Latin America will only be left with the air they breathe and the little land that surrounds them now." "We indigenous people of Brazil don't expect much from that conference," said Ailton Krenack, the Coordinator of the Union of Indian nations in Brazil. "Because the governments who will particip ate have made the decision a long time ago about their environmental police. It is really ; list a show." Source: Inter Press Service and SAIIC 35 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 6, No. 3, Spring & Summer 1992 Language A language of the resource English Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring and Summer 1992 Zotero Abstract Note Entire issue Issue 3 Language English Pages 1-35 Publication Title SAIIC Newsletter Volume 6 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/d9a7275c0cc86513d3cd9ac1e66a800d.pdf c851ba5fc015830f303eb835e0f34747 PDF Text Text S oath and Meso A merican I ndian I nformation C enter Newsletter Vol 5 Nos 3&4, December 1990 The Delegations to the Continental Conference on 500 Years of Indian Resistance tour San Francisco de las Cajas which was reclaimed by Quechua Indian people in the Ecuador Uprising. See pages 2, 18, 20 Linking Indian People of the Americas �Table of Contents Editorial ................................................................................................... 3 Amazon 700 Amazonian Indians March for Land & Dignity .................................. 4 Guarani Community Uprooted ............................................................ 6 Indian People of Roraima Issue Call for Help ......................................... 6 Brazilian President Postures Under International Pressure ..................... 7 Toba Reclaim their Traditional Lands .................................................. 8 Mennonites Invade Mbya Lands in Paraguay ........................................ 9 Indigenous / Environmental Summit Held .......................................... 10 Oil Companies Threaten Indian Communities in Ecuador........................ 12 Ecuadorian Government Sued by Indian / Environmentalist Alliance ...... 13 Southern Cone Damn Forces Mapuches to Abandon Ancestral Lands .......................... 15 "Nehuen Mapu" - Interview with Veronica Huilipan ............................... 16 400 Pehuenche Families Refuse to be Driven Off Lands ........................ 17 Kings Visit Protested ........................................................................ 18 Andes Uprising in Ecuador ......................................................................... 19 Declaration of Quito ......................................................................... 21 Arhuaco Indian Leaders Murdered ..................................................... 22 Felipe Quispe Huanca Arrested and Released ..................................... 22 AIGACAA-Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization and Commerce . 23 Coca: Symbol of 500 Years of Resistance .......................................... 24 US Promotion of Militarization Continues ............................................ 27 Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre in Ayacucho ....................... 28 Meso America Massacre of Tzutijil Indians in Santiago Atitlan .................................... 31 Campesino Unity Committee (CUC) Calls for Solidarity......................... 33 First Gathering of Indian Nations of El Salvador ................................... 34 North America Mohawk Lands Invaded by Canadian Government............................... 35 Indian Student Alliance Denounces US Aggression in Middle East ........ 36 Conference Updates Indian Women Meet in the Land of the Reindeer People ........................ 37 Sixth NFIP Conference Adopts 1992 Resolutions ................................. 39 North American 500 Years Conference to be Held ................................ 39 About SAIIC ................................................................................. Back Page 697-M 2 SAIIC Newsletter �W e are calling on all sectors of society to form an alliance to counter the planned Quincentennial Jubilee and demand that governments, religious institutions, and educational institutions tell the truth about what took place 500 years ago and examine how these injustices continue unabated today. Genocide and ethnocide have been committed against us Indian people by European invaders in the name of "God," "civilization" and "democracy." We realize that we are just one population of many which have been and continue to be victimized by the system imposed upon us by the Western/European culture. African-Americans, brought to this continent as slaves and the Mestizo populations continue with us in our struggles for freedom, justice and respect. On July 17-21, 1990, nearly 400 Indian people, representing 120 nations, tribes and organizations of the Western Hemisphere met for the first time in Quito, Ecuador to discuss their peoples' struggles for self-determination and strategize for a unified Indian response to the 1992 Jubilee celebrations. Despite the offensive denial of truth in the official history, we choose instead to use this symbolic date to reflect upon what the invasion has meant to us, to work with a renewed effort for our autonomy, to educate the people of the world, to celebrate that we are still here and our cultures are still alive thanks to 500 years of resisting, and to formulate alternatives for a better life, in harmony with Mother Earth. We urge you to find out how 1992 is being portrayed and celebrated in your community. Demand that the truth be taught in schools. Support Indian organizations by attending events organized by Indian people. Donate your time and resources to Indian organizations and projects. If you have access to the press, make this available to the Indian Voice. If you belong to an organization, a church group or a club, we urge you to collectively reflect on the 500 years and form alliances with other groups and sectors of society in support of the truth about the colonization of the Americas. Write letters to your political and community leaders and urge them not to celebrate the Quincentennial Jubilee, but to support Native alternatives instead. We, at SAIIC are serving as a liaison between Indian people of the South and Indian people of the North, as well as educating the general public about what the past 500 years has meant to Indian people in South and Meso-America and how we are strategizing for change. See Page 20 for the Declaration of Quito Vol 5 Nos 3&4 3 �700 Amazonian Indians March for Land and Dignity! " We Indian people have walked so that everyone in Bolivia and throughout the world will know that we exist and that we have our rights. We want our ancestral lands which have been stolen by ranchers and logging companies, returned to us. We are perfectly capable of managing these lands on our own!" - Marcial Fabricano (Bolivia) On August 15th 1990, 300 Indian people left the Beni Region of the Bolivian Amazon on a march to the Bolivian capitol of La Paz, high in the Andes. The march grew in strength as they passed through Indian village after Indian village on the long, uphill trek. The marchers mobilized almost one-quarter million lowland Indian people along the way. In La Paz, they publicized the many abuses against their peoples being perpetrated by timber companies and ranchers. Among others, the following communities participated in the march: Chimanes, Yuracares, Matacos, Movimas, Sirionos, Waranis, Mosetenes, Cobendo, Chipayas, Sancalixto, San Lorenzo de Mojos, Chiriwanos. The marchers primary demands are the inmemorial right Indian people have to the lands where they have lived for thousands of years, and that timber companies and ranchers respect these rights. They demanded the return and the restoration of the once pristine forests which the Bolivian government leased to seven lumber companies. In 1978, 1.47 million hectares of the Chimanes Rainforest (located at the entrance to the Bolivian Amazon) was declared a "Forest Reserve." In 1982, 135,000 hectares of the same land was declared a Biosphere Reserve by UNESCO. Then in 1986, the Bolivian government arbitrarily changed the legal status of the Chimanes Forest to "Forest of Permanent Production." The government then began to sell logging concessions within the preserve to lumber companies. Over 11,700 cubic meters of fine hardwood have been cut and no reforestation measures have been taken. The 700 delegates marched for 33 days, experiencing radical temperature changes as they made the Andean climb. In the Highlands, they were greeted by powerful Aymara and Quechua organizations which welcomed their lowland brothers with ancient rituals, where offerings were made to the sacred Achachila Mountains of La Cumbre. Part of the huge success of this historical march is due to the very personal expression of grievances, Indian nation to Indian nation. The idea for the March for Land and Dignity grew out of the Second Encounter for Unity among the Indigenous People of the Beni Region and was led by CPIB (Indig- enous Peoples' Central Office of Beni Province). 4 Please write and express your solidarity with the Central de Pueblos lndigenas del Beni CPIB Casilla 58 Trinidad, Beni BOLIVIA Tel: 011-591-46-21525 SAIIC Newsletter �Last-minute Communiqué • • • As a result of the march, on September 22, the Indian delegates achieved the signing of five Supreme Decrees which restore their rights to their traditional lands and set down the basis for their treatment as equals, rather than as second class citizens. In a recent letter SAIIC received from CPIB, they wish to thank individuals, grass-roots organizations and international institutions which have supported them in their struggle. But the struggle has only just begun! The situation has become tenser and could lead to confrontation at any moment. The Minister of Campesino Affairs in Trinidad (the site of the commencemt of the March) recently ruled in favor of cattle-ranchers who are occupying Indian lands in Ibiato. CPIB was told repeatedly that these ranchers would be removed from Siriono Indian lands and that the government would resolve this issue with the ranchers. The fact is that the terms of the Decrees require that these and other issues be resolved fairly, and they are not. In the meantime, the Indian people of the Bolivian Amazon are witnessing the uncontrollable acceleration of the plundering of resources from their lands. In the letter SAIIC received, CPIB states: For this reason, we would like the Bolivian nation and the international community to know that we will not tolerate further deceit; therefore, we renew our call to the Bolivian people and the international community for their staunch support, so that together, we may be alerted, demonstrating our willingness to see that the Decrees we have earned are carried out in good faith and not be subverted in their intent. The march and successful bargaining for ecological preservation on the part of Indian people, sets a precedent for an effective way of defending the rainforest ecology. There is no alternative to completely removing the "quick profit mentality" of the timber companies. The march has demonstrated that this is possible. CPIB is requesting that letters be written in support of the Indian people of the Bolivian Amazon, demanding that the Five Supreme Decrees be honored by the government. Send letters to: President Jaime Paz Zamora Palacio Presidencial Plaza Murillo La Paz, BOLIVIA Vol 5 Nos 3&4 5 �Guarani Community Uprooted Their Homes Burnt to the Ground to Make Way for Tourist Resort! (Misiones, Argentina) According to AmerIndia Boletin de las Comunidades Indigenas, seven Guarani families, including 17 children, were forced out of their homes, which were subsequently burned. This atrocity took place in the Port of 'guard, in the northeastern province of Argentina, bordering on Brazil and Paraguay. Officials from the government's Land and Colonization Department joined police forces in uprooting the families and burning down their homes. The Guarani families were then forced into a truck and abandoned in a barren, rocky area bordering a garbage dump, where they were forced to spend one of the coldest nights of the year. The violent eviction of the Guarani families, none of whom held official title to their ancestral lands, came as a result of a contract between the Misiones provincial government and the Iguazil Company. The contract was for the sale of 500 hectares to the Iguazli Company (at a cost of $400 million). The company is constructing a tourist complex on the land, which is adjacent to the world-famous Iguazii Falls. People from various organizations expressed their outrage over the evictions and their solidarity with the Guarani families. The Bishop pf Misiones, Joaquin Piera, and the Popular Ecumenical Action Branch in Misiones were among them. Representatives from many Indian organizations expressed support for their Guarani brothers and sisters. The leader of the Guarani community, Jose Espindola, expressed "...great sorrow for the seventeen children who were exposed to the extremely low nighttime temperatures as a result of the eviction, as well as for the incredible lack of sensitivity demonstrated by the white men with respect to our culture and lifestyle." For more information, or to subscribe to Amerindia, you can write to them at: P.C. 207, Suc. 1 1401 Capital Federal ARGENTINA To contact the AsociaciOn de Pueblos Guarani, you can write to them at: P.C. #2 Capiovi 332 Misiones ARGENTINA Indian People of Roraima Issue Call for Help (Brazil) The Macuxi and the Wauja of Roraima are threatened with extinction because the policies of FUNAI (the Brazilian Bureau of Indian Affairs) which encourage encroachment on the lands, lives, and properties of Indigenous peoples. Like the Wauja, leaders of the 15,000 surviving savannah Macuxi have for years formally complained about actions of illegal poachers on their lands. They have witnessed FUNAI effectively defending only those who usurp Macuxi and Wauja lands, lives, and property, and that FUNAI policies have precipitated another era of lawlessness in this region of Roraima. Acts of violence have been committed on behalf of poachers and landowners who are sanctioned by complicitous FUNAI/Brazilian laws. These acts include assault, battery, and hundreds of murders. They have been committed against trade union leaders, competing peasants and/or poachers, as well as Indian people. Two Macuxi Indians from the Jiboia maloca (communal house) of Santa Cruz, in the state of Roraima were killed on June 25, 1990. The two men, 19 year-old Mario Davis and 35 year-old Damiao Mendes, were allegedly murdered by employees of an influential landowner while they were out herding pigs. Their bodies were found on the banks of the Mau River, three 6 kilometers from their house. The Conselho Indigena de Roraima (Indian Council of Roraima - CIR) informed the public of the murders. Earlier in April 1990, the CIR petitioned the federal police and state prosecutor to intervene in racist crimes against lives and properties of Indigenous peoples. They requested an impartial investigation of associated lawlessness involving Roraima's police and poachers and landlords. At present, they also demand: (1) that they undertake full and impartial investigation of the recent murders of Mendes and Davis; (2) that they bring the perpetrators to justice; (3) that they publicize all related decisions, findings, and actions in adjudication of these cases in Roraima. Atamai, the principal chief of the Wauja Nation seeks support from international groups and individuals concerning the violation of their sovereignty and human rights, including religious rights through usurpation of their traditional lands, destruction of their homes and property, and thinly veiled threats upon their lives by foreign and domestic poachers acting in collusion with the Brazilian government. This very old land dispute between FUNAI and the Wauja concerns sacred and fertile agricultural land located in the southwestern SA IC Newsletter �corner of Xingu National Park, south of Batovi and Ulupuene rivers. Atamai accuses FUNAI of the following: (1) the publication of maps which altered the boundary of unceded traditional Wauja lands without the prior consent of the Wauja Nation; (2) failure to rectify initial complaints voiced by Atamai before FUNAI concerning these errors; (3) through omission (e.g., failure to protect rights of the Wauja) and/or commission via these documents, aiding and abetting subsequent foreign and domestic poachers on Wauja lands; (4) subsequent use of indirect threats on Wauja life and property in its attempt to silence Wauja protests concerning land poachers and FUNATs failure to adjudicate Wauja complaints about land rights; and (5) unlawfully defending the usurpation of Wauja lands which the agency now claims belong to non-Indians under Brazilian law. Atamai states that it is urgent that we now pressure the Brazilian government to ethically adjudicate the Wauja situation before lives are lost on both sides. This situation is critical since racist poachers recently destroyed three Wauja houses containing not easily replaceable tools and medical supplies (late summer, 1990). How You Can Help Send letters, Faxes, telegrams, telexes 1) urging that a thorough, prompt and impartial investigation be opened into the killings of Damiao Mendes and Mario Davis, that the results be made public, and that those found responsible be brought to justice; 2) urging that a thorough, prompt and impartial investigation be made of FUNAI concerning the above five accusations, and that justice is carried out in regards to Wauja land claims; 3) respectfully reminding the authorities of their duties to offer effective protection through judicial or other means to individuals and/or groups who are in danger of extrajudicial executions, including those who receive death threats. Send your appeals to: President Collor de Mello Presidencia de la Republica, Gabinete Civil Palacio do Planalto, CEP 70150 Brasilia DF BRASIL Sr Bermardo Cabral Ministro da Justica Esplanada dos Ministerios Bloco 23 70.064 Brasilia DF BRAZIL Fax: 011-55-61-224-4357 Telegrams: Ministro Justica Brasilia, BRAZIL Telex: 391 611003 MNJU BR Vol 5 Nos 3&4 President Postures Under International Pressure Bombing of Airstrips is Meaningless My people, the Yanomami, are dying. When they take the minerals from under the earth, whites do not realize that they are spreading poison throughout the world, and that the world will come to an end, will die. - Davi Yanomami (Brazil) With these words, Yanomami leader Davi Kopenawa describes the tragedy of his people. In the past three years a goldrush has brought 45,000 miners to the state of Roraima, home of the Yanomami Tribe (See SAIIC Newsletter, Vol. 5, Nos. 2 & 3). The mining operations have severely damaged the environment. Mercury residues from the mining operations poison the rivers, killing fish and destroying Yanomami water supplies. Wildlife, essential to the Yanomami diet, is scared away by noise and is decimated by the miners. But most disruptive of all, the new immigrants have brought with them many diseases for which the Yanomami have no immunity. As a result, of the 9,000 Yanomami in the region, as many as 15% have died so far. At this rate, all Yanomami will have disappeared in the next ten years. Last January the Brazilian Government ordered the eviction of the miners, but no real enforcement followed. An estimated 8000 miners remain on Yanomami lands, and more have been returning. Pressured by an international outcry, President Fernando Collor de Mello ordered the bombing of all illegal landing strips, estimated to be about 100, built by the miners, so as to prevent their returning. Since the Presidential decree, only 14 airstrips have been destroyed. Heavy rains have brought any further government operations to a halt while the garimpeiros (gold prospectors) are already recovering the few damaged airstrips. The bad faith of the government and its posturing to hold off criticism are evident by President Collor de Mello's refusal to repeal former President Sarney's decree that permits miners to enter the 35,000 square miles of Yanomami territory, establishing "three garimpeiro reserves." The decrees are uncon- 7 �stitutional, and the Federal Court ordered that they be repealed. Yet the Government continues to allow miners access to these reserves. In fact Roraima's settler population -which is dependent on mining for its subsistencegave the President his largest margin of victory out of all Brazilian states and territories. President Collor has thus pledged he will take into account the miners' interests as well as the Indians'. On March 27th, the new President went to Roraima making his first official visit to Yanomami territory. The President's priorities were not so much to visit Indian villages, but rather to inspect the local military base which is part of the Calha Norte (Northern Headwaters) project. The military program was estab- Toba Reclaim Traditional Lands (Argentina) The Voz de las Primeras Naciones informed us that the Toba community of 011a Quebrada in the Chaco Province (located in the Northeast of Argentina), hosted an assembly organized by the Community Association of Meguesoxochi of Teuco Bermejito on April 7-8. Representatives from eleven Toba Indian communities united to reclaim 150,000 hectares of land between the Teuco and the Bermejito rivers. These lands were recognized as belonging to the Toba by National Decree in 1924, but have been increasingly stolen by logging companies and large cattle ranches. This is partially due to the fact that land titles were never given to the Toba for these lands. About 500 people from 15 local communities participated in the reclamation and the symbolic reratification of the 1924 Decree. Many creole families who have lived among the Toba for more than 50 years, stood in support of their Indigenous neighbors. This proves false the circulating accusations that the Indian people "are on the warpath" against the creole inhabitants. The Creole supporters declared "...today, we stand in solidarity with our brothers in the neighboring community of 011a Quebrada, whom have not yet received official titles to their lands." The Toba leaders stated that the Creole population they are having difficulties with, are those who buy thousands of hectares for logging and cattleranching and never live there. "They don't care that they are cutting off paths with their wire fences and threaten those who try to cross them, and irrationally exploit the valuable Chaquenos trees." 8 lished in 1985 and has installed 26 military outposts along the 3,900 miles of Brazil bordering Colombia, Venezuela, Surinam and the Guyanas. The program has cost $640 million and is designed to attract settlers to these remote areas. On a recent trip to Sao Paulo, Davi Yanomami stated that just dynamiting the airstrips will do nothing to eliminate the problems. "The Collor government isn't worried about the Indians. They want the riches of the forest; they want money. I fear that the government will get the garimpeiros out and the large mining companies will move in," he said. Although they have not received any word on the matter from the provincial government, representatives of the Meguesoxochi Association inaugurated the land reclamation by installing a sign on the Santa Ana Bridge which read s: "Lalamax Nam Qom 'Alhua" or "Toba Dominion'' - 150,000 hectares, by National Decree (February 19, 1924). Please send letters of support and concern for the lands of the Toba people to: Ministerio de Gobierno, Justicia y EducaciOn Dr. Julio Sotelo Resistencia - Chaco, ARGENTINA For more information on the Indian people of Argentina, subscribe to: La Voz de las Primeras Naciones Casilla de Correo #49, Suc. 3-B 1403 Buenos Aires, ARGENTINA SAIC Newsletter �Mennonites Invade Mbya Lands (Paraguay) Several families from the Civil Society of the Sommerfeld Kommittee have invaded lands which were recently reclaimed by the Mbya people. A total of 1,430 hectares were expropriated on November 21, 1989 and designated for use by 90 Mbya families from Cheiro Arapoty, as stipulated in Paraguay Law 23/89. Nevertheless, the Mennonites began erecting prefabricated houses, building roads and cultivating the land without regard for the law. According to Mbya leader Maximo Gonzalez, "...the Mennonites entered our community. They entered 'Mbaratepe' by force, threatening us and ignoring our protests. They told us the law meant nothing to them, that the expropriation papers were pure garbage. A Mennonite named Abraham laughed at General Rodriguez' signature and said all the papers were false. I can't do anything. The Mennonites don't respect the law. We are afraid of the Mennonites. They say they will take us prisoners, punish us and throw us off our land. All of the land you see in front of my house was cultivated by the Mennonites in violation of the law. They arrived in the evening, worked into the night and planted wheat in front of my house." The area affected by the Mennonite invasion is known as Mbaragui 14 and is located within the limits of the Caazapd Project, which poses another serious threat to the Mbya people and was the focus of a campaign launched on June 7 by: the National Team of Misiones from the CEP, the UC Defense of Indigenous Heritage, Socio-Anthropologic and Judicial Professional Services, the UC Center for Anthropological Studies and the Indigenous Support Services. Marilin Rehnfeldt of the Center for Humanitarian Studies in Paraguay writes: Enormous tracts of Indigenous lands are currently being occupied for raising livestock and for agricultural purposes as part of a quasi-official government policy carried out in the name of progress. The forests, hunting and gathering grounds, sacred sites burial grounds have become the private property of livestock owners and non-Indian farmers. The entire process of leaving the Indigenous people destitute and marginalized leads irrevocably to ethnocide. In other words, this process leads to the elimination of Indigenous culture and values and, most importantly, the destruction of the collective identity associated with the land/territory. The 'place of Indigenous culture' or Tekoha, disappears. Approximately 7,000 Mbya live in Eastern Paraguay and the forested regions of Northern Argentina, Southern Brazil and Uruguay. Threats to the cultural, spiritual and social integrity of the Mbya have intensified since the 1950's when rapid capitalist development reached their lands. In more recent years, the Indigenous people of Eastern Paraguay have lost much of their forested land to a colonization project (Proyecto CaazapS) financed by the Paraguayan government and the World Bank. The need for demarcating and legalizing Mbya territory has been voiced since the beginning of the project in 1983, and as of today, only a small minority has seen their lands legalized. Even that small group has had their lands shrunken by the government. To contact the Mbya Guarani Bulletin, you can write to: Mbya Guarani Bulletin Azara 3267 C/Kubischek Asuncion, Paraguay Telephone: 203-618 One of the educational panels held during the campaign focused on the issue of ethnocide. The United Nations definition of ethnocide established in 1948 states: Ethnocide means that an ethnic group, either collectively or individually, has been denied the right to enjoy, develop and transmit its own culture and language: We declare that cultural ethnocide is a violation of international law, as is genocide, and is condemned by the UN Convention for the Prevention and Sanction of Genocidal Abuses of 1948. Vol 5 Nos 384 9 �First Summit Held Between Indian Peoples and Environmentalists (Peru) The Coordinating Body for Indigenous Peoples Organizations of the Amazon Basin (COICA) and international environmental and conservation groups met in Iquitos, Peru in May 1990. The purpose of this historic summit was to analyze the serious deterioration of the Amazon biosphere and search for joint alternative solutions. The first summit between Indigenous organizations and international ecology groups holds great promise for future joint actions in the defense of the Amazon basin. COICA has advanced the idea that the struggle is to preserve not only the land, but also Indigenous communities and cultures which have always recognized the importance of a harmonious relationship between humans and their natural environment. What follows are excerpts from the Iquitos Declaration, signed by representatives of 14 Indigenous organizations and 24 international environmental organizations. We, Indian people and ecologists are here because we share a common concern: respect for the world that we are destined to live in and the conservation of that world for a better life for all of humanity. We Indigenous peoples and our lands are one and the same. To destroy one is to destroy the other. Now we have again become strong through our organizations; we have again become the main actors in the defense of our environment as well as its primary guardians. Beyond a shadow of a doubt, conservation is of great concern to us. We are at a historical and decisve crossroads: either we will disappear along with the forest or we will survive together. For us, the forest is not just another resource, it is life itself. It is the only place where we can live. Migration would mean the death of our people and our culture. The Amazon is our legacy for our children. The 'development' of the forest has been undertaken, seeking short-term profits, which translates to the overuse of certain resources and the elimination of future development possibilities. We think as much of the forest as we do of our own well-being. We have a deep need for diversity and wholeness in our relationship with the forest. As the destruction is reaching alarming proportions, the main concern has become the environment. In this way, we are disregarded and being destroyed as human beings. Millions have been invested in parks whose only guarantees are motivated by the very transitory interests of governments. These guarantees are very weak and fleeting as we see it. Unfortunately in certain cases, the parks and other conservation areas have imposed yet one more obstacle for us, another reduction in our ability to control our land. Sometimes they have only turned out to be reserves for future oil and gold exploration, timber concessions, etc... Parks are not a reality in the same way that a community is. A park is a law and therefore subject to violation, change and dependent on the goodwill of the state. 10 SAIIC Newsletter �Technical considerations and scientific interests alone represent a less effective deterrent than the human defense of communities fighting for our futures. However, joint action could have the most effective results. tion and to use our resources according to the mandates of our tradition and culture, instead of mere demographic groups. This follows the mandates of the United Nations. Our proposal for conservation is nothing more than giving priority to the recognition and recomposition of Indigenous territories through all of the legal mechanisms possible. The Amazon is not under the reign of technicians or isolated bureaucrats, but of a single People which stands firmly behind its conservation because the forest is our only home, our only future. Our life itself is at stake. We think of our land as a continuity, without breaks or divisions, integrated and diverse whose legal guarantees do not differentiate between its diverse elements. It must be as broad as possible to insure a suitable life for each community. It must correspond to community's traditional or current perception of territoriality. This territory should be cared for according to the guidelines set down by that particular community's culture. This community should also have broad control over its resources; the same prerogatives that are granted to any community. Indigenous territory, as an area simultaneously diversified and whole, is conservation at it's best. It is not the false conservation of a museum. It is a complete, integrated use of the resources; one where all is used rationally. The greatest criticism we have received as Indigenous Peoples has been that we don't use or exploit the jungle enough. For us, that is both the highest praise and proof of our inherited wisdom because we do use the whole forest in an integrated fashion, but with such care that our critics don't even realize it. To make use of these rights means that we must demand to have direct representation as communities in any discussion or decision, be it national or international, scientific or political, regarding the fate of the Amazon in such a way that assures respect for our initiatives. So, we don't have a manual, but rather an ancient culture. It is this culture where a mutually beneficial relationship exists with our forests, which should guide environmental action in the Amazon. Our concept of territoriality presupposes another way of understanding land rights and the generation of new rights. It is not only the rights of those who have been here for centuries, it is also the rights of the water, the plants, the animals and of all living things. An Ashaninka leader expressed it clearly when he complained because the government tried to restrict his community to a small area claiming that they were very few people. "Don't the monkeys, the birds and the huanganas also need land to live on?" This is our idea. Furthermore, Indigenous people's land and conservation rights are not just shallow, passing fancies. It is the right of each community to share its life and culture with the land for all generations to come. It is a permanent and profound commitment. All legal and social guarantees regarding the survival of the Amazonian jungle must be tied to our life and survival as Indigenous peoples of this planet. Indigenous land rights will gradually become an effective instrument for conservation as we come to be recognized as communities with rights to self-determinaVol 5 Nos 3&4 If these criteria are applied justly, people will realize that the extent of our presence in the Amazon is much greater than official policy, which tries to dissolve us and wipe us out in order to present us as minorities on the way to extinction (as they would like to believe). Our presence in the Amazon is real and our ability to project ourselves into the future will become more evident as we continue to receive the necessary ideological and fraternal support in order to open the path to Indigenous Territorial and Conservation Rights together with all of its implications for the future of humanity. For all of the above reasons, we propose that the ecology groups of the world ally themselves with Indigenous communities in order to defend the Amazon Basin through collaborative efforts. Achieving the recognition and conservation of Indigenous territories is our common goal: Give Humanity and the Amazon Basin a Future. We invite you to take that step with us here and now. The Iquitos Declaration was signed by representatives from the following Indigenous, international and environmental organizations: COICA, AIDESEP (Peru), CIDOB, CPIB (Bolivia), CONAIE, CONFENIAE (Ecuador), ONIC (Colombia), UNI (Brazil), Indian Law Resource Center, etc..., Conservation International, The Peruvian Foundation Friends of the Earth, Green peace, National Wildlife Federation, Probe International, Rainforest Action Network, The Rainforest Alliance, Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund, World Resources Institute, World Wildlife Fund, Cultural Survival, Ford Foundation, Gessellschaft Fur Bedrohte Volker (Austria), Inter-American Foundation, OXFAM America, Campaign for Life in the Amazon, and Survival International etc... As a follow-up to the Iquitos meeting, COICA and environmental organizations met in Washington, DC in August, to further discuss the alliance and strategize for the future. For more information, you can contact COICA at: 1011 Orleans St. New Orleans, LA. 70116 FAX: (504) 522-7815 Tel: (504) 522-7185 or: Jir6n Almagro 614 Lima 11, Peru Tel. 51-14-631983 FAX 51-14-631983 11 �Oil Companies Threaten Indian Communities (Sarayacu, Ecuador) The Texas-based oil company, ARCO (the Atlantic-Richfield Co.) is finishing an exploratory well on Amazonian Quechua Indian lands and in three months the year-long exploratory phase will be over and commercial drilling will begin. Meanwhile, the ARCO drill-sites are being guarded by heavily armed Ecuadorian Military units. This is taking place despite the fact that the Ecuadorian government signed an agreement with OPIP (the Organization of Indian People of Pastaza) last year which stated that all Indian lands in the Sarayacu Region would be demarcated and legalized, and all work being done by oil companies would cease until this happens. The agreement also states that adequate environmental measures would be enforced in the exploitation of resources and that the Summer Institute of Linguistics (a Texas-based missionary organization) would be prohibited from operating in Ecuador. As of today, none of these agreements have been kept by the government. The drilling is being done on Moretecocha Indian lands, near Sarayacu, in the Province of Pastaza, in the Ecuadorian Amazon. Pastaza is the most intact Amazon rainforest left in Ecuador. There has been very little colonization except near the capitol of Puyo. This is sure to change if commercial oil drilling begins. Several other oil companies are finishing explorations and gearing up to drill in Pastaza, including British Gas and UNOCAL. What is taking place in Pastaza is an all-toofamiliar scenario which has taken place in rainforest regions throughout South America. First, valuable natural resources are discovered on Indian lands by North American or European companies. Next, the Summer Institute of Linguistics moves in to local Indian communities in order to undermine the Native culture and prevent the influence of Indian federations. Then, roads are built, massive exploitation of resources and rapid colonization begins. National militaries are employed to insure that the process unfolds smoothly and objections are quickly silenced. This is how the Amazon rainforest environment and Indian communities are effectively destroyed. situation is very critical and major violence may be taken against the members of these organizations very soon. The truth is, these organizations are very strong Indian organizations which are attempting to protect their people and homelands from destruction. They are calling on the international community to support them in their struggle. How You Can Help! Please write, call, send Faxes and telexes to ARCO, and President Rodrigo Borja of Ecuador, protesting this critical situation and expressing your solidarity with the Indian people of Ecuador. Please reprint this bulletin in your publications and pass it on to others. Your help is desperately needed! President Rodrigo Borja Palacio Nacional Quito, ECUADOR Telex: 393-223-75 PREREP ED or 393-222-01 PREREP EDL.M. Cook, ExecDir and: Atlantic-Richfield Co. 515 South Flower Los Angeles, CA 90071 Tel: (213) 486-3511 or 486-2049 Please don't let this happen again! Currently, the only people actively working to prevent this from happening in Pastaza is OPIP, CONFENIAE (The Confederation of Indian Organizations of the Ecuadorian Amazon), and CONAIE (The Confederation of Indian Organizations of Ecuador). The Ecuadorian Military has been actively discrediting and harassing all of these organizations, calling them "extreme leftist, violent terrorists." The 12 SAIC Newsletter �"It's Your Land, But..." Ecuadorian Government Legalizes Huaorani Lands Ayuma Tenko explaining the provisions of the land titles to the Huaorani community. (Ecuador) For several years, the Huaorani people, aided by the Confederation of Indian Peoples of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) have been working on delimiting and legalizing the lands which have historically belonged to them. On April 3, the President of Ecuador, Rodrigo Borja granted, in his words, "612,000 idle hectares" to the Huaorani. 18 Huaorani community leaders traveled to Quito to receive title to their lands in a ceremony held in the Presidential Palace. The ceremony was imbued with political propaganda: "Under my government, you are free men and no longer slaves of anybody or thing...including dogmas of agitators interested in using you as a political instrument..." The small print on the land titles given by the Institute for Agrarian Reform and Colonization explains that the Huaorani "are not allowed to interfere with mineral and oil exploitation by the national government or authorized individuals." These conditions make it very clear that the Ecuadorian government intends to continue the exploitation of oil and other natural resources on Indian lands. This perpetrates the colonial policies of disrespect for Indigenous peoples and their rights to decide their own destiny. The grand political propaganda that accompanied the ratification of the land entitlement, shows how the government is trying to change its negative image in respect to the destruction of the natural environment and the negation of Indigenous rights. Neither CONAIE (the Confederation of Indigenous Nations of Ecuador) nor CONFENIAE were invited to the ceremony. Ayuma Tenko, representative of the Huaorani people, upon receiving the ownership titles, commented: "This ratification of our territory is not completely your will. It is the product of years of struggle by our people, of national organizations and of national and international solidarity. Furthermore, Mr. President, we ask that you immediately stop the construction of roads in our territory, that you evict the colonizers that have invaded our lands and the oil companies that are destroying our forests. Someday we will have nothing. If you do not meet our demands, we will defend what belongs to us with our own spears." Ecuadorian Government Being Sued by Indian - Environmental Alliance!!! (Ecuador) On June 4th,1990, the Confederation of i ndigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon 'CONFENIAE) and lawyers of the Sierra Club Legal Defence Fund (SCLDF), together with the Inter-American 2ommission on Human Rights, filed a petition in which :hey charge the Ecuadorian Government with "the endangerment of the lives and culture of Ecuador's ivaorani people through the encouragement of oil ievelopment on the Huaorani's traditional lands." Vol 5 Nos 3&4 CONOCO Ecuador, Ltd, a "wholly owned subsidiary of Dupont, plans to build more than 100 miles of roads and pipelines, as well as dozens of oil rigs, pumping facilities and housing for several hundreds workers" with direct encroachment on Huaorani lands. 13 �About 1,600 Huaorani people live by hunting and shifting cultivation, and are among the most isolated groups of the Amazon rainforest. CONFENIAE president, Luis Varga tragically sums up what the "developers" will bring to the Indian population: Forced employment or unemployment, a loss of the natural resources which guarantee Indian subsistence, as well as general contamination of their environment, the introduction of prostitution, alcoholism and infectious diseases, the destruction of traditional healing methods and natural cures, and the assimilation into a destructive, consumerist society. Furthermore, the abuse of Indigenous people goes hand-in-hand with the destruction of the Amazonian rainforest. Members of both CONFENIAE and SCLDF emphasize how the interests of Indigenous people and conservationists coincide. "By assuring the respect and protection of Indigenous rights, the environment will automatically be protected. On the other hand, efforts to protect the Amazon which do not actively include Indigenous people and elicit their sincere support are doomed to fail." Members of CONFENIAE warn us not to fall prey to governmental demagogic discourse which buries ecologically destructive practices in ecological rhetoric. National parks, forest reserves and protected areas have 14 not meant the protection of the environment in Ecuador, but rather have become new areas for colonialialist exploitation and environmental destruction. The Yasuni Park is a good example of this. Oil exploration and drilling has been frequently conducted within it's borders by CONOCO. Recently 200,000 hectares of Yasuni Park land was granted to CONOCO. The Department of National Forestry has developed a plan in conjunction with CONOCO, by which more than 50% of the total area of the park will be opened to petroleum and mineral operations. The World Bank has been financing oil development in Ecuador and a new loan of $100 million is pending. Indigenous people have filed a petition with the Ecuadorian government and the World Bank in which the respect for Indigenous cultural and territorial integrity is demanded. For more information, contact: Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund 2044 Fillmore Street San Francisco, California 94115 Tel: (415) 567-6100 SAIC Newsletter �Construction of Dam Forces Mapuches to Abandon Ancestral Lands When the gates to the hydroelectric dam "Piedra del Aguila" were opened, an important part of the Mapuche community of Pilquiniyeu were covered eternally with water. The inundated areas included the cemetery, where our ancestors rest, as well as the site of many cave paintings. - the Indigenous Council of Rio Negro (Rio Negro, Argentina) Heralding the slogan, "Energy to Move the Country," Rio Negro's provincial government, moving fullspeed ahead, signed a contract with the Hidronor Enterprise which allowed for the construction of a major hydroelectric facility at Piedra del Aguila. The facility is one of a series which are planned for the Limay River, stretching from the Rio Negro to the Neuquen Provinces in the South of Argentina. The estimated cost of the project is 1.2 billion dollars and is being financed by the Inter-American Development Bank. The project is expected to generate ten-percent of the country's total energy needs. 4 Vol 5 Nos 3&4 ment for the families who lost their homes and farms in the flooding. The dam was built with such poor standards that a structural crack has already been detected. The Latin American Council of the Social Sciences, FLACSO, said that the damning of these lands is "yet another step in the relentless process leading to the disappearance of the history and cultures of Indigenous peoples." Please send letters of concern, today to: Ministro Edgardo Buyayisqui Minis. de Recursos Naturales Viedma, Rio Negro ARGENTINA In addition to the sacred sites, the 9,300 inundated hectares included a fertile valley, containing extensive forest reserves, fruit orchards and the subsistence farms of 130 Mapuche people. The 29 homeless families were relocated to neighboring lands which the government expropriated. In addition to the land, the government promised these families new homes. Nevertheless, the only homes constructed thus far have been precarious emergency shelters. Clearly, the project budget did not include an allot15 �"Nehuen Mapu"- Strength of the Land An Interview with Veronica Huilipan (Argentina) Veronica Huilipan, a Mapuche Indian from Neuquen, Argentina, participated in the Continental Conference: 500 Years of Indian Resistance, in Quito, Ecuador. Veronica belongs to the organization Nehuen Mapu (Strength of the Land). She spoke to SAIIC about the work Nehuen Mapu is doing in Neuquen. Our organization emerged as a result of concerns shared by Mapuches who had migrated to the city for work, health or educational reasons. These Mapuche families in Neuquen wanted to get together, to speak their own language and overcome their feelings of isolation. The first thing we did was to build a house, a place to shelter those brothers and sisters visiting from the countryside while taking care of personal matters in Neuquen. In the past, many Mapuches arriving in Neuquen from the country were obliged to sleep on chairs at hospitals or on benches in the plaza, due to a lack of resources. After accomplishing our first goal, the building of the house, we began to notice that those of us living in Neuquen were having many problems. We were discriminated against by the white society, within the educational system and at work. For example, the white people would look at us disapprovingly when we spoke in our language. We realized that we had to work on the recovery and practices of our culture. The Council of Elders forms an integral part of our organization. We call the elders "the old ones." The elders give us strength; they motivate us. After we complete a task, they point out our mistakes. The elders play an important role in our organization. They help us understand that if we want to defend and recover what is rightfully ours as Mapuches, we need to do it our way and not as the Western culture does it. For example, the elders are very much opposed to political parties. It hurts them to see a member of Nehuen Mapu endorsing a political party. The elders say: "the politicians come, they take our vote, they give us a few bags of flour and, after the elections are over they never come back. That is how they have used us in the past." 16 When we inaugurated our headquarters, our "ranch," the elders organized a ceremony to give thanks. In our community we had ceremonies only once a year, between February and May. These ceremonies are to thank Ngenechen for all the good we have received. We also thank Ngenechen for the bad, since according to our elders, Ngenechen does not bestow bad things upon us without reason. Ngenechen will make things better the next year. The Grandmothers coming from the Mapuche communities in the countryside advise us to be careful about our behavior; never to forget that we are Mapuches. Mapuches must be respectful. This is an attribute of our people. We want to teach our history to the rest of the people. It is very different from what they read in the books. For example, the so-called "Conquest of the Desert" was when the Argentine army, led by Roca, invaded the desert to kill all the Mapuches, to eliminate us and take our land, imposing Western culture onto our region. Today, in Argentina's schools the children are taught that, thanks to Europe, we are civilized; that thanks to Roca, there are no more Indians. For this reason we go to the schools making presentations which give our side of history. The students have no idea why the "Conquest of the Desert" occurred, nor who financed it. The conquest was not the result of a lone army acting independently. It was the result of an economic'power dominating Argentina. The multinational corporations are guilty of creating our poverty. As a result, today in Argentina, we suffer from poverty and unemployment. The English financed the invasion of the desert. They wanted Patagonia free of Indians because the land was good and fertile. They paid Roca's army to exterminate us. They were not successful. In hindsight they claim the invasion was done in the name of "civilization," "religion," or some other reason... We ask those who justify the invasion in these terms: if progress and civilization were the reasons for the invasion, why are those now in control of the lands of Patagonia, English, and not Argentinian? The same process is unfolding today. SAJIC Newsletter �In Neuquen, we are trying to inform the people in our 35 Mapuche communities about the 500 years campaign, We are in the process of making a video. We already have a radio program called "Quinte Fold" (Searching for our Roots) . We use the radio to share our culture, our customs, religion and language. We also use the media to denounce human rights violations against our communities and our people. ARAUCARIAS Participating in the Continental Gathering: 500 Years of Indian Resistance provided an opportunity for me to meet with my Indian sisters from North, Central and South America. I participated in the Women's Commission. Before the Continental Gathering, I knew women were organized and struggling for their rights, but I didn't know there were so many of them! It was very encouraging to meet all these women. This meeting has given me yet another issue to discuss with my brothers and sisters - the organizing of Mapuche women. The situation of Mapuche women has not really come to light in Argentina. I observed that Indian women spoke on a variety of subjects, yet they all shared the same perspective, the same feelings. I really enjoyed how the women spoke from their hearts. It seems like many times people struggle using only their intellect. Many errors are made that way. At some point in the future and I don't know when that might be, Indian women will be united into one huge organization extending from the national to the international level. Nehuen Mapu Juan B. Justo 33 8300 Neuquen ARGENTINA 400 Pehuenche Families Refuse to be Driven Off Lands by Lumber Company In the harshest winters, when it's cold enough to kill our cows, our families depend on the Araucaria trees for survival. These trees are the only guarantee for our future. When they cut them, they are cutting off our future. The Araucaria are stronger than us... for thousands of years, it's been our source of life. - Don Melinir of the Quinquen Valley (Chile) The Pehuenche people of the Quinquen Valley have been struggling for years to obtain official and rights. The Chilean government, meanwhile, has ;old their lands to the Galletue Lumber company. The umber company won a court battle by arguing that the 'ehuenche do not use their lands to their fullest potential )y not harvesting the valuable and endangered Arauca-ia trees. These ancient and beautiful trees are central to -he lives of the Pehuenche, who have a variety of uses for :he nuts. The Pehuenche settled in the Quinquen Valley n 1880, after escaping the persecution of the Chilean 'acification Plan. The 400 Pehuenche families in the Quinquen Valley were ordered off their lands by November 4, 1990. After this date, the lumber company has the legal right to :all in the military to evict them. The lawyer for the ipecial Commission for Indigenous Peoples (CEPI), Eduardo Astorga, stated that the situation is becoming very dangerous because the Pehuenche have announced :hat they would only leave their lands in coffins. If there Vol 5 Nos 3&4 17 �is a forced eviction, he fears that it will lead to a battle. On November 21, the Pehuenche residents blocked the roads to the valley to stop the logging company from taking out truckloads of araucaria trees. Pehuenche leader Ricardo Meliñir stated that they have taken the action because the land and all that is on it, is still in dispute. The previous Wednesday, the Pehuenche saw twelve truckloads ofthe sacred trees being hauled off and have kept a permanent vigil since then. He reports that they are willing to block the roads indefinitely. The assistant to the government on Indigenous Issues of Governorship has accused the Communist Party of provoking false hopes of land recuperation among the Mapuches, inciting them to fight for their rights. Kings Visit Protested (Chile) Since September 28, 1989, the National Commission of Mapuche Communities "500 Years for Our Identity and Autonomy" and the Council of the Lands (Aukin Wallmapu Ngulan) have been carrying out a campaign focusing on the "teachings of Mapuche ideology" in Chile. The Mapuche population in Chile comprises 10% of the nation's total number of inhabitants. Nevertheless, the newly installed government of Patricio Alwyn has demonstrated a blatant lack of sensitivity with regards to this significant sector of the population. Among the most recent affronts to the Mapuche population was the invitation to the King of Spain to visit the southern Chilean city of Valdivia as part of the 500 years "celebration of the discovery of America." Valdivia is located in the heart of Mapuche lands (the provinces of Valdivia, Malleco, Cautín, Osorno, Chiloé, Bío Bío, and Arauco have large Mapuche populations, which constitutes a majority of the province's total population). The invitation of the King of Spain to Valdivia was followed by an offer to make Chile the headquarters for the Ibero-American Conference scheduled for October, 1990, an action denounced by the Mapuche, Rapanui (of Easter Island), and the Aymara people in Chile. Despite these recent affronts by the Alwyn regime, and the democratic and human rights violations committed between 1973 and 1989 by the notorious Pinochet dictatorship, the Mapuches in Chile have both maintained and strengthened their organizations over the past few years, enabling them to successfully car ry out many important activities. In November of 1989 th e Mapuche people commemorated their Final Uprising, holding meetings with various regional and national government officials. Also, the First National Conference of Authorities and Personalities of Mapuche Origin was held April 23-26 of this year. The Council of All the Lands declared this Conference "an important step for our people considering it has been nearly a century since 18 these Mapuche leaders were wrested from their positions Following the loss of control over our lands. Now we are meeting once again. In the company of many international guests, including our Indigenous brothers from Argentina, Bolivia, and Canada, we analyzed a variety of issues bringing the event to a close with a Nguillatun (Mapuche ceremony) at Cerro Nielol in the city of Temuco. 2,500 brothers and sisters attended the N guillatun. A Meli Wuitralmapu (Meeting of the Four Corners of the Earth) was held on October 10 and 11 of this year. The objective of the Meli Wuitralmapu was to 'promote activities rejecting the 500 years celebrations." According to a document produced by the Council of All 'he Lands, "a Meli Wuitralmapu is both the procedure for organizing and the form of organization which our ancestors used to analyze situations of importance to us Is a people." Approximately 450 people participated in the Meli Wuitralmapu, including our Mapuche, Aymara, and Rapanui brothers, as well as many international guests. The plans for October 10 and 11 reflect the broad perspective held by the Mapuche organizations enabling them to carry out the many activities conducted thus far. The earlier mentioned document by the Council of All the Lands summed up the point of view held by these Mapuche organizations in the following manner: Today, after five centuries of invasion, the Mapuche people, along with many other Native Peoples, continue to exist. We are now emerging as a new movement, fighting for both immediate rights and needs, as well as a far-reaching, comprehensive politic which links our own ideological goals with those of other poor sectors of the population and questions the essence of the nation state concept embodied in the Latin American nations of today. As we approach 1992, a wide range of social and political sectors are coming together to celebrate the so-called "discovery" of America and the alleged "civilizing" process undertaken by Spanish colonialism. By participating in these celebrations and naming the celebration "The Meeting of Two Worlds," these sectors are attempting to deny the existence of the most massive attempt at genocide undertaken in the history of our nations. Following the formation of the nation states, we were forced to endure the process of internal colonization. Embodied in this process was the systematic denial of our existence as nations and the imposition of a different life-style as a result of the policies implemented by the descendents of Spanish colonialism. Nevertheless, Mapuches continue to exist as a people because of the strength and richness of our culture, passed on to us by our ancestors. SAIIC Newsletter �Uprising in Ecuador! (Ecuador) One-hundred representatives of the nine Indigenous Nations of Ecuador met and decided to stage the "First Uprising of Indigenous Peoples" on June 4th. The uprising was a response to the Borja administration's treatment of Native peoples and their continuous disregard for agreements made, promising restraint regarding the exploitation of Indian lands by multinational corporations. Amazonian province of Napo. The uprising quickly spread throughout the nation as people proceded to congregate in massive protest demonstrations engulfing the nation's population centers. All major thoroughfares in Ecuador were blocked, and the situation was complicated by a general strike among farmworkers. The decision to call for an uprising was spearheaded by the country is the history of 500 years of Indigenous resistance against colonialism, oppression, discrimination and neocolonialism. The Indigenous Uprising demonstrates the continuity of a struggle begun by Rumitahui, Tupac Amaru, and other leaders who fought to recover the lands belonging to our forefathers." Confederation of Indigenous Nations of Ecuador (CONAIE), the Confederation of Indian Organizations of the Ecudorean Andes (ECUARUNARI), and the Confederation of Indian Organizations of the Ecuadorean Amazon (CONFENIAE) the umbrella organizations which includes all major Indian organizations in Ecuador. Collectively, these organizations represent approximately four million people. The decision was made in early June, in the town of Pujili, Cotopaxi Province. The uprising began with a sit-down occupation of the Santo Domingo Church in Quito by approximately 200 Indian people and their supporters from human rights organizations. Simultaneously, all major roadways were blocked in the Vol 5 Nos 3&4 At the start of the uprising, CONAIE declared "the history of our Violent clashes between the military, police and Indian people took place in various parts of the country, leading to several casualties and the arrest and detainment of some leaders. According to ECUARUNARI, Oswaldo Paguay, one of their leaders was killed by the military in the Chimborazo Province. CONAIE demanded that the Borja government comply with the Sarayacu Agreement signed in June, 1989. The 16 point agreement in- 19 �cludes a demand for the return of stolen lands and that negotiations be held in good faith to solve existing land conflicts, the immediate halt to oil exploration and exploitation on Indian lands, the recognition of an Indigenous Nationality Law, which recognizes Ecuador as a plurinational state, and the immediate expulsion of the Summer Institute of Linguistics from Ecuador. Negotiations began on June 7th, when the demonstrators left the Quito church and the military released those they had arrested. The Archbishop of Quito, Antonio Gonzalez and Bishop Victor Corral of Riobamba mediated the talks between CONAIE and the government to put an end to the violence. President Borja ordered the military into the "conflict zone" while publicly accusing "irresponsible agitators of manipulating the Indigenous people, encouraging them to commit acts of violence which blocks the economic progress of Ecuador, as well as the arrival of food supplies to the cities." From November 9-15, police and paramilitary groups hired by local landowners, violently evicted Indian people from lands which historically are theirs in the Quechua communities of San Francisco de las Cajas, Huaycopungo, 1 de Mayo, and San Clemente. During the attack, Gaitana Farinango was killed and more than 40 men, women and children were wounded, homes were burned and gardens were destroyed. This act of violence was denounced by CONAIE, who then announced a break in the negotiations with the Ecuadorian government on November 19th, after five months of unsuccessful negotiations. In an open letter to President Rodrigo Borja, dated November 11th, CONAIE states that "the government is responible for the attacks on the Indigenous and campesino movements and we call on you the President to reflect on the dangerous consequences of permitting the paramilitary groups who work for the landowners, along with the complicity of police forces to carry out such attacks with impunity." After this, the government issued an order for the capture of Luis Macas, Vice President of CONAIE and eight other Indian leaders. Please send letters and telexesof concern to: President Rodrigo Borja Palacio Nacional Quito, ECUADOR Telex: 393-223-75 PREREP ED -■ 20 SAIIC Newsletter �Declaration of Quito Indigenous Alliance of the Americas on 500 Years of Resistance, July 1990 The Continental Gathering "500 Years of Indian Resistance," with representatives from 120 Indian Nations, International and Fraternal organizations, met in Quito, Ecuador on July 17-20, 1990. The gathering was organized by the Confederation of Indian Nations of Ecuador (CONAIE), the Organization of Indian Nations of Colombia (ONIC) and SAIIC. The following is the Declaration from this gathering.To order the English translation of the conference resolutions, please send a five dollar contribution to SAIIC. The North, South and MesoAmerican conference participants declare before the world the following: We Indians of America have never abandoned our constant struggle against the conditions of oppression, discrimination and exploitation which were imposed upon us as a result of the European invasion of our ancestral territories. Our stuggle is not a mere conjunctural reflection of the memory of 500 years of oppression which the invaders, in complicity with the "democractic" governments of our countries, want to turn into events of jubilation and celebration. Our struggle as Indian People, Nations and Nationalities is based on our identity, which shall lead us to true liberation. We are responding aggressively, and commit ourselves to reject this "celebration." The struggle of our People has acquired a new quality in recent times. This struggle is less isolated and more organized. We are now completely conscious that our total liberation can only be expressed through the complete exercise of our self-determination. Our unity is based on this fundamental right. Our self-determination is not just a simple declaration. We must guarantee the necessary conditions that permit complete exercise of our self-determination; and this, in turn must be expressed as complete autonomy for our Peoples. Without Indian self -government and without control of our territories, there can be no autonomy. The achievement of this objective is a principal task for Indian Peoples however, through our struggles we have learned that our problems are not different, in many repects, from those of other popular sectors. We are convinced that we must march alongside the peasants, the workers, the marginalized sectors, together with intellectuals committed to our cause, in order to destroy the dominant system of oppression and construct a new society, pluralistic, democratic and humane, in which peace is guaranteed. The existing nation states of the Americas, their constitutions and fundamental laws are judicial/political expressions that negate our socio-economic, cultural and political rights. At this point in our struggle, one of our priorities is to demand a complete structural change which allows for the recognition of Indian people's rights to self-determination, and the control of our territories through our own governments. Our problems will not be resolved through the selfserving politics of governmental entities which seek integration and ethno-development. It is necessary to have an integral trasformation at the level of the state and national society; that Vol 5 Nos 3&4 is to say, the creation of a new nation. In this Gathering it has been clear that territorial rights are a fundamental demand of the Indigenous Peoples of the Americas. Based on these aforementioned reflections, the organizations united in the First ContinentalGathering of Indigenous Peoples reaffirm: 1. Our emphatic rejection of the Quincentennial celebration, and the firm promise that we will turn that date into an occasion to strengthen our process of continental unity and struggle towards our liberation. 2. Ratify our resolute political project of self-determination and our autonomy, in the framework of nation states, under a new popular order, with respect for whatever forms of organization each Nation determines appropriate for their situation. 3. Affirm our decision to defend our culture, education, and religion as fundamental to our identity as Peoples, reclaiming and maintaining our own forms of spiritual life and communal coexistence, in an intimate relationship with our Mother Earth. 4. We reject the manipulation of organizations which are linked to the dominant sectors of society and have no Indigenous represenatation, who usurp our name for (their own) imperialist interests. At the same time, we affirm our choice to strengthen our own organizations, without excluding or isolating ourselves from other popular struggles. 5. We recognize the important role that Indigenous women play in the struggles of our Peoples. We understand the necessity to expand women's participation in our organizations and we reaffirm that it is one struggle, men and women together, in our liberation process, and a key question in our political practices. 6. We Indian Peoples consider it vital to defend and conserve our natural resources, which right now are being attacked by transnational corporations. We are convinced that this defense will be realized if it is Indian People who administer and control the territories where we live, according to our own principles of organization and communal life. 7. We oppose national judicial structures which are the result of the process of colonization and neo-colonization. We seek a New Social Order that embraces our traditional exercise of Common Law, an expression of our culture and forms of organization. We demand that we be recognized as Peoples under International Law, and that this recognition be incorporated into the respective Nation States. 8. We denounce the victimization of Indian People through violence and persecution, which constitutes a flagrant violation of human rights. We demand respect for our right to life, to land, to free organization and expression of our culture. At the same time we demand the release of our leaders who are held as political prisoners, an end to repression, and , restitution for the harms caused us. u 21 �Three Arhuaco Indian Leaders Murdered (Colombia) SAIIC learned from Amnesty International of the torture and killing of three leaders of the Arhuaco Indians from the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta, Department of Magdalena. Luis Napoleon Torres, former governor and spiritual leader of the Arhuaco and mediator between the community and the Colombian authortities, was killed together with community leaders Angel María Torres and Hugues Chaparro in circumstances suggesting they may have been victims of extrajudicial execution. On November 28, the three set out from Valledupar, the capital of the Department of César, on a bus going to Bogotá. According to eye-witness reports, the bus was stopped near a town called Curumani in the south of César by a group of heavily armed men wearing army uniforms, who forced the three men off the bus. On December 13, the bodies of Hugues Chaparro and Luis Napoleon Torres were found in an unmarked grave in Tomalinda, César, showing signs of severe torture. The body of Angel María Torres was found on December 14, in El Paso, César, also showing signs of torture. Members of the Arhuaco community and the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) have denounced the killings to the Procurator General, who has a human rights monitoring role in Colombia, and to other national authorities. In recent years human rights violations have occurred on an increasing scale in Colombia. Armed forces counter-insurgency operations have been progres- sively intensified to combat the country's guerrilla groups. In areas where guerrilla forces are active, the local civilian population is often perceived by the armed forces as potential collaborators and has, as a result, been subjected to arbitrary arrest, torture, "disappearance" and extrajudicial execution by army personnel and civilians working for them. Civic and community leaders, including leaders of Indigenous communities in areas where guerrilla forces are active, have been particular targets. The majority of abuses have been attributed by Colombian authorities to civilian "death squads" which it claims it is unable to control. However, independent investigations, including judicial enquiries, have concluded that many such groups operate under the command or with the support of the Colombian armed forces. We urge you to send letters urging that there be an immediate enquiry into their deaths, the results of which should be made public and urging that all possible measures be taken to protect the lives of Indigenous community leaders to ensure that they are able to carry out their lawful activities. Send your appeals immediately to: Presidente César Gaviria Trujillo Presidente de la República Palacio de Nariño Bogotá, COLOMBIA Telegrams: Presidente Gaviria, Bogotá, Colombia Telexes: 396 41224 PRGEN CO Felipe Quispe Huanca Arrested! Released Due to Urgent Action Response!! Woodcut from the Asamblea Zapote” Chinanteca Oaxaca a Mexico (Bolivia) On the 14th of November 1989, policemen arrested Felipe Quispe Huanca, union leader of the Federation of Campesinos Tupak Katari of La Paz. He was held for several months in the Public Prison of San Pedro in La Paz. The government accused Felipe of being the perpetrator of assaults with explosives against the central offices of two political parties. Felipe vehemently denies these charges, indicating that they are reprisals for his trade union activities among Indian communities. Felipe has worked extensively with Aymara Indian communities. He was arrested on his return from a gathering of 5,000 Indian people, honoring the famed Indian leader, Tupak Katari, killed for his resistance to the Conquistadors. Felipe was held prisoner for months without formal charges or a trial. SAIIC sent out an Urgent Action request in June of 1990 and Felipe Quispe Huanca was released in August. We would like to express our sincere appreciation to all those who responded to the Urgent Action. Please take the time to respond to as many of the Urgent Actions as you possibly can as they are often proven to be effective. 22 SAIIC Newsletter �Al GACAA Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization, Modern Technology and Commerce (Bolivia) AIGACAA (Association of Llama and Alpaca Farmers of the High Andes) is an organization comprised of approximately 800 heads of households from ayllus (traditional Andean community structures) where the principal occupation is that of raising llamas and alpacas. AIGACAA has been functioning as an organization for over ten years. In June, Rene Pacasi, President of AIGACAA and Luis Ticona, the Administrator, were interviewed by SAIIC in Chuquiago, Kollasuyo (La Paz, Bolivia). They spoke of their successful experiences in community organizing. AIGACAA is organized in a manner corresponding with and helping to maintain the ayllu structure, which is the original form of organization in our communities. The ayllu structure continues to exist in most of what is now considered Bolivia. When speaking of the ayllu, we are referring to the territory occupied by the community and the natural resources controlled by the people of that community, such as the llamas and alpacas. The ayllu has a particular form of leadership, the maximum authority of which is the jilacata. It is not easy to become a jilacata, it is a step-by-step procedure. The jilacata holds this position for one year and is not elected by the Western system of voting. A jilacata must demonstrate good moral conduct and leadership abilities within the ayllu and becomes the authority as a result of proving these qualities. In the process of organizing AIGACAA, we analyzed various organizational structures. We have found that the imported models are not effective. We took a careful look at our own Indigenous forms of organization, which take into account our particular economic situation. We wanted to strengthen the economy of the ayllu. One aspect of our workplan is to train members in methods to increase the production and quality of our animals. Since our organization is primarily concerned with livestock, we provide support by offering trainings to our members. We have an agreement with the University of Puno in Peru, which has been training many of our members as veterinary assistants and veterinarians. These scholarships require that these individuals return to their ayllus of origin to care for the animals of the community. AIGACAA also conducts literacy classes and craft workshops within communities. AIGACAA was successful in obtaining permission from the Bolivian Minister of Agriculture for the commercial use of llama and alpaca meat. This was an important victory for our organization. Vol 5 Nos 3&4 We collectively market the llama and alpaca wool which our members produce. Each head of household is paid in cash and trade for veterinary tools, medicines and syringes. We exchange the wool for objects of use to the members, because Bolivian currency is not used often within the ayllus. We use the trueque or Darter system. The organization selects and processes the wool and is responsible for selling it to the weavers. We rent an industrial plant where we make yarn. One day, we would like to install a textile mill where the people who raise the llamas and alpacas will be processing the raw materials themselves. The present reality is such that the people providing natural resources and the people processing these materials are living in two different worlds. Rene Pacasi is from the ayllu Chacoya, in the Pacajes Province. Recalling that there used to be many more alpacas and llamas in his region, Rene states that, "They say that people who are strangers to the region are purchasing the llamas and alpacas at a very low price. They are hunting them, killing them and driving them to extinction. They say that is why so many of them have disappeared . Before the agrarian reform of 1952, we were united, not divided. We worked in the minka (traditonal work parties). After the agrarian reform, the land was divided and small land-holdings appeared. The distribu:ion of land tore us apart. With the land parcelled out, each family could only raise a few animals. The minka is when families help each other out. I help them one day, Ind then they help me. We also have a ceremony for branding our animals and we will never lose this ceremony. We still do the challa, which is how we make offerings to Pachamama (Mother Earth). AIGACAA is helping us to rebuild our communities. You can contact AIGACAA at: Casilla 6032 La Paz, BOLIVIA 23 �Coca: Symbol of 500 Years of Resistance in the Andes: The Sacred Leaf and the "War on Drugs" They built their channels, their roads, with coca in their cheeks. With it they sang hymns of happiness and love to humans and to the gods. They made a rebellious earth produce thousands of fruits. If a shortsighted paper prohibits it, these people will respond with the subtlety they have always had... Ortiz oca has been the object of debate since the Spanish invasion in the XVI century. It originated in Antisuyo, the rainforest region now considered part of Peru and Bolivia. From this region coca spread, thousands of years ago, to the Andean region. The discovery of pouches full of coca and packets of llijta (a lime m ix ture which is taken with the coca leaves) in gravesites ten centuries old, confirms assertions that coca use constitutes a long-standing tradition in the region. C The use of coca was widespread by the time of the European invasion of the Americas and there were no known laws prohibiting its use. During the colonial era, when coca was identified by the dominant Spanish class as an essential factor in the rituals of Andean culture, it was perceived as an evil herb which needed to be eliminated in order to assure the salvation of the Indigenous people 's souls. Presently, attempts to prohibit the use and cultivation of coca are the consequence of the growing illicit use of cocaine, which has wrongly been identified with the coca leaf, from which it is derived. The opposition to the use of the coca leaf is based on the supposition that the coca leaf is a narcotic drug. There is no evidence of this whatsoever. Nevertheless this assumption has been used by the oligarchy in their efforts to repress Indigenous people. The view that the coca leaf is a narcotic drug from which Indigenous people must be protected, is a notion steeped in pate rnalism, viewing the Indian as incapable of making his/her own decisions. Such an attitude constitutes yet another attempt to destroy the structures and values of Andean culture and Westernize the Indigenous population. Coca is an essential component of the social web and human solidarity in the Andean world. It is used at ceremonies following strict social rules. Coca does not 24 produce harmful effects, nor the social decomposition associated with alcohol use in western social groups. With respect to social relationships, coca is used as an offering which signifies friendship and generosity. The act of sharing coca with other persons is a very important occurrence which seals the fraternal bonds of mutual trust among the participants. "When people care about each other, they invite each other to chew coca. First we chew it a little and thank each other; then we begin to chat" (Ataliano Perez). "We women have always participated in these rituals. All of us women form a group to chew the coca and to make offerings to Pachamama (Mother Earth), along with the men, because this has been the custom since long ago" (Serafina Cusipoma). On the other hand there is no other remedy with as many nor as vast an array of uses and high efficacy as the coca leaf. In this respect, coca is one of the most outstanding components of popular medicine. It has become indispensable in sustaining the physical and emotional well-being of the Andean person. "Coca is used for just about every sickness. When the stomach hurts, we make a coca leaf tea. It is also used for cramping and swelling. It is very effective in warding off the cold and for curing snake bites. Pregnant women benefit from coca. When it is applied to a wound, the blood stops flowing immediately." (Ines Limachi, Macedonio Mendes, Demetrio Verduguez) Studies of the chemical composition of the leaf have demonstrated that it contains significant quantities of vitamins A, B1, B2, and C, as well as iron and calcium. All of these vitamins and minerals are necessary to maintaining a healthy diet. In high Andean regions, vegetables and fresh fruits are scarce, making coca's contribution to the diet all the more impo rtant. Thus, it can be concluded that the factors which have motivated the prohibition of coca over the past five centuries are not due to problems existing in SAI IC Newsletter �the Andean culture. Nevertheless, the conflict with western culture has triggered the prohibition of coca, a measure reflecting the interests of the dominant classes and certainly not those of the Andean peoples. Coca has been used in the Andes for about 4,000 years, despite continuous reprisals against those engaged in coca use and cultivation during the last 500 years. Those who support the abolition of the coca leaf, view themselves as saviors of the Andean inhabitants. The reality is that they are attempting to free themselves of a particularly western problem: cocaine addiction. This assumes that the Indian is a defenseless child, needing protection from himself. Once again, "integration" without respect for Indian culture is the goal. In fact, this is an effort to destroy the Indigenous culture under the pretext of "progress" and "civilization" in a manner similar to that of five centuries ago, when deep cultural values differing from those of the invading civilization, were ruthlessly attacked in the name of Christianity. The cross has now been replaced by the banner of progress, development and the "war on drugs." This latest assault constitutes one of the worst cultural aggressions in history and has been carried out consciously, without even the excuse of ignorance used retrospectively by the Spanish to disguise the crimes surrounding their invasion. In 1962 the Geneva Convention resolved to eradicate coca cultivation within the next 25 years. This resolution is a violation of the right to free choice of entire peoples and cultures. Furthermore, since this resolution was passed, nothing has been added to the body of knowledge about coca which indicates that the manner in which it has been utilized by the Andean people is damaging to their health and would warrant such radical, unjust, repressive and farreaching legislation. However, in the same way that a culture cannot be altered by the simple passage of a repressive law, the signing of a decree and the implementation of eradication plans which ignore the reality of the Andean people will not be successful in terminating coca use in the Andes. We should ask ourselves seriously if the utopic goal of eliminating drug addiction in the United States justifies cultural aggression against the Andean people. The question should also be asked as to whether eliminating coca in the Andes is going to resolve the problem or simply motivate the international drug traffickers to switch to some other drug, equally desirable to the nation's youth in their quest to escape reality. Meanwhile, the Andean people will be left, having born the brunt of brutal physical and cultural assault on their population. Ralph Bolton from the Anthropological Institute of the University of Trondheim stated back in 1979: international agencies which favor this line of action in combating the drug problem in the United States and Europe. These agencies do not take into account the rights of millions of Indigenous people in the Andes for whom the coca leaf is a sacred and integral part of their daily lives. The decisions adopted by politicians and bureaucrats of diverse nationalities, attempting to ban the use of coca, are a violation of the basic rights of the Quechua and Aymara peoples who wish to maintain their cultures, practice their religions, conserve their identities, and protect their health; that is to say, exercise their right to biological and cultural survival. The coca eradication program, judged by its effects, is a form of ethnocide. (Bolton, R.,1979) The War on Drugs Recently, the U.S. has launched an international campaign targeting drug trafficking and focusing on the media in order to influence the public and promote the dominant culture's ideology. This campaign seeks to pressure the producer nations. Military actions have been launched in these countries under the pretext of combating the drug problem. Such was the case in Bolivia in 1986 when the U.S. occupied the nation in an operation dubbed BOL-USA. At present the U.S. has installed military bases in the Peruvian jungle using the same pretext. The true goal of these activities, however, is to establish strategic control zones in areas considered "low-intensity conflict" zones, as well as in those regions where U.S. interests face imminent danger. In February of 1990, the governments of Bolivia, Colombia, Peru and the U.S met in Ca rtagena, Colombia, to organize a plan of action against the narcotrafficking industry. While the U.S. insists on "militarization," the coca producing nations have attempted to establish a more integrated development plan. Indian people have been noticeably absent from all of these discussions. Nevertheless, there is no evidence today of a reduction in coca producing activities. Similarly, drug trafficking has continued unabated, and the drug traffickers have not been prosecuted. Since the U.S Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) began operating in Bolivia, the area under cultivation for coca has multiplied a minimum of three times. Likewise, drug trafficking operations now involve capital over five times supe ri or to that of pre-DEA operations in Bolivia. Considering these results, it would appear that the actual mission of this agency is the exact opposite of that which it claims to be. Foreign pressure on the Andean governments to declare the use and production of coca leaves illegal, has intensified lately. These pressures are the result of measures taken by the North American and Vol 5 Nos 3&4 25 �Narcotrafficking - Underground Activity or Business Venture? The production and trafficking of drugs is a highly profitable, transnational capitalist activity. At present, the production and trafficking of drugs is one of the most profitable businesses in the world, equal or superior to arms trafficking. Drug trafficking is not an "external evil" of capitalism. The term "illegal" does not explain the economic reality, since capitalism, according to its own logic, accepts any activity which generates the process of capital accumulation, whether this activity be harmful to humanity or not. Thus, we have seen phenomena ranging from the contamination of the environment by legal indust rial activities, to the major weapons industries raking in record profits as a result of genocidal wars . The drug trafficker is acting within the framework of the capitalist system, not against nor outside of it. The notion that the narcotics industry is reserved for shadowy criminals is a fallacy. In fact, the narcotics industry forms part of the international economy. Those who control the international trafficking of "illegal" drugs are also those who control "respectable" and "legal" enterprises. Billions of dollars are injected into the world's markets as a result of "illegal" trafficking of drugs. This tremendous sum is invested in all areas of industry and has helped reactivate the economies of major industrial nations. Given this situation, referring to drug production and trafficking as part of an underground economy is profoundly contradictory. Condemning Indigenous people as the source of the problem is more practical and acceptable for policymakers in the industrialized countries than examining and correcting the problems in their own culture. In any event, if cocaine production were to end, the present drug-users would continue to consume legal, illegal, natural and/or synthetically-produced drugs. This situation has been exacerbated by the North American government's drastic cutbacks in drug treatment programs, among other significant social programs. Coca and Cocaine - as Different as Grape is from Wine The official discourse has incorporated two completely different realities into one issue: the reality behind coca and the reality surrounding cocaine use. Lumping these together invokes feelings of social decay and collective guilt. Coca has been stigmatized, its use (whether masticated, used as a medicine, or in ceremonies) has been confused with drug addiction. Coca, as the raw mate rial for cocaine, has been targeted as the critical element in the "crime" of drug trafficking. Therefore, the coca growers, the 26 peasant farmers and the nations located in the coca growing region, have been fingered as the guilty parties. Rather than approaching the problem of drug addiction in a rational and objective manner, human feelings and social values are being manipulated. Without a doubt, the interests of those in power lie behind this discourse. It is necessary to change the manner in which the problem has been approached, analyzing the concrete differences existing between coca and cocaine, two distinct phenomena and two distinct realities. 1. Coca and cocaine are two completely different substances. The first is a natural substance which produces no harmful effects on human health, is of great nutritional value, and possesses medicinal properties. The second is the result of a chemical transformation, denaturing coca in both appearance and effects. Cocaine is harmful. It is a drug which destroys and enslaves. 2. Coca cultivation and cocaine production are two radically different activities with respect to the material and social wealth generated by each. 3. The marketing of coca is completely different from the marketing and transportation of cocaine. The use of the coca leaf in its natural state, whether masticated, employed to cure or as part of a ritual, is a harmless, traditional manner of using the leaf. Drug traffickers is a problem for the producer nations because it involves a new form of economic, political and social aggression by the capitalist system. It maintains and reinforces a dependent relationship with consumer nations, and requires the economic and political subjugation of the producer nations. The clandestine nature of drug traffickers has contributed to the extremely inhumane working conditions for those involved. It has created a social sector which is virtually enslaved. Additionally, the production and trafficking of drugs in the producer nations is encouraging the use of these drugs locally. In light of the dramatic differences between coca and cocaine, it is necessary to change the course of "drug war" policies. The present policies of the consumer nations constitute a direct aggression against the coca producing farmers, namely the Indigenous populations of the Andes. These policies do not represent an effective means of interdiction because they are based on the premise that coca cultivation is at the root of the problem, which is clearly not the case. To lash out against Indigenous farmers is certainly easier, less costly and more prudent than combating the drug traffickers whose origins lie in Weste rn culture. SAIIC Newsletter �U.S. Promotion of Militarization in the Andean Region Continues Unheeded (Peru & Bolivia) The United States Government offered the Peruvian Government a military aid packet of $36 million, earmarked for updating the equipment of six special infantry battalions to be employed in the high Huallaga area in the "fight against narcotrafficking and subversion." The military aid was rejected by the Fujimori government which refuses to order the Peruvian military to fight in the "war on drugs," citing more pressing issues. Nevertheless, Fujimori has extended the emergencyzone to other provinces. Because of this, the Bush administration is threatening to cut $63 million in scheduled economic aid for 1991. Following the same political plan, the "war on drugs" has brought ever-increasing U.S intervention in Bolivia, and has made militarization the precondition to any sort of financial aid. In 1989, the Bolivian government had to agree to the eradication of 5,000 hectares of coca groves, either with the collaboration of peasants or against their will, to obtain future loans. By the end of 1990, according to the Bennet Plan for Drug Control, the Bolivian military, police, judicial and intelligence forces will receive $67 million. Another $30 million will go to "approved" alternative development projects. by Amnesty International as one of the worst countries in respect to human rights records. In 1989, approximately 500 people "disappeared" and hundreds more were victims of extrajudicial executions. Peru's armed forces have military and political control of 67 of Peru's provinces, all of which have been declared "emergency zones," which allows the military to severely restrict civil rights in those regions. Thus the U.S Government declaration that financial aid will be given only to those countries with a clean record on the subject of human rights is pure rhetoric. As Diego Garcia Sayan, executive director of the Andean Commission of Jurists, expressed in an interview with Caretas (May 14, 1990) "There is great danger in a war that does not clearly distinguish its target, blurring drug dealers, coca growers, insurgency forces and political activists into one and the same enemy." In both Bolivia and Peru, the military and police are a continual menace to democracy and human rights. Peru in particular, has been targeted Vol 5 Nos 3&4 27 �Caught in the Crossfire! Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre of Quechua Indians in Ayacucho F earing for his life after denouncing the Peruvian Army as being responsible for the "Cayara Massacre," Dr. Carlos Escobar fled Peru with the aid of Amnesty International. He was the appointed Prosecutor for the Ministry of Public Affairs whose jurisdiction included the zone of Ayacucho, Peru, from July 1987 to November 1988. SAIIC had the opportunity of interviewing Carlos Escobar in the end of June. What follows are excerpts of that interview. SAIIC: Why are you now in the United States and what are you denouncing? Carlos Escobar (CE): I was taken out of Peru by Amnesty International due to an investigation I conducted there about a massacre of peasants in the Cayara zone, Department of Ayacucho, in 1988. The military killed 31 persons and "disappeared" another 40. But the idea was to kill them so the massacre could be blamed on Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path guerrilla group). They killed them in front of their families with knifes, axes and machetes. The investigation established that 200 military personnel participated in the massacre. The order was given by a General, the Chief of the Political-Military Command of the zone. On October 14, 1988, I turned in the report and by the 18th, my office was shut down by the Attorney General. After that, there was a mandate to close the investigation. No accusation was made and as the days passed, the people who had already given witness in my presence, 41 in all, were detained by the army. In other words the office of the Attorney General gave out the names and addresses of the witnesses. In September, 1989, the most important witness, a nurse of campesino descent who was pressing charges against the General himself, was killed. In our work, my office uncovered evidence of 200 "disappeared" people who were detained in army barracks. Almost all of them showed signs of physical torture. The army detains people for supposed participation in terrorist acts, but nothing is ever proven. The work of our office was to pressure the military headquarters into freeing these people and to obtain evidence of illegal activities by army personnel. SAIIC: How can you be certain that members of the army committed the Cayara massacre? 28 CE: Two-hundred army personnel were recognized not only because of their uniforms, but because they arrived in army trucks and government helicopters. What happened was that the previous day, May 13, in a town called Erusco, ten minutes from Cayara, a platoon was ambushed and terrorists killed 4 military personnel. The next day, the army came and took over the town. They killed the people in front of the children and in front of their wives. They staged it to look as if Sendero committed the massacre. SAIIC: Before, you mentioned to us an interesting contradiction. You were telling us that the soldiers who committed this heinous act are also Indigenous people. Is this true? CE: The army administration is made up of middle class officials. This class is not Indigenous. Army officials reject the peasants, believing themselves to be supe ri or. They treat peasants like animals. But the army's rank and file includes Indigenous people who are, themselves, manipulated to combat their Indigenous brothers. In Peru, the draft is mandatory at 18 years of age. The Navy has a reputation for being very courageous in Peru. It was funny to see that in the jungle zones, they utilize Indigenous people for protection. From 6pm they are secluded in their barracks and they leave two or three people from a local village with whistles on a platform to alert them if terrorists arrive. SAIIC: What is the status of the investigation now? CE: In Peru it has been indefinitely closed. I was called to Washington on May 14th by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States. This commission is conducting its own investigation of the massacre. If there is sufficient evidence, the case can be taken to the International Court. SAIIC: What is the purpose for militarily organizing civilian patrols in Indian communities? CE: To confront Sendero Luminoso. In the Ayacucho zone, these groups do not form at people's initiative. The army has tried to mandate the creation of these groups but it doesn't always work. SAIIC Newsletter �SAIIC: What is the relation between Sendero and the communities? There is information about massacres committed by Sendero in some communities, isn't there? SAIIC: What do you see in the future of the Indian population of Peru and how can solidarity organizations help? CE: For almost two years I have been investigating this and I have not seen even one community voluntarily collaborate with Sendero. People in the communities fear the army as well as Sendero. When the army or Sendero patrols arrive, people collaborate with them only out of fear. CE: The government has never bothered about the poorest zones of the country: Ayacucho, Apurimac and Huancaveliva. That is why Sendero became active there. The population there doesn't have anything to lose. A good way to help them is by communicating directly with the organizations which are truly representative of them. These are organizations of farmers and peasants. The organization of the families of the disappeared has headquarters in Ayacucho. This is where people from many different communities meet. They come with their children, prepare food in a soup kitchen for the orphans, and write down their testimonies to take to the prosecutor's office. SAIIC: But are the accusations about assassinations and massacres of supposed army collaborators by Sendero true? CE: This happens. When an army patrol arrives in a community, the people collaborate out of fear of being beaten up or robbed. Afterwards, when a Sendero patrol arrives, there are people who denounce them so that they will not be beaten or robbed by Sendero. In other words, the Indian people are caught in the cross-fire. SAIIC: Do you have any information of US military bases in the jungle, being used to train the Peruvian army to fight the narcotraffickers? SAIIC: There is great concern about the number of orphans whose parents have been killed in the violence. Is there any support for the communities which have to take care of these children? CE: The important thing is not only to help the orphans, but to prevent the killing of more people. In the Cayara case, a woman whose husband was killed, testified. She escaped with her six children. The military took her as a prisoner and because she was a prime witness, they killed her too, leaving the six children without protection. CE: I have learned that the North American government has One of the witnesses recovering from bullet given economic aid of approxiwounds in a nearby hospital. mately 36 million dollars. A big portion of this goes to the army. Nevertheless, the army in Peru has no legal jurisdiction to fight drug trafficking. SAIIC: Are traditions, like the minka [communal This legally falls under the jurisdiction of Police forces. work] in the Quechua areas, being preserved? Possibly this money is being used to confront subversion, and that is a completely different situation. CE: In the entire zones of Ayacucho, Apurimac and Cuzco, traditions are still strong. The minka is even SAIIC: Governments tend to mix the concepts of being exploited by the army. They make people work for subversion and narco-trafficking. This provides a pretext nothing, utilizing the minka system to build roads. And to repress the population, and ultimately, to fully exploit the people obey because they are used to it, the minka is human and natural resources. part of their upbringing. CE: The government has publicised the fact that SAIIC: Peru has a new government now. Do you Sendero has links with drug traffickers, but I don't know think that there will be changes in the human rights if this is exactly true or simply a way to attract US situation? Will the violations persist? monies. In the Huallaga Zone, drug-traffickers operate with small airplanes and it would be impossible for the CE: The government is not confronting the Peruvian airforce not to detect them. In the same way guerrillas adequately. The political and military control that drugs leave the country, sophisticated weaponry of emergency zones is under the sole command of an enters, and Sendero has never attacked a community army general who doesn't know what human rights are. with sophisticated weaponry. The weapons confiscated If he does know, he disregards them. That is why there from them are those stolen from the police or the army. If are so many disappeared people. The police are conSendero had some control over the drug-traffickers, if trolled by the Public Ministry. The Attorney General can there were any sort of relationship there, they would enter all their stations, but he cannot enter any military have sophisticated weapons. The fact is that they don't. headquarters. Vol 5 Nos 3&4 29 �SAIIC: Why can't the Attorney General enter military headquarters, is there a law that prohibits this? CE: No. There is no such law, but there is the gun. The Attorney General is the law, but in remote zones such as Ayacucho where the military is omnipotent, the Attorney General cannot enter their headquarters. That is why, if we suspend emergency zones, we can solve the problem of the disappeared. The emergency zones are at the core of the problem. In Peru the emergency zones include 40 percent of the country. It would be a radical change to send the military back to their barracks. In these zones, the army has created a kind of status quo. They are very entrenched in being there and extorting the people, etc... When [former President] Alan Garcia said the emergency zone status of Ayacucho would be lifted, car bombs immediately appeared in Ayacucho. The Attorney General's office investigated one of those car bombings and we came to the conclusion that it was How You Can Help! Write to the Peruvian President 1) expressing your concern at the murders and to rtures in the Ayacucho Province,2) request that a prompt and independent investigation of the to rtures and killings be carried out, that the results be made public and those responsible be brought to justice, 3) request that safety of the witnesses be ensured, 4) contact your local media to give publicity to these atrocities. Last-Minute Communiqué SAIIC was just informed by Amnesty International about more tortures and deaths of Quechua Indian people in the Department of Ayacucho. At least 16 people were tortured by soldiers, as a result of which three of them died, in the province of Vilcashuamán, Department of Ayacucho. On September 25, at lam, a contingent of soldiers from the Accomarca military base, led by officials nicknamed "Moreno" and "Gitano," went to the community of Pucapaccana in the Province of Vilcashuamán. They reportedly called the community together and forced them to hand over cattle, money and belongings. The reports add that the names of Bernabé Baldeón García, Jesús Baldean Zapata and Santos Baldeón Palacios were read from a list and they were ordered to accompany the soldiers to Pacchalualhua, bringing the animals with them. Bernabé Baldean García was among the confirmed dead. On their way three women who 30 planted by the army. So the President revoked his order. Today fifty percent of the population of Ayacucho is military or police. SAIIC: With the US promoting the militarization of the coca production zones, will the situation in the emergency zones be aggravated? CE: I think the problem of drugtrafficking is wrongly emphasized. The problem is not the production, but the consumption. If there is nobody to consume cocaine, who is going to produce it? The consumption must be attacked and that must happen in the US. Peruvians have been using coca leaves for thousands of years and it's caused no problems, ever! It's part of the tradition. So why try to eradicate the production of coca leaves? For North Americans, it would be cheaper to control their borders, than to spend what they are spending in weaponry in South Ame rica, unless, of course, they have other goals... ■ Presidente Alberto Fujimori Presidente de la República Palacio de Gobierno Plaza de Armas Lima 1, PERU For more information on human rights in Peru, contact: Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos Horacio Hurteaga 704 Jesús Maria Lima, PERU were grazing their sheep were reportedly raped by five of the soldiers escorting the detainees. When the group arrived at Pacchahuallhua, they were taken to a local government center where they were joined by other men, women and school children, who were being held by soldiers who had carried out similar raids in nearby areas. Ill-treatment and torture reportedly took place in a nearby church. In a written denunciation made by the Federation of Vilcashuamán Institutions (FIPV), its representatives describe the torture to which the peasants were subjected: ...they were tied up with wire and hung upside-down from a beam and whipped; afterwards they were made to lie on the floor, one on top of another, forming a pile of human bodies such that the person at the bottom carried the weight of all the others and the soldiers jumped on top of them; after this illtreatment they were submerged in ...hot and ...cold water ...until they were dying... SAIIC Newsletter �Massacre of Tzutujil Indians in Santiago Atitlan (Guatemala) On December 2, 1990, after midnight, members of the military garrison at Santiago Atitlan fired upon a crowd of 1500 people who were protesting the harassment of civilians from their village. There were confirmed reports of 11 dead and 19 wounded. Other sources • l aim 26 dead and 71 wounded. By December 4, 1990, three more wounded tad died, bringing the confirmed total dead to 14. The evening of the massacre, soldiers entered the town, robbing a tore and kidnapping its owner. Relatives of the shopkeeper woke other esidents by ringing the church bells. When villagers heard the commotion, a crowd of 1500 gathered in the town plaza and proceeded to the Panabaj army ;arrison to protest the incident, shouting "Leave us in peace!" A short time ater, the army opened fire on the crowd. The army claims that the crowd fired the first shots. Nevertheless, he commander at the garrison was immediately relieved of his post. According to Guatemalan Archbishop Prospero Penados, "... it is not very that the villagers might attack the garrison. They are a probable tranquil and hardworking people." Within hours of the incident, villagers 1 had co ected 15,000 signatures on a petition ad collected demanding prosecution and punishment for the military personnel responsible, and the withdrawal of the army from Santiago Atitlan. Santiago Atitlan has been the site )f massacres and continuous murders ever since the army permanently occupied the town in 1978. Mayor Delfino Rodas is calling for a rapid investigation into the massacre and prosecution of those found responsible as well as the removal of the army garrison from Santiago Atitlan. Referring to the army base, he states that "Instead of protecting us, it is they who, under the effects of alcohol, become the assasins of the residents of this area." The people of Guatemala have Vol 5 Nos 3&4 31 �expressed their solidarity with the people of Santiago Atitlan on a huge scale. Many Indian, religious and human rights groups are demanding justice. The people of Atitlan are not allowing themselves to be intimidated and are coming forth to give testimony, in spite of repeated threats to their well-being. The military is emphasizing that the massacre was a "mistake committed by the officers and soldiers of the garrison." According to the Guatemala News, the massacre was no mistake, but part of a well-orchestrated plan to intimidate and hold back the growing tide of popular discontent. The 1978 massacre of over 300 farmers in Panzas, Alta Verapaz, the killing of 39 political leaders in the Spanish Embassy in 1980 and the "scorched earth" policy that did away with more than 440 villages and countless human beings between 1982 and 1984, were all carried out on orders that filtered down through the military chain of command. Indian organizations in Guatemala are requesting that people throughout the world express solidarity with them by reading the following declaration in their respective languages over local radio and televsion stations: We, the people of [country, organization, community or Native nationality] express our anger and anguish over the massacre by the Guatemalan army of the people of Santiago Atitlan on the 2nd of December, 1990. We join with the orphans, widows, families and neighbors of those killed in cold blood to demand the immediate removal of the Army and National Police from Santiago Atitlan and that those responsible be brought to justice. With great admiration for your unity and bravery, rooted in the strength of your community we appeal to those who rule Guatemala: the Army, the landowners, the indusrialists, to match your determination for peace and justice. Please write letters, send Faxes, telexes or call to: 1)Demand the prosecution and punishment of the military personnel responsible for the massacre. 2) Demand the respect of the villagers' petition to remove the army from Santiago, Atitlan. 3) Demand that the U.S. Congress withhold all U.S. aid to Guatemala until the villagers' petition is respected and those responsible for the massacre are brought to justice. (Suggested salutation: Your Direct messages to: Brig. Gen. Juan Leonel Bolaños Excellency) Tel: 011 502 22 1212, 011 502 Ministro de Defensa 22 2266 Ministerio de Defensa Fax: 011502 253 7472 Palacio Nacional Telex: 305 5331 CAPRES GU Guatemala, Guatemala Telegrams: Presidente Telex: 305-5321 RELEXTGU Tel: 011-502-253-7472 ext. 2226 Cerezo, Guatemala, Guatemala Fax: 011-502-253-7472 and: Vinicio Cerezo Arévalo Presidente de la República de Guatemala Palacio Nacional Guatemala, Guatemala 32 ACT NOW!!! Your prompt action is urgently needed! Please feel free to reprint this and help to spread the word! SAIIC Newsletter �Campesino Unity Committee (CUC) Calls for Solidarity We struggle for the right to life and peace with a clear head, a heart of solidarity and a combative fist! Indians and poor latinos, organized in C LIC, urgently denounce the following atrocious crimes before their people and the international community: 1. Each day the pain and anguish suffered by their families, as a result of governmental repression, increases. In the month of June, the number of assassinations rose to 198, in addition to 20 kidnappings and 49 wounded in political violence. In the countryside, the kidnapping of Maria Mejia and the aggression on the part of the civil patrols against the government's Adjunct Ombudsman for Human Rights in Parraxtut, Sacapulas; the attack made on the Mutual Support Group (GAM) in Xepol, Chichicastenango; and the military sweeps carried out by civil patrollers in Huehuetenango, Solola, El Quiche, and other departments, add to the list of repressive actions. 2. Soldiers have threatened the communities of Zacualpa, El Quiche, saying that they are ready to carry out massacres like those of 1981, '82, and '83, which left hundreds of widows and clandestine mass graves. In the township of Chimatzat, Zacualpa, on July 12 at 3:00AM, soldiers dressed as civilians kidnapped Samuel de la Cruz Gomez, and beat his wife, Ignacia de la Cruz Gomez, and son, Genaro de la Cruz Gomez (age 16). In addition, they stole money and other belongings from the family. To justify the kidnapping, uniformed soldiers arrived five minutes later to say that guerrillas had carried out the kidnapping. With methods like these, they try to fool people and force them to participate in the illegal Civil Patrols. The army has occupied several townships of Zacualpa and San Andres. It is increasingly clear that the government and army are getting ready for another massacre like that of El Aguacate, Chimaltenango (November, 1988). 3. On July 1, two civil patrol commanders, Santos Chic Us and Catalino Juarez, of Joyabaj, El Quiche, sent a death threat to department authorities to force them to oblige Tomas Lares Ciprian to join the Civil Patrol. Mr. Lares Ciprian has been struggling for his constitutional right to refuse to participate in the Civil Patrols. 4. In Chichicastenango, El Quiche, the military Vol 5 Nos 3&4 commander is threatening people so that they will lie to reporters about the truth of military repression in the community. The army is also harassing members of the community who are organizing development committees and is keeping a strict watch on the markets in order to control how much food people buy. In the township of Chipaca Primero of Chichicastenango, Juan Tiriquiz Perez, 47 years old, was assassinated on July 8. 5. Thousands of displaced families are suffering aerial and land-based bombings, while on foot the army has destroyed many of their crops and houses. In the ghettos of the cities, threats and persecution against these displaced families are increasing. 6. Believing that the recent Presidential elections would divert attention from these abuses, the government and the army began a repressive campaign against the leaders and members of Indian, campesino, and popular organizations like CERJ, C LIC, CONAVIGUA (Guatemalan National Widows Committee), GAM, cooperatives, catechists, all of those who are struggling to throw off the illegal Civil Patrols and to provide a little more food for their children. Through this campaign of terror, they are trying to justify a policy of repression in the upcoming months, supposedly to control the violent situation which they, themselves have created. Faced with the tragic situation in which they live, Guatemalans call on all governments, non-governmental organizations, human rights organizations, and people everywhere, to put pressure on the Guatemalan government and the army to investigate these crimes and punish those responsible for violating their human rights. Guatemala and her children want life and peace. You contact CUC at: Comité de Unidad Campesina Apdo Postal 20-475 Col. San Angel C.P. 01000, Mexico DF MEXICO 33 �The First Gathering of All Indian Nations of El Salvador Held The National Association of the Indigenous People of El Salvador (ANIS) held its first nationwide gathering of Indian Peoples on September 17-22, 1990 in San Salvador. The National Gathering of Indian People on Culture, Ecology and Justice was well attended by Maya, Lenca and Nahua Indian representatives from throughout the nation, as well as national and international lawyers, environmentalists and human rights delegates. Despite careful invitations to a broad range of representatives which might truly promote peace in the region, government officials, FMLN and most political party representatives were conspicuously absent from the meeting. 12. The Legislative Assembly should write laws which benefit Indigenous and poor people in general; 13. Humanize the army; 14. Lower the price on basic articles of consumption and distribute articles donated by foreign countries and international organizations rather than selling them; 15. Define a policy which recognizes all peoples right to an adequate diet and implement this policy; 16. Investigate and punish all human rights violations and incidences of corruption; Nevertheless, those present made concrete proposals directed specifically at the Salvadoran Armed Forces and the national government. A summary of the conclusions of the September meeting follows: 17. Reject foreign intervention in internal matters and keep government hands out of Indigenous matters; 1. A policy with respect to the conservation and protection of natural resources which stems from a change in attitude as regards Nature; 19. Implement an integral agrarian reform program which includes a food policy, the redistribution of the land, technical assistance, sufficient administrative assistance, establishment of credit and mechanisms for marketing products which benefit the producer rather than the intermediary; 2. A policy with respect to the conservation and protection of Indigenous culture and values and strict adherence to Articles 62 and 63 of the Salvadoran Constitution which refer to the preservation, diffusion and respect for native languages, history, artwork and archeology; 3. A fair application of justice; 4. An end to the repression of all peoples; 5. Subscription to, ratification of and application of all UN treaties designed to protect the rights of Indigenous peoples; 6. Dialogue and negotiation with the FMLN as well as a cease-fire; 18. Respect Indigenous autonomy; 20. Control and elimination of all drug sales beginning with alcohol producing factories and sales, then on to marijuana, cocaine and other substances damaging to humanity and denigrating to the individual. As ANIS leader, Adrian Esquino Lisco subsequently noted at an important march in San Salvador on October 12th, "When the Indigenous people become liberated, the land too becomes liberated... For the Indian people of El Salvador, and for Indian people throughout the Americas, October 12th is a 'Day of Disgrace,' because it marks the beginning of an invasion which continues today." 7. Respect for brothers and sisters practicing traditional medecine; 8. Distribution of all uncultivated state lands to the Indigenous peoples as these lands were wrongfully taken from them; 9. No forced and illegal recruitment of our children into the armed forces; 10. Absolute respect for human rights; 11. The government and the FMLN should request our consent before entering our lands to carry out any operations; 34 SAIIC Newsletter �Mohawk Lands Invaded by Canadian Government over the Expansion of a Golf Course! Canadian Federal Government Mounts Fullscale Military Invasion of Kanesatake and Kanahwake Mohawk Reserves In response to the expansion of a local golf course onto ancestral lands, Mohawks began to protest on March 11th, 1990 in the village of Kanesatake (40 km from Montreal). The ownership of their sacred burial grounds has been a matter of dispute between the Mohawk Nation and the Canadian government for more than 200 years. The local government sold the land to developers after the federal government had refused petitions to adjudicate Mohawk land claims since 1956. In response, the village of Kanesatake blockaded a small, local, dirt road leading to the resort community of Oka, where the golf-course was planned. This was done to prevent further usurpation of their lands. The Mayor of Oka obtained an injunction ordering the removal of the road-block, clearly violating treaty agreements. The Mohawks were attacked on July 11 by about 100 well-armed provincial paramilitary police. The Mohawks fought back and in the ensuing gunfire, one of the police officers was found killed in the crossfire. The Mohawks were charged without due process of law, despite their claim that they heard a police radio transmission which revealed that the officer was killed by his own colleagues in their confused retreat. On the same day, July 11, the besieged Kanesatake Mohawks requested assistance from kindred Mohawks at the nearby Kanahwake Reserve. In support, the people of Kanahwake erected a blockade of the Mercier Bridge which was built on their lands. This effectively blockaded a main commute artery to Montreal, and thereby drew international attention to the situation at Kanesatake. On April 26th, 1990 the Mohawks at Mercier Bridge offered to open one lane to traffic. In response, government officials walked out of the negotiations, ignoring the offer. The following day, Canada's Prime Minister, Brian Mulroney ordered 4,000 army troops to join the forces already outside the two Indian reserves. Government forces were armed with armored personnel carriers, grenade launchers, rocket launchers and tanks. An attack by the army seemed imminent. Thus a caravan of 60 cars full of women, elders and children made ready to leave Kahnawake. They were searched by police just outside the reserve. While they were being detained, they were attacked and stoned by nonIndian protesters, while the police stood by watching. A child, a mother and an elderly man were taken to a hospital as a consequence of the assault. The elderly man died in the hospital four days after the stoning. On September third, 1990 the Quebec Police and the Canadian Army forcibly invaded Mohawk lands. Broken ribs, jaws and elbows were reported. About 50 Mohawks retreated into an alcohol treatment center. They held off the confrontation for 11 weeks. Throughout this time the Mohawk Nation presented Vol 5 Nos 3&4 35 �the government with proposals for peaceful solutions to the cri sis. Yet the government refused to negotiate. The Indians who laid down arms and left the treatment center will be brought before a Que bec judge who will determine whether charges will be lodged against any of them. Mohawks who had been previously arrested came out of jail covered with cigarettes burns. At the sight of burned chests, Canadian judges threw the cases out of court. Mohawk ac tive resistance to land usurpation comes as a response to repeated and recent losses: they have lost more land since 1950 than in the previous 100 years. Their land has been purchased by the Government and developed with bridges (including the Mercier) and hydroelectric power plants that provide cheap energy to industry. This has meant environmental degradation, as the heavy industry discharges pollutants into nearby rivers, making both farming and fishing unsafe for the Mohawks living on the Kahnawake and Akwesasne reserves. Thus, Indian's revendications have moved to the larger and present issue of selfdetermination and the general question of lands rights: over 570 aboriginal land claims, covering more than 1/2 of the Canada land mass, still await settlement. The Government now has a policy of negotiating no more than six claims at a time and made vague promises toaccelerae the process. Yet particularly clear and rigid is the Government position on native self-determination. Prime Minister Brian Mulroney declared: "Native selfgovernment does not now and cannot ever mean sovereign independence." The Mohawk Nation is asking people to write to Prime Minister Brian Mulroney in their support: Prime Minister Brian Mulroney House of Commons Ottawa, Ontario CANADA K1 A OA6 Fax: (613) 995-1686 For more information about the Mohawk situation, contact: Mohawk Nation Defense Fund PO Box 1987 Kahnawake, Qubec CANADA JOL 1B0 36 Indian Student Alliance Denounces US Agression in Middle East SAIIC received the following from the Student Alliance of North American Indians. We at SAIIC wish to express our solidarity with their views. We, the members of the Student Alliance of North American Indians (SANAD, oppose the war in Iraq. We oppose all acts of aggression inflicted upon Indigenous peoples, and upon all peoples of the world... The government which is now killing the peoples of Iraq, and risking the lives of millions throughout the world, is the same government which has been killing and oppressing the Indigenous peoples of the Americas for 500 years. The government and people of the United States took American Indian tribal land by force and trickery, and have never fulfilled their promises to the tribes. The government and the people of the United States have tried to marginalize American Indian peoples, and ignore our pleas for justice, but when the Army wants bodies for the frontline, we are expected to die first. Second-rate citizens, but first-class cannon fodder. Throughout our history, we've served, both voluntarily and involuntarily, in every war in which this country has been involved. Yet, the United States continually fails to serve the needs of American Indians in education, in housing, in health care, and basic human rights. Tribal lands have a long history of being exploited. This exploitation will be intensified because of the need for natural resources. The government and multinational corporations threaten the future of our tribal homelands and the balance of the world...We owe no debt of allegiance to the government. SAIIC Newsletter �Indian Women of the World Meet in the Land of the Reindeer People SARAH KKA .. in the eye of wintry storms, In the teeth of howling blizzards, Sami kinship spreads its warm embrace; Moonlight guides the wayfarer, Under flows of flashing northern lights;... - Sami National Anthem Indian women from the four corners of the world gathered in the land of the Sami people last summer to share experiences and plan strategies for developing an international grassroots organization. The meeting was hosted by Sáráhkká, the Sami Women's organization. As a result of this meeting, a decision was made to develop an International Indigenous Women's Organization with an egalitarian structure to promote the participation of Indigenous women in decision-making processes. Several meetings will be held in the coming months to develop an organizational structure based on our traditional forms of community administration. At the same time, efforts are being made to notify Indian women throughout the world of our plans and to invite them to participate. The next International Conference is scheduled for October, 1992. A South and Central American Indian Women's Conference will be taking place in Lima, Perú in March, 1991 and hosted by AIDESEP (Association of Indian Organizations of the Peruvian Amazon) and COICA. This will be a historic meeting since it will be the first time a conference of South and Central American Indian women is held. Our sisters from the participating organizations have requested financial support to make their grassroots organizing efforts a reality. We urge you to respond to this request by sending contributions to: Indian Women's Grassroot Movement Tides Foundation c/o SAIIC PO Box 28703 Oakland, CA 94604 Following is the Declaration of Karasjohka: We, Indigenous women from 19 countries have come together on August 5-9, 1990 in Karasjohka, Samiland (Norway), to collectively share our Vol 5 Nos 3& 437 �Indian women of the world meeting in the Land of the Reindeer. socio-economic, cultural, political and spiritual situations, experiences and needs. We come from various parts of the world and are aware of our diversity, but we are here because we believe that we also have common grounds for unity and action. We heard the testimonies of our Indigenous sisters on issues related to the global environmental crisis, the effects of exploitation of our ancestral territories and natural resources on our lives as women, the impact of militarization and nuclearization and presence of foreign military bases on our lands and seas. We tried to understand how powerful nations and governments have imposed state laws on us which have institutionalized our discrimination and repression and facilitated the rape of our lands. We have realized that our continuing marginal ization and oppression as Indigenous women are results of colonization, the setting up of powerful nations of neocolonies to ensure their economic, political, cultural and military stranglehold over supposedly sovereign nations and the insatiable greed of multinational corporations to accumulate profits. We were also made aware that patriarchal systems have been imposed on us by such oppressive structures to further ensure the division between the people and assure the continued domination of these powerful nations and multinational corporations. 38 We are alarmed by the continuing number of Indigenous women and children being victimized by military operations in the guise of anti-communism, as shared with us by our sisters in Central and South America and in Asia. The number of Indigenous women being raped, sexually abused, tortured, arbitrarily arrested, and widowed have been increasing since the United States Government has launched low -intensity warfare on various South and Central American, and Asian nations which have national liberation movements. The rapid degradation of the environment of our ancestral homelands has caused irreparable damage to our lives and lands and we have come up with regional workshop resolutions which address problems related to this. We grieve over what is happening to Mother Earth, and we share in the pain of our sisters who have been dehumanized by militarization, who have been compromised because of tourism and the debt crisis, and those who have to suffer from incurable diseases, car ry toxins in their breast milk, and give birth to deformed or mutilated babies because of nuclear radiation and toxic waste dumping. We are strengthened by our sisters who refuse to be immobilized in spite of their dehumanizing situations. We are inspired by the courage, the steadfastness, determination and the commitment of our Indigenous sisters who continue working for a transformed society, SAIIC Newsltr �where oppression due to race, class, gender, and nationality will no longer exist. We believe that the formation of an international network of Indigenous women will help further our struggles to be liberated from all forms of oppression. This network should always ensure that Indigenous women from the grassroots level have representation in decision-making bodies and general assemblies. We will carry out our responsibility in sharing what has transpired in this conference with the rest of our sisters who are not here with us and we will strive to continue expanding the linkages among ourselves regionally and globally. We affirm our commitment to empowering ourselves through sustained education, setting up more Indigenous women's organizations and working out development and action programs which are sensitive and responsive to the needs and demands of the majority. We are in solidarity with our sisters from the Americas who are going to celebrate the 500 Years of Indian Resistance to colonization and we look forward to joining with them in their celebrations. North American Conference on 500 Years of Resistance The 1992 Bay Area Regional Indian Alliance is coordinating an All-Native Conference to plan and coordinate 1992 Year of Indigenous Peoples activities. The conference is an important North American follow-up to the July 1990 international gathering in Quito, Ecuador and the October 1990 meeting in Minneapolis. The gathering will be held Friday through Sunday, March 22-24, 1991 at DQ University, a private, fully accredited Indian-sanctioned college, located 8 miles west of Davis, California. Papers, draft statements, action plans, recommendations, or suggestions should be submitted by March 18, 1991. Delegates from Indian organizations planning 500 Years activities as well as interested Indian people from the US and Canada are invited. If you are planning to attend, be sure to contact the coordinators as soon as possible. The Sixth NFIP Conference Adopts 1992 Resolutions The Sixth Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific Conference (NFIP) was held November 1-7, 1990 in Waiuku, Pawarenga, Aotearoa (New Zealand). The following is a statement made on the 500 Years of Indian Resistance in their resolutions: ...Indigenous Peoples still have a responsibility as caretakers of the land and all life-circles. These lifecircles are threatened by the acceleration of the patterns of destruction initiated in 1492. The Quincentennial is an unprecedented opportunity for the voice of the people to be heard, and to support each other with a united vision of a healthy environment, healthy lives, and freedom to live the way of life given by the Creator, in balance with the natural world. Therefore, the Sixth NFIP Conference, meeting in Waiuku, Pawarenga, Aotearoa during the 1-7 November, 1990: 1) agrees to hold support actions on October 12, 1992 to celebrate the survival of Indigenous peoples, 2) agrees not to buy anything (accept in emergency situations) for one day, October 13th, 1992, in support of an International Indigenous Campaign, 3) declares 1992 to be "The Year of the World's Indigenous Peoples. For more information on the NFIP, you can contact : Pacific Concerns Resource Centre PO Box 9295 Newmarket Auckland, AOTEAROA (New Zealand) Tel: 09-375-862 For more information contact: All Native Conference DQ University PO Box 409 Davis, California 95617 Telephone: (916) 758-0470 Vol 5 Nos 3&4 39 �South and Meso American Indian Information Center (SAIIC) Mailing Address: PO Box 28703 Oakland, California 94604 Office Address: 1212 Broadway, Suite 830 Oakland, California 94612 Tel: (415) 834-4263 Fax: (415) 834-4264 Photo of Quechua Indian girl by Dick Bancroft About SAIIC... Acknowledgements SAIIC's goals are to promote peace and social justice for Indian People: 1) by providing information to the general public in North America, Europe, and to human rights and solidarity organizations regarding the struggles for survival and selfdetermination of Indian peoples of South and Meso America; 2) by facilitating exchange and promoting direct communication and understanding between Native peoples. SAIIC's projects and programs include: 1) publication of the Newsletter in Spanish and English, as well as other special publications; 2) Indian Visitor Program; 3) human rights advocacy; 4) 500 Years of Resistance project; 5) Indian women's project; 6) public presentations; 7) resource library (periodicals and videos). SAIIC Welcomes All Contributions! All of our projects and programs are financed by donations. Due to the expansion of our office and staff, we need to expand our donor base. We are in special need of equipment and financial contributions. Please contact us to find out how you can best help us. Your generosity is greatly appreciated! All contributions are tax deductible to the extent allowed by law. SAIIC Membership A SAIIC membership entitles you to receive the SAIIC Newsletter, Urgent Action Bulletins, notification of special events in your area, and correspondence on the 500 Years of Indian Resistance Campaign. To receive a Personal SAIIC Membership for one year, send a $15 donation to our mailing address. For an Institutional Membership, send a $25 donation. Publications Available SAIIC has co-authored along with the Rainforest Action Network, Amazonia Film Project, and International Rivers Network a special publication designed to give added force to grassroots groups in the Amazon fighting in defense of the rainforest and basic human rights for the Indigenous people there. Amazonia - Voices from the Rainforest, A Resource and Action Guide is available from SAIIC for $8. The Quito Resolutions from the Conference on 500 Years of Indian Resistance are also available from SAIIC for $5. SAIIC thanks the following people for their contributions: Wara Aderete, Nilo Cayuqueo, Peter Veilleux, Karen Crump, Karl Guevarra Erb, Guillermo Delgado, Ramón Diaz Lazo, David Lauer, Pat Brooks, Francesca Castaldi, Dardo Salas, Fernando Torres, Judy Shevelev, A rt uro Ramirez, Gina Pacaldo, Xihuanel Hue rt a, Bobsy Draper, Dick Bancroft, James Muneta, Isidro Galli, Carlos Maibeth, Melina Selvertson, Alfredo Quarto, Nilak Butler, Debra Harry, Gail Gordon, Lynnda Gray, Juan Rebock, Lucilene Whitesell, David Balsam, Dr Carlos Escobar, Katherine Cole, Paul Haible, Sr Mary Peter Bruce, Joshua Mailman, Maya Miller, Jeffrey Bronfman, Jon Christenson, Kit Miller, Wes Huss,Angelica Mendoza, Cristina Marquez, Francisco Mamani, Juan Radovich, Veronica Huillipan, Emilienne Ireland, Diane Nelson, Yolanda Ronquillo, Funding Exchange, Peace Development Fund, Tides Foundation, Vanguard Foundation, Threshold Foundation, Methodist Church - Latin American Division, Agricultural in Mission, Church of Christ for the Homeland Ministries, Open Meadow Foundation, Amerindia, and Amnesty International. Special thanks to all the people at Intertribal Friendship House for sharing their space with us for seven years. The SAIIC Newsletter is provided free, in Spanish to Indian Organizations in South & Meso America moved our offices! Please note our new addresses above! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource News from Around the Continent Language A language of the resource English Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1990 Zotero Abstract Note Entire issue Issue 3&4 Language English Pages 1-40 Publication Title SAIIC Newsletter Volume 5 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/6126c5b16e8f7e8bc1cb1c1ea22b40b4.pdf 90d83498c6055cbd4f62d0d28495c13d PDF Text Text VOLUME 8, NUMBER 3, fAU.1994 • • • • Uprising in Ecuador Convention on Biodiversity Update on Chiapas International Meeting of Indigenous Women ~~ LINKING INDIAN PEOPLES OF THE AMERICAs _ _ __,___ _ �c 0 T E T s Abya Yala News Editors: SAIIC 8o¥d of ()Wcctors Cooro:NtOt'$! Conswv.a Q.W'O. O.wid Ted:lin Oe,;go & L>yovt Alfonso )aramillo Enpsh Copy Editoc Cheryl Musch Intern: R.ebec<.l Kapur Editorial. ... . . . .. . . ... ... . . . ....... .. .. . . . .. .. 3 SAIIC Scaff In Br ie f . ... .. .. .. ........ .. . ............ .... . . 4 Perspectives on the Ele ctora l Process Director. N !lo Q:~ .,,.,;m Office Manager. Chc')i MU1dl ~~->:irOOit?osa Devclos>ment As>st.lnt Ro>a Al¢&fia Convnunic.ations Coon:ft\atOI": M.)rc S«lcet' Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest .. .... .. .... 6 S AIIC Board of Directors Bolivia: Reconstruct ing the Ayllu .. ........ .. .. . • . . .. 9 W>n Alderete (Calchaqu;·Argetltina) Alejandro NnMu Argvmedo (Quechu.l·PC<V) N lo CaMU<O (~·Argetltina) Guatemala: Maya Political Crossroads .. .. ..... • , .. . . 1 0 G.Milemlo Dclg•do (Ouechu.l·SoM.) Colombia: Special Indian Districting . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . 14 a.1os M-th (M;,k;to.Nmgvo) CoN P<Kaldo (Son a.1os J\pW>c/CJ,;c..,.) Int e r natio nal _ , Hu<m (CIV<an;ooJa) M>reos Yoc ('W•·Qu;cf,./Guat<mab) Subscriptions: Declaration of Barbados Ill. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Se lf-dete r m ination a nd Territory Second Indian Uprising in Ecuador . ..... .. . ..... ... . 19 Bilateral Agreements in Bolivia .... .. . . ... .. ...... .. 22 Organizing from Oaxaca to California . . .. .. . . .. . ... . 24 C.;iapas Updat e Six Proposals for a N ew Mexico .. .... ... .... •• . .. . 27 Environm e nt and Developm e nt Abya Yala NeviS (tSSN 1071·3182) is available for )n annual $ IS pc<'SONI ~. $2S for I~SOO.I justice non-pro!rts.. ~;o institutions. For Canada. and Me?oco add $5, for all other intetn:.~tion.lJ ~ps. add $10. We .......cl<omc sOOmissicns of artides.lett¢f"S. pho1ogt'i)Phs and telev¥1t VlfOlTT'I.ation. Leners and 31ticl¢s may be edited for -:« r""' """>«= length. 10 • '""""""~ """'-"'""" on paper ¥ld ¢n,v\~<OI'T'f)o'll:ible 3 tn. Wlch cJ:sk Send ;)I corSAIIC P.O. Box 28703 Oakland, C A 94604, USA Phone: (S 10) 834~42 6 1 Fu' ( S I 0) 834·4264 e-mail: sallc@igc.apc.org Biodiversity Convention .. .. . .... .. .. .. . .. ...... .. 30 W e would like t o thank the following individuaJs a nd organizations for their gt:nerous assistance to Abya Yala News W omen lleto llcwg«. Jo<ge Second Encounter of Indigenous Women .. ......... . . 34 Wayu Women Imperilled by Drug Trafficking ..... .. ... 35 Organiza tion and Commun ication .. .. . .. .. ..... 36 Calendar of Events ... . . . . .. ....... .. . ..... . .. 38 SAIIC N ew s .. . ........ • ..... .... . ... • . ..... . 39 On the Cover: R..esidtoc of San Crist~l de las Casu. Chiapas. cuti11g his vote f<>r the 199<4 Pres.idenliaJ elections In Mexk:o. Photo: Courtesy o! Global Exeh~ngo BriU>ol s...n.- (~ Anu). ~-'"""" ~ ~Gonzalez. M.lri>.-.. ~ ~ Mendo<.\ M.Wna Mo<>. V<tor Montcjo. Gullc>mo f'>do. o.n ~......._ KaO. T.,.,.._ l!ily R Trice~. Ste(ono v....,. and spe0>1 Wl'\k:s to Vd.y WMJ O rganlutlons: Amerincb ~). CEOCB ~). OoOp ($»~ Gu.lt_,. Ne..,. and In~ Mansi< M<descnte< <NM"'Y~ Q'-1)0 K>Nman:a (VSA~ U<nzo (P<N~ RliniOteS' Action Ne:twclfi(.(USA), THOA (Bo"Ma), TIPI {Noway·~). t..m G<onYold (NoN"Y). a...-..u. w"""' Publications: NAORP (VC OM USA), Prcsend.l!Aeraria (BoiM.l). !Wv.a OjuaSCol (Mt>;<o). Re.lsu u;,., (SoN&). Th:tnks to t he following founda t ions for t heir gene,... ous s upport: joM D. and Catherine T. Mac /vVP.Jfr Fovndation. ~a.l ~e Foundation. Pubfic Welfare F~. The Tides Found.ltion. f~tlOC'I for ~ Ecology. SA IIC Rprest:ntatives abroad: )\>oft ~ Lar.l·RECNSUEN (Nonv>y). Raf>d ~ (Gcnrony). A'<jand<o ~ & Susan O'Oonel (CWd.l~ �E D I TO R IAL he so-c.1lled "cold war" between Capitalism and Socialism has been redefined. Instead of a conflict between "East and West," it now appears as a problem of North versus South . Today, the military impositions and economic propos.1ls expressed in the concept of a "New World Order" do no more than fortify policies of oppression against Indigenous nations and territories. For the Indigenous peoples, the oppression that beg.1n with the western invas•on. and which has just completed its 502nd year, still continues as more threats loom over the honzon. International agreements such as the North American Fr« Trnde Agreement {NAFTA). General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organizauon {WTO) are nothing more than new legal instruments which serve to increase transnational companies' power to exploit natural and human resources without regard for Indigenous territories. It should not be forgotten that a large portion of these natural resources, such as biodiversit)'. petroleum. timber, minerals. etc. arc found within Indigenous territories. for their pan, the nation-states still largely refuse to recognize Indian territory and continue 10 dispose of it as they will. most recently, b)' ceding it to national and transnational companies within the new Neoliberal programs. Governments and parliaments continue to make decisions for the oppressed majorities. Constitutional changes. new Agrarian laws. privatizauon of b.1Sic sef\ices, etc. are legal•nstruments, created without consulung the Indigenous organ•zauons, in the name of "democracy." The Indigenous people demand participation in all dectsions directly affecting Indigenous nauons. territories, and cultural systems. and reject the assimilauonist policies of the nation-state. Without entering into an in-depth analysis of the concept of democracy imposed by the Western nation-state on the Indigenous nations "~th cosmic-spiritual-territorial bases. we have tried in this journal to present an {admittedly incomplete) picture or Indigenous participation in national elections. The diverse experiences illustrated here demonstrate that Indian organizations offer new possibilities to renovate the nation-state. The)' also reveal the need for autonomous political positions and the formation of coalitions under equal conditions. Of course. not all of the Indigenous experiences have been positive. However, many of lhese, both good and bad, provide lessons from which we can learn in order to reformulate our future stralegies. Indigenous participation in the nation-states' electoral processes is only one aspect of the differem strategies we need to pursue. Access to parliaments gives us more power to propose and pressure for the adoption and approriate implementation of progressive international agreements such as the International Labor Organization's Convention 169, which is currently only recognized by seven governments. Other international agreements such as the UN Declaration on the Principles and Rights of Indigenous peoples require further pressure from the Indigenous organizations to the U.N. bodies in order to obtain an international convention signed by the colonial governments, recognizing the rights of Indigenous Peoples and not just a Declaration without implementing measures. We believe that u is Imperative for the Indigenous movement to work in coordinated fashion at the continental and world level to produce joint proposals for appropriately adopung and furthering the scope of these mternauonallegal instruments. ~ have to remember that, although the legal instruments are avilable. they need to be ratified by nauon-states, but also, in some c.1ses. those legal instruments need to be taken furhter, according to Indigenous organizations' understanding of such matters. Otherwise, these! instruments will remain In the hands of nation-states without Indigenous input. T SAIIC Board of Directors Vol. 8 No.3 3 �IN BR I EF Massive Coca-grower's March on La Paz, Bolivia Bolivian security forces unsuccessfully tried to turn away a protest march of severn! thousand camp.:;i110s headed for the capital city of La Paz in early September. Over fifty leaders were arrested. police confiscated baggage and even sandals in an attempt to pre,·ent campesinos from joining the march. The coca-growers were headed for La Paz to demand fair treatment for those who make their living growing coca. Coca leaf has long been important in the Andes because of its cultural and rnedicinal elemems. but in recent years it has acquired significance as a cash crop which is used in the production of cocaine. Protesters are demanding the demilitarization of the Chaparc region, protection of 1he coca·growing industry. com· pliance with agreements previously signed with the government, and the release of arrested activists. After three attacks by security forces. marchers chose to stay ofT the main roads to avoid funher confrontation. Campesinos have been subjected to increased arbitrat)' arrests and seizures, intimidation and harassment. sexual abuse or women. and tor· ture. Religious workers in the coca-growing Chapare region. say that the area has been completely militarized. and that the gov· emmem has also been cracking down on non·govemmental organizations who are supportive of the Indigenous camtJtsinos. The country's rn.ost powerful labor union. the 13olivian Workers Central (C06). held a 48-hour strike in La Paz on Sept. 15 and 16 to pressure the government on the cocagrowers' behalf. In response. President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada called a national dialogue to discuss the ..cocacocaine'" problem and to seek consensus solmions. The coca-growers emerged from this dialogue with a preliminary agreement which rneets several of their key demands. Leuu s demandi11g respe" for the human rigJus of c;amf'(Sinos <Jnd NCO workers in the coca regions c;a~t be sent to Bolivian President Gom::alo Sanche:: de ~ada, Fax: 591 -2·391216 Adapl<d from : \Vtekly N t h'S Upd<lle. 011 tilt AmcriC Nicamgua Solidarity Network tJf (IS, Greater New Yor·k. 339 Wfayeue Sl.• New Yorh. NY 10012. Argentina: Constitution Finally Recognizes Indigenous Rights ArgentinaS constitutional revision on Aug. 11 this year rec· ognized Indigenous peoples' rights after a series of postponements by the dmfting commission. After much debate. Article 67 of the constitution was modified to read : (the slate/ relognizes concwn:ncly with the provinces, the pre· existence of the lndgenous peoples that make up the Ar:geminian nation, guaranteei,lg respect for their elhnic and cultural identity. the legal sw1us of their communities; the tmession and communal 4 ow11crship of lands that they tradilio11ally occupy; mal1i11g a"ailable sufficient and suitable lands for their lwman development. which will be h1alienable and not subjeCl to seiZl~re; assure their access to bilingual ancl inrerculwral education: and their lHH'tici· palion in <lecisions n:gardirzg the rational use, administration <Jnd consen•ation of natural re:sour·ces: in the developmcmt of their interests; and in national life. Nonetheless, the final text relating to communal ownership of trnditionally-occupied lands ended up only partially satisfactory. The original Indian proposal used the word •guarnntecd" in respect to ownership of these londs. The governing justicialista Party, alonned by the supposed legal and economic consequences of this proposal. pushed the d rafting commission to rephrase this with the word ..regulatc..-which obviously has different implications. In the final compromise. the commission settled on the word "recognize)!o which implies at least that communities wilt be able to secure ownership or lands for which they already have titles. Settlement Between Texaco and Ecuadorian Government Sidesteps Indigenous People U.S.-based multinational oil company, Texaco Inc. and the Eeuadorian govemmem have reached a tentative agreementsubject to Ecuadorian President Sixto Duran Ballens approvalon clean-up and restoration of fom1er oil production sites in Ecuador's remote Oriente region. The populations. panicularly Indigenous peoples. whose communities ha"e been devastated by twenty years or accumu· lated toxic dumping and oil spills. were never consuhed in the process of negotiating this settlement. Indigenous and colonist organizations have been fighting for yec1rs, in alliance with envi· romner!lal groups and lawyers. to force Texaco to carry-out a thorough clean-up and restoration of the areas it polh.ucd and to provide health services and monitoring of oil related ailmems within affected comrnunities. Texaco$ oil operntions have spilled some 16.8 million gallons of crude oil into the Oricme. The company also voluntalily dumped 20 billion gallons of water containing toxic hydrocarbons. chemicals and heavy metals. into the regionS waterwa)'S. Roads built by Texaco have blazed the way for deforestation of O\rer 2.5 million acres of rainforest by opening previously isolated Indian territories to colonization by fMmers and mnchers. On tenninating its operations in 1990, Texaco made no effon to clean up the toxic mess it left behind. Indigenous umbrella organizations including COICII. CONAIE and CONFENAIE as well as the environmental coalitions CEDENMA and Amazon For Life "ill not accept this exclusive bilateral settlement between Texaco and the Ecuadorian government. The governmentS interests and the IVYya Yala News �IN communities' interests are n ot congruent. The sune-own.cd oil company CEPE (now Pcuocc-uador) worked in conson.ium with Texaco as a co-polluter and will ha"e to pick up the tab for 65.5% of any remediation bill. Given the ccuadorian govern- ment's financial liability in this situation, organizations fear that their government will not adequately meet the needs of the communities that have been impacted. For this reason. Indigenous org~nizmions must be fully involved in negotiating any settlement if a tmly effective plan for environmental reStoration and human heahh care is to be designed, financed and implemented. Pleas.: write or fax Texaco and dtt &uadorian gwcrnment immediarcly exp~ming your conetnt. Presid<nte SL, to Dur.ln Ballen. Prosideme dela Repblica dd Ecuador, P:llacio PrtsidencW, C'lle Garcia Moreno, Quito, Ecuador. Fa." 593-2-580-735 Alfred C. DeCrone Jr.. CEO and Chainnan of the Board, Texaco. Inc.. 2000 Westchester Ave.. \Vhite Plains, NY 10650. Fax: 914-253· 7753 lnfonnation supplied by the Rainforest Aaior~ Nawork Paraguay-Parana Waterway Threatens Largest Wetlands in t he Americas BR I EF mental costs, a nd comprehensively evaluate the waterway's impacts. including those to all 2,000 miles of river that will be affected. lnfonnatio-n supplied by tltt lnctrnational Rivers Nuworh. Venezuelan Indians Seek Constitutional Rights R epresentatives of Venezuela's twenty-seven Indigenous peoples began a series of meetings at the Latin American Indigenous Parliament Center in Caracas to demand that their rights be included in the national constitution, which congress is current· ly attempting to reform . jest\s j im~ne.z , Vene.zuela~ only lndigneous congressman, explained that the 350.000 Indigenous people living in this country seek inclusion for their rights tO land, usc or their languages and recognition of dual citizenship for those peoples living along the Colombian and Brazilian borders. Jimenez pointed out that ColombiaS Indigenous legislation guarantees dual citizenship in such cases. including for the 10.000 Wayu who inhabit the Colombian-Venezuela border area. The Indigenous repre-sentatives will also try to secure guarantees for participation in legislative powers at the national, regional. municipal. and local levels. Injorm<Hion COU1'te$)' of Ansa Nt.WS Agency Inc. " More than fony scientific, environmental and indigenous o rganizations launc hed an international campaign in early Sept. to protect the vast Pantanal wetlands from a .. mega-project'" known as the Parana-Paraguay Hidrovia (or watenvay). Organizations rne1 in Chapada dos Guimares in the Brazilian state of Mato Grosso to discuss the Pantanal's current situation and the proposed waterway. According to these diverse organizations, the Pamanals already suffer tremendous impacts caused by gold and dia mond mining. logging, u rban sewerage. industrial po llution. pesticide and herbicide run-off and overfishing. The proposed waterway would include several massive engineerin_g projects to straightel't, deepen and "regulate" the c hannel of the Paraguay River. The governments of Brazil. Argentina, Bolivia. Paraguay and Uruguay hope that the watcrwny will open the riverS upper sections to year-round industrial shipping. and have applied to the !mer-American Development Bank and other sources for funding. International funders are wary, however, u mil an environmental impact statemem (ElS) has been completed. T he groups meeting in Chapada dos Guimares are therefore demanding full participation in the ElS process. They also demand that it take into account all social and e nviron· Vol. 8 No.3 5 �P ERS PECT I V ES 0 N TH E E L E C T O R'.!~_!....!R O~:..:E S :__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ ~ A L P ~ C ~S In the following section we present a review of the Indian movement's experiences with electoral processes over the last year. Members of the movement p rovide analyses intended both to expose the problems and dangers of the nation-state's existing political processes. and to evaluate the Indian movement's political weaknesses. and thereby strengthen future political participation. Opinions in these articles belong to their authors. and are not necessarily those of SAl/C. Elections in Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest By Araceti Burguete Cal y Mayor T he Mexican Constitution was modified in 1992 to include certain new tures. Faced with this situation, nearly 100 politically diverse Indigenous organizations met in Mexico City on Indigenous rights. Unfonunately, ingly doubtful about working through the March 4 and 5 10 develop a common this rdonn has never been implcmcmcd. political parties. Consequently, the tradi- national electoral strategy. The and Indigenous fonns of social organiza- tional parties have gradually lost political Convention presented presidential candi· tion and democratic representation still control within the coumryS Indigenous dates attending the meeting with a con· lack legal recognition. Despite many efTons regions. sensus program with universal to pass legislation guaranteeing Indian repThus, despite the high turnout of Indigenous demands. At the same time. resentation in congress over the p."lSt three Indigenous voters for the Aug. 21 presi- the Convention demanded candidates to years, none have been adopted because dernial elections nationally, several specify their policies on the right to selfIndigenous organizations still lack allies to lndiger'IOUS regions refused to vote in detennination, as well as representation suppon these proposals. Thus. Mexico's their entirety. A significant number of in congress. The Assembly's program Indigenous peoples have access to the community assemblies, like that of &In demanded that political parties agree to nation's congress only through panicipa- juan Comalapa in Oaxaca. rejected the the creation of a Sixth Electoral District. tion in the political panies. establishment of polling places in their exclusively for Indigenous peoples, and At the same 1ime. there is ample COE communities and decided to remain out· that they reserve a quota of 10% of their 'Isensus among the nation's Indigenous side the electoral process. Not just this candidacies for Indigenous representaorganizations that the political parties are town. but practically the entire Triqui tives. not adequate mechanisms for bringing region in Oaxaca boycotted the election . Although the candidates reiterated Indigenous representatives to congress. Of those Indigenous people who voted their commitment to the Indigenous peoThis conclusion has been reinforced by nationwide. many did so under protest: ple-especially due 10 the pressure the marginal placement of Indigenous unhappy with the panisan system , but caused by events in Chiapas-they did demands in the political parties' agendas, conscious of the need to contribute with not adopt the demand for a new district· in addition to the absence of Indigenous their vOle to the country's political future. ing as their own. Only the Party of the represemmion in their leadership stn1c· Democratic Revolution (PRD) responded National Indigenous Electoral b)' reserving three cand idacies in the Araa:li 8urgucle I a Chiapas ,uuivc as well as Convention s lower house and two in the senate for Technical and Research Coordinator for the For the first time in contemporary Indian leaders. Though not insignificant, lndtf'(nclem Indian Pcoplc.s Front. Mexican history. delegates representing this gesture is cenainly limited-especial· 6 Indigenous people have become increas· I>Jyya Yala News �PERSPEC TI VES ON THE EL ECT OR A L PROCESS ly if it is taken into account that Mexico~ Indigenous people constitute more th~t 15% of the population. The governing nizations and individuals from through· out the country to a National Democratic Convention (CND) from Aug. 8 to 10. Institutional Revolutionary Party will have no more than two Indigenous wilhin Zaptuista territory in the Lacandon jungle. AStonishing!)', over 6.000 delegates from throughout Mexico made the long joume)' to attend this event in the isolated and previously obscure comrnunity of Aguascaliemes. As with practical!)' all events organized by the ..civil society"'-that is, mestizo society-Indigenous panicipation was marginal and the number of delegates was scarce!)' significant. Despite the limited number of panicipams. Indigenous orga· nizations came to a consensus proposal for use in the discussion table. Thus, half of the resolutions at the round table for a Constitutional Congress and a New deputies and one lndigenous senator. National Democratic Convention in Chiapas On june 13, based on the overwhelm· ing majority of the vote within their sup· porter communities the Zapatista National Liberation Arm)' (EZLN) refused the Mexican government's peace pro· pos~l. At the s~me time the EZLN announced ~ strateg)' to seek unit)' the civilian 1novement pushing for a transition to national democracy. To this end, they surnmoned a diverse group of orga· Vol. 8 No.3 Constitution related to Indigenous peo· pies rights. gathering in a S)'nthesis of the proposals presented b)' the Independent Indian Peoples Front (FIPI). along with those of other delegations. The final text of the Convention read as follows: As ctmcems the Indigenous peoples, the National Denux mcic Converllion resoh·es that their autonomy, sclf·<iecennination and territorial rights bo recognized; char che customary riglu of lndiger~o~ts 1>eople be elevated to a constitutional right; that a new chapter on hldigtnousr>eoplc. elab· omced by che llldigeiiOilS r<or>les themselves, be integrated in the New Cor~scicution. Tite policy will bo elaborated on seven axes: lcmd, emJ>loymem. justice, economy. freedom, hullch and ed1•C a· tion. Thac articles 115 thro~tgh 122 be 7 �PERSPECTIVES ON THE ELECTORAL PROCESS rc:viscd to srrc:ngtltcn nwnicip<1lities <md establish the Indigenous regions, Tlwt the fourth article be mO<Iified to co•iform a Sixth Plurinominal Districting for lr1digenous representation, that the right to tulucacion be made effective and llwc this education respects and iruegrates the diver>ity of all Indigenous peoples, their traditions, customs. and languages. Education should be free at all levels, democratic, lay. scientific. humanistic. national and critical. Education for Indigenous people must be bilingual at all levels. In spite or the importance or this pamgmph, it is important to acknowledge that Indigenous perspectives and the aspimtions or the Indigenous people in Mexico were not the centmlthcme or the CND- opposmon to the government and the again appropriated-through rmud and official (PRI) party. Predictably, the gov- multiple electoral transgressions that have ernment ~ried to rorestall CEOICs partic- not been investigated- over 90% or the ipation in the CNO by trying to crea.te seats ror in the House or Deputies and divisions within the coalition. almost I 00% or those ror the Senate, Unronunately, these prospered. Hair or Nonetheless. the d isappointment relt by CEOIC-made up or organizations large- Indigenous peoples d id not coalesce into ly financed by the government or the a post-electoml struggle, When the elecPRI-stood against participation in the tions were o,·er. Indigenous organizations Convention, The other hair-the selr-pro- returned to their previous stntggles and daimed Independent CEOIC-<:ndorscd. tactics, The PRO vote cast by the majority and then joined the CNO, The indepen- or Chiapas' Indigenous peoples was not a dent CEOIC maintains a line of civilian truly partisan vote. The PRO was persupport ror the Zapatista proposals and ceived as the best party at hand, but not negotiations, and continues to contribute necessarily as their own party, or as one significantly to the extension of '"civilian that identi fies wholly wilh their interests. bridges· into the conOict zone. Votes garnered by the PRO in Chiapas awarded two seats in the lower house to Elections in Chiapas Indian leaders. These are: Antonio this despite the conventionS location in August 21 , election day, was particu- Hernandez (see interview in VoL 8:1&2). the heart of the conflict zone, wilhin ter~ larly significant ror Chiapas, The states Maya-Tojolabal, state leader or the rilOry held by an army, nearly all of whom elections commstcd sharply with those in Independent Central or Agricultural arc Indian. the rest or the country, For the forst time Workers and Campesinos (CIOAC), and in the highland and jungle regions or M ario Landeros. candidate for the Xfnich Fragi le Coalition Divides in Chiar>as, Indigenous people exercised organizmion of Palenque. Elsewhere. Chiapas their citizenS right to vote in massive Martin Equihua rcpreseming the A political watershed leading up to rashion. For the forst time they voted or Guerrero 500 Years or Indigenous the National Democratic Convention their own free will. without impositions. R esistance State Council also won a seat was the fragnlcntation into two halves or and without being coerced. For the forst in the lower house through the PRO vote, the Indigenous and Campesino State time the Indigenous vote in Chiapas was Euldarico Hemandez. Chontal writer and Council or Chiapas (CEOIC), It was evi- not ror the PRL leader rrom the state or Tabasco. sec\lrcd a dent that the Convention would express At the national level. the PRI once seat in the senate, along with Hector Sanchez, leader or the Worker·C.1111pesino Student Coalition or the Isthmus, The present political balance is certainly not what Indigenous or ganizations demand, nor what justly corrcs1>0nds to their peoples, Nevertheless, the Indigenous movement will have at least three authemic advocates in the next legisla· ture. These delegates are committed to constitutional rcrorms elabomted by the Indigenous National Electoral Com•en· tion including: rhe right to govern their territories according to norms established by their customs and usage. and the right to Indigenous representation in congress through special districting without Maya residents o f Altamirano, Chiapas U up to vote; o bservers at polling place s ne in the town reported significant irregularities. dependence upon the political l>arties. -., 8 AIYya Yala News �Reconstructing the Ayllu: toward Renewal of the Bolivian State By Maria Eugenia Choque and CariDs Mamani ast years eltcuons m Bolivia culmi· noted m August Wlth the victory of ·ealthy mdustriahst Gonzalo ("Goni") ~nchez dt Lozada and Aymara Indian intellectual Victor Hugo Olrdenas, leaders of tWO distinct political traditions: Coni !rom the leftist-turned-centrist Nationalist Revo lutionary Movement (MNR) credited with •modernizing" Bolivia. and Victor Hugo !rom the Aymara Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement of Liberation (MRTKL). Their election trig· gered celebrations among various sectors or the Bolivian population. On the mght or Aug. 5. the coliseum in La Paz was the scene or a grand. picturesque ceremony organized by the MNR. Indigenous people panicipatcd in a ntual of homage and recognition in which representatl\'eS of almost all o f the native groups in the country presented symbols of power and authority to Gonzalo Sanchez and Victor Hugo. It symbolized their acceptance as ··n:nive authorities... The presentation took place in a colorful atmosphere o f wiphalas (multi-colored patchwork Aymara Oags which have come to represent Indian Unity). The ceremony was a perfect an1ftce: showing Indian inte· grauon and ascendance lO po\1 ter-by Marla fugmla Olotr-" is a luslonan and Dir«IIJI' of the Alldtan Oral Hwory llbrl>shop m l.n Paz. Carlos Mamanl also ..00.0 as a luslorian m l.n Paz. Vol8 No.3 Marching for territory and dignity way or the vace-presadent elect. Funhermore. the president appeared (how marvelous!) to be seeking Indigenous recognttaon before taking power. Alliance with the Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement of Liberation (M R TKL) wns a great success for the MNR, leading to a decisive electoral victory. The MRTKL, for their part, gained five seats in Congress. a small role in the administration or the Slate, and the creation or a National Secretariat of Ethmc Affairs. Quruitath·ely. howe,·er, their presence in parliament as more hmucd than that of the first Indian depuues m parh•mem (including Olrdenas hamseiO m the 1980s. Since the elecuon, pohuc::al propag;mda has tned to show that the indigenous mo,·ement-wuh Vfctor 1-iugo at its head-is pan of the government. Or, at least, that it Is willing to wait to be vindi· cated through reforms proposed by the government in llCW hlW'S O( popular par· ticipation. cdu~tion , :1nd privatization. The situation in UoHvia C;ln be under· stood as the continuation or an inter-eth· nic relationship an which the criollo (people of European descent) groups in power use the an of samulaung lnd.,n political pan.capauon. to perfecuon. They accomplash thas b)• puttmg on shows such as that descnbcd obo\'C and through their newly acquued ~bthty to integrate Indigenous andavaduols mto the politic::al elite. These and"'duals must only pass an exam where saenficc. higher education. desire !or power and presuge, and the denunciauon of their adeals appear to be the deciding factors. Wlthm this context. it is not saying too much to point om that Victor Hugo appeared in electoral propa· ganda representing the COntinmuion of the stateS intcgmtiomst policies such as the agrarian refonn of 1953. Given the StateS VISible securily in hs control over the lndagenous popubuon, \\'C ask here. what is the state or the Indian MO\'trnent? History of the Movement Todar~ lnd.,n n>ovement os neuher a recent phenomenon, nor the result of the 1952 revoluuon. It as the conunuation. although in fragmented fonn, of a ffiO\'C· ment of C<ICiqut'S (tradltionul chiefs) which was led in the first hal! or this century by Santos Marka T'ula. Eduardo Nina Qhispi, Gregorio Ventura, Rufino \C,IIca. Feliciano Aruquipa, Celcdonio Luna. Mateo Alfaro, and others. These caciques struggled !or the survival or the Indigenous people and proposed the "renewal Of 8ohvi3" With the InstitUtionalization or respect !or dovcrsoty and pluralit)' In thear analystS of domeStiC: and international pohcaes (1920-1936) , they Continued on page 33 9 �PERSPECTIVES ON THE ELECTORA L PROCESS Photo : Gvatemal3 NC\'/S and Information 8ure3u Guatemala: M aya M ovement At The Politica l Crossroads Maya " Communities of Populations in Resistance"' (CPR's) left hidden communities in the lxcan jungtc in February of this year to establish an open potiticat presence. By Estuardo Zapeta. n june of 1993. following the failed self-coup d'ttat by former President jorge Serrano Elias, the Pem1anent Maya Assembly submitted a list wi1h three names for the Vice-presidency. This act in itself shook the Guatemalan politi- I C.."'..I establishment, demonstrating the new asseniveness of the coumryS Indigenous movement. This p reviously little known polhical curre m is now one of the strongest in Guatemalan society. Paradoxically 1he ..Serranazo," as Serrano Elias' attempted coup was nicknamed. helped the Maya movement emerge o nto the national stage. Nonetheless. and perhaps due to a lack of political experience. Maya organizations have fallen fa r short of their political potential in recent years. This year, two political C\'CntS rencct on the situation faced by the movement. On jan. 30, a majori1y of voters approved Esruardo Z<lp•:~a is Maya-Caqchiqu<l and works wirlt rhe Ctmro de Esrudios dela Culwra Maya (CECMA) of Cuaremala. 10 newly-appointed President Ramiro de Leon Carpio$ proposed constitutional revision a midst massive abstentionism. Then. on Aug. 14. parliamentary elections were held in which fonncr military d ictator Rios Mont , whose administration from 1981-82 was responsible for the bloodiest repression of the Maya population in rcccm history. won a seat in congress. The Political Movement: Internal and External Factors Maya Indians arc the majority in Guatemala with over 60% of the I>Opulation. ThC)' are also victims of the \Vestem Hem isphere~ longest and most bloody modern civil wars. Understanding the discovery of the Americas in 1992 unified organizations in a common cultural and political cause. Second. numerous Mayan organizations have fonned in the country- side. These range from agricultural cooperatives to a national system of Mayan schools. and they have begun 10 consolidate local power as the basis of an effective political panicipation. Third. ethnic issues have become a maucr of national debate since the agenda for peace talks between the govem mem and the guerrilkl movement was modified to include a point on "ldemi1y and Rights of the Indigenous People." Advances made by t he movement have unfonunately been undem>ined by e rnerging Maya political participation power struggles within the Indian leader- requires a look a1 both internal and external factors affecting the movement in ship. Fueled by the lack of clear I>Oiitical objectives, this in-fighting slowly gnaws away at achievements 1 nadc over the last three years. Additionally. one effect of the recent years. There ttrc three major internal innuences on Maya political activism. First, strong Op(>OSition to celebration of the Quincenrenary of Columbus' so-called diminished influence of Marxist d iscourse has been the new recognition of previous- ly ignored cultural differences among the !Wya Y News ala �PERSPECTIVES Maya peoples. Th<S< dtfferences h3\·e in ON Thts ts true. first of all. because only tum, accclcr.ued the mttrnal competition 20% of the electoratt voted. Second!)\ for power. Rtos Mont exploned law and order Externolly. Moyo pohllcal panicipation rhetoric tn a count')' where criminal foces chollenges generated by last years activity tS second only to poveny as a failed coup d'tun, the nations general social problem. The ex-dtctator is also a democratic crisis and the Aug. 14 con· born-again Protestant. and could there· gressional elections. International pres- fore count on nc:uly un:mimous suppon sure OJ\ the Guatcmahm government has from the evangelical Protestont popula· also contributed to the opening of politi· tion. In 1990. 36% of the population was cal spaces for the Maya. estimated to be l'rotestant. the highest proportion or nny country in predomiOf Elections And The Elected nantly Catholic latin America. The lndtgenous movement discovered Evangelical advances are not surprising in its first '"polittcal thermometer'" in rural. Mayan commumues. Thts success Prestdent Carptos referendum for the results from a well-planned and well· proposed con.sutuuonal revision. The funded wave o( e'"ngehcal mtssionizing rtVtSlon was 01med ot purgmg the corrupt from the Untted States. Serrano congress and represented a funThe Maya people and the former dicdamental clash between the executive and tator w>ll face thetr real challenges in the legislative powers. The Indigenous mo,·e· Nov. 1995 prcstdenual elections. Unless ment could have exploited this division. Rios Mont can eng1neer a constitutional but political inexperience limited any revision. he will be b.1rrcd-as a former gains. The principal Mayan organizations dictator-from seeking the presidency. At threw their supJ behind the president~ the same time, moderate right-wing par>Ort constitution•! chonges. In exchange, the ties. who are best placed to \vin the pres· president approved a National Indigenous ideney. have shown liule concern for Rios Fund. The Maya people could have Mont and are turning their :mention to gained much more. the 1ndtgenous vote. For instance. the President C.1rp1o~ constitutional revi· National Advancement Party (PAN). has ston was approved with a majority )-es· been in ·secret• tolks with the vote on Jan. 30. but turnout \1>1\S a shock· Autonomous Movement of Masses. an mgly low 16'10 of the dectora.te. Poor orgamzauon worktng for poliucal educa· commumcauon btlwetn the Indigenous tion and org:t.mz;mon m poor Indigenous nauonal and grassroots 0rg.1niza1ions pre· and mtsti.c;o rommunu1es. ''ented any stgmficant political panicipa· tton. Yet Mara Orgllmzations ha\'e learned Military Ethno-hysteria that politicians now place imponance on Withtn the politico! process. the the Indigenous vote. Indigenous rno\·emem c:mnot underestl· National congressional elections were mate the anny$ presence and power. held on August 11. 1994. Surprisingly. This institution. which has systematical· (ormer military dictator Errnin Rios Mom ly opposed any Moya political panicipa· and his Republican Front pany emerged lion, is undergoing one or its worst with a significnnt vtctory. R ios MomS times . It's important to remember that tenure as dictator in 1981-1982 was one the :mny has free nnd permanent access of the bloodtest ever endured by the to most Maya communmes through Mayon people. At that ttme. his "bullets paramilitary squads known as Civil and beans· counter·tnsurgency program Defense Patrols 11 has established razed hundreds of Mayo villages to the throughout the countrystde. The current ground. H1s VICtory howe,·er is not~ sur- number of 3Ctl\'C members m the Civil pnstng as 11 appe3rs. Defense: Patrols 15 esttmated at O\"tr Vol. 8 No.3 THE ELECTORAL PROCESS 500.000: 95% of these are Maya A senous tntemal dJ\'tSton. '"loss"' of the commumst enemy, a re--defimtton of its role after mmal peoce talks. and a problem of · unage· both at the nauonal and internauoMIIcvel. are JUSt few of the problems foced by the Guutemulan army. The appoumncnt of General Julio Otzoy Colaj. Mnya-caqchiquel from the town of Comalapa. as Vice-Minister of Defense is widely percei,'Cd as on auempt to tum back Maya poliucal odvances. Otzoy never tdcnufies htmself as Mayo and leads the army's ultra<Onservative sector. 0tzoy explamed m a 1\~nt tntervtew thot "due to the senous ethniC problem· facing Guatemala. there \S g7t3t nsk for the emergence of an •ethntcally·based guemlla mo,-ement" m the next ten years. The recent ·Maya Nauon h)-pothests• and the new ideas on Mt\)'0\ :.'lutonomy have increased Ouoys fears. Although these ideas arc mere speculations. the conserva· tive military lllCrcaslngly accuses Maya organizations or subversion ond sep.1ratism. The ultra-right is olso haunted by the possibility that the Guotcmolan govern· Ex-dictator Rios Montt's amp&ign slogan prodaiming "'With us.. your vote counts.• 11 �PERSPECTIVES ON THE ELECTORAL ment might ratify Convention 169 of the labor Org:mizmion on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries. This would International increase the international legal validity of rights claimed by Ma)'a organizations. PROCESS at the end of the 1980s. The Indigenous National Front (FIN) was fou nded for this purpose. This political organization faded out. basicall)\ because it had neither the people nor the monel' to be heard at the national level. Work at the local level has Indigenous leaders who participated in Christian Democratic President Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo's administration . Many outstanding accusations of corruption and financial mismanagement remain against them. Though Minister Tay Coyoy is the first Indian to r each such a high position in Guatemalan government, the ract that his activities cominue to be opaque h as not helped the consolidation of the political party. The Maya dilemma has always been whether to participate in the electoml systemS existing panies in order to gain new spaces. and eventually rise to shape party platforms themselves or to create their own political associ· ations. capable of partici- pating at the national level. The Indigenous movement is also limited by a Jack of economic T army maintains a political presence in most Maya communities through the Civil Defense Patrols. he Recent publication of Rujunamil Ri Mayab' Amaq (Rights of the Maya Peo1>le) has also fueled the am1yS fears. In sum. these military sectors see any Indigenous political been visibly more effective 1han at the national or regional level. For example, the Came Civic Committee, an Indigenous grassroots organziation. has kept power. Maya organiza· tions are facing financial crise-S at the national, regional, and local levels. This has only been overcome at the local level, where the Maya ob,oousl)' have more opportunities. progress as a national security threat. However, the " young officers" sector and the anny:S so-called Mprogrcssive wing" arc to some extent forcing the ul~ra-con­ servative groups to be more lOieram toward political indigenous participation . control of the Mayors office for the last The Chall enge Ahead ten years, even while competing with the Though many have argued that the congress elected on Aug. 14 represems a It moted formation of a political pany. This who represem a challenge to the congress. The congress$ shon d11ration (one year) Maya organizations to take advantage of commiuee is covertly directed by the cur. these divisions within the anny. rem minister of education. Alfredo Tay and its ideological composition which leans heavily lOward the right wing ""II be up to the political abilities of the established national parties. The most recent national efforts for Maya political participation was through the Sociedad lxim, a committee 1hat pro~ Coyoy. Dilemmas and Limitations of Political Participation The first Maya auempts at direct national political participation took place 12 Maya-K'iche' from challenge to Mayan political participation. the opposite is in fact true. h i.s the Maya Quetzal- (which ignores Indigenous demands). tenango. Chrisitan Democratic parties bcnh wilhin Guatemala and Europe are indicates that the Indigenous movernem should take the time to re-evaluate its also supporting this effort in ncar secrecy. Among the ranks of this group are Guatemala's socio·polilic31 reality. position and design Strategies that renect PIDya Yala News �PERSPECTIVES The foll0\\1ng pomts require t\'aluation: a) Substantial changes in the political diseourse. The radical nature of ahe Mayan political discourse-based on s tagnant leftist Ideas from the 1960s-has become obsolete in 1994. This discourse d oes not help Ind ian political participation : 10 the contrary, it reaffi mts the fear and cahno-hystcria of the army and the economically powerful sectors. In short, this discourse is characcenzed by mconsistent pop· uhsm. the InSIStence that the MayaS only problem is unJUSt land distribuuon, and b)' a rod1cal envuonmental· 15m th31 defends the adopuon of exouc hfesayles. Thts is not ahe Mayan people's dascourse. but rather results from an inOux of ideas from M:lrxisl. environmental and ocher radical groups fro m Europe and ahe United States. b) The c re:uion of a solid base of lead- ON O\'crcome m order to achieve effective pohucal parttcipation. This lack of leadershtp w;u patently ob,ious durmg the recent congressional elections. Although a good number of Indian candtdatcs ran for offiee, only fiveout of a congress with eighty mem- bers-were clec•ed. Abstentionism added 1 the fact that Ma)oan candi0 dates were virtually unknown, guaran· aced this result. Remarkably, the five winning candidates ran wilh right· wing parties. An urgent imperative for Maya org.1nizations ls to ..train.. new leaders who can act as catalysts for the thoughtS and feelings of the Ma)'3n people <)Clarification and unification of realistic goals and objectives. The current debate 0\'er ahe Mayan Vol. 8 No. 3 E LECTORA L PROCESS autonom. lS a perfect cx.•mple of confuSIOn Wlthm the lndrgcnous movement of tiS 0\\'ll pohucal objecd,·es. When lndtgenous nglus. Ma)oan education. the Guatemalan lndrgenous Fund, and that some nght-\\1ng panres demonstrated ao''"'rd Rtos Mont must be seen by the lndtgenous mo"cment ;u represemmg a range of possibtlilies for par- compulsory milnary service-to men· lion just n (cw national issues-are must take ad,oamage of the liberal added 10 subject of autonomy, the con- ticipation. The lnd1genous movement mindsets of the ccmer.right panics' younger gcncmtions, fusion becomes even more app.1rem. The Mayan org,1nizmions. independent of ahe mearlS they decide to adopt, must together clanfy their objectives and sea goals for the short and longrun. The current political confusion naturally suppons the St..ae~ argument that·· the Mayas don' know what they want or wht:rt they w3nt to go: \Ve muse recogruzt: m :td\'3nce that this process or clanficauon and unificalion of goals does not nooess.1nly imply a political homogeniution. Unity within di\·ersit)' h.._'\5 sustained the mo\'emem up to now. l11is claim is supponed by way In which the d ifferem Indigenous froms united In opposition 10 the 500 years celebration . ership. The lack of Maya leaders is another challenge the mo\'ement will have 10 THE d) Political education at the community level. In Guatemala, the Maya ,,;II ha"e 10 redirect their effons 10\\'ard an effecti\'e pohucal pantctpauon Within the commumues. In :1 country where power ts htghly cenamliud, traditional pohucs have completely neglected the rural areas. The consolidation of Maya o rganizations throughout the country is the best indication that cffons for political educ.1tion at the community level arc feasible. In this sense. the army also has recognized the political potential of the rural areas through the Civil Self-Defense patrols. c) A relations hip with the moderate right. The senous constderauon of possible rebuons \\1th a Congress dominated by nght·Wlng parttes hos become necessary. The strong mllial opposuion 0 Dc~minorizntion of the n'Htjorily. In a country where the Mayan majority has always been perceived and treated like a m•nonay, it is necessary to intelhgenaly demonstrate ahe numencal posstbihues. In principle. poh11cs as a numbers game. The lnd•genous mo\'cmcnt must take ad\'antage of liS maJonty status 10 win 1he necessary SOCial and economic changes. g) Continuing diplomatic work at the international level. The Mayan people must cominue to carry out diplomocy nt a global level. This has been an extremely effec1ive political aool that would be unwise 10 neglect. In ahe final analysts, the new generations of Guatent3lan Ma)'aS. the so-called ·children of repressaon: have the greatest challenges and responsabthttes toward their people. The challenges they confront are many. and changes at the national. regional and global le,-el are rapid. Achieving change at the nauonul levcl ,,;II depend on a realistic vision of goals and political means congruent with global political c hanges. Posa-war Guatemala represents a nother challenge at ahc macro-social level for contemporary Mayans. Having been born and raised in waNime, the new Maya generations, as well as the new nttSHZO generotions. will have 10 look for \\'a)'S of peaceful and respectful cocx~Sicnee tn a multicultural and multihngual country hke Guatemala. All Guaacmabns \\111 ha,·e 10 tnsist on the possibrlny of umty wllhtn di,·ersity. .., 13 �PERSPEC TI VES ON TH E EL EC TORAL PR O CES S Special Indian Districting: Unresolved Political Problems in Colombia Members of the Colombian Indigenous movement are now trying to critically evaluate the movement's political participation in order to surpass the constraints that have kept many Indigenous objectives out of reach. The following article reflects this process of self·criti· cism. as well as the movement's search for new solutions. by A lfonso Palma Capera and Oskar Benjamin Gutierrez W ithout doubt one of the worst "hettdaches" that the Indigenous movement has endured is the problem of electoral panicipation. In 1990, when Lorenzo Muelas, Alfonso Pena Chepe and Francisco Rojas 6irry panicipated in construction of Colombia's new constitution the}' were sure that il would be extremely difficult to carry out the reforms they were outlining. Four years and two parliamentary elections later. Indigenous political panicipationwithin those spaces that Indigenous peo· pie themselves have forced open-is in deep crisis due to the political inexperi- ence of Indigenous representatives. lack of unity among Indigenous organizations and panics. and failure to skillfully manage relationships with the govermncnt. On March 13 of this yMr, Indigenous communities elccu~d Lorenzo Muclas and Gabriel Mujuy as their representatives to the Senate thanks to the system of Special ElectOral Oistricting (CEE), one of the most imponant political achievements of seats in the senate for Indigenous candidates. The CEE allows Indigenous "lists" (names on the party ticket) registered under the special district to compete fo r these scats independently or the senate races for the other one hundred scats within the National Electoral District. The Indigenous movement won the CEE through its advanced level of organization in a bitter struggle with the traditional institutions. It should not in any way be seen as a gift from the Colombian state. The proliferation of ettndidates this year~ight different Indigenous listsreflected the moven1ents lack of unity. In many cases, the vote was split even within the same ethnic group. Many Indigenous people who wanted to suppon their own cause did not know for whom to vote. Not knowing the candidates, the electorate was forced to decide "by sight" which candidate on the ballot seemed to represent their cause. The Indigenous candidates used their experience in previous clec· tions, and attempted to extend their the Colombian Indigenous movcmcm. appeal to the population in general and Article 176 of the revised constitution capture votes in non·lndigenous cotnmu· created the CEE as a system reserving two nities. This may explain why only three Indigenous parties registered their list Alfo>~so Palma Cap<ra is the jon>1er prtside>ll of under the CEE. while five sought office lht National lncligenous Organitation of through the National Electoral District, Colombia (ONIQ. Oskar Benjamin Culitm:z is competing with the other political groups a journalist and ONIC collaborator. under equal conditions. 14 The results were clear. On one hand, the Indigenous vote was diluted. This reflects d isunity and lack or coordination among so many candidates, but it also reflects the immense level of abstention among ethnic minorities. On the other hand, the large number of votes obtained by some Indigenous candidates in the urban areas suggests that non.Jndian vot· ers looked to Indigenous candidates as an alternative capable of generating debate with the traditional panics. First Experience Three different lists registered for the 1992 senate and chamber of deputies elections. The first was headed by Gabriel Muyuy for the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC): the second, was backed by the Indigenous Authorities of Colombia (AICO) headed by Floro Alberto Tunubala; and the third. that of the Indigenous Social Alliance headed by Antonio Quira GauM was created by a faction of the Indigenous movement especially for electOral participation and registered within the national district. For the first time in Colombian history, three Indians held scats in the senate as representatives of their own communities. The Indigenous lists succeeded in that moment largely due to their usc of an Indigenous program of action titled "The i>J:Jya Yala News �PE R SPEC TI VES Colombia that We Want.• This platform reflected a conception of Indians not as islands. but as part of a diverse country, and reached out to all the sectors of the country. It was grounded in culture, plurality and tolerance and called the nationstateS attention to a new and independent discourse with alternative proposals. This proposal was elaborated by working groups at the local. regional and national levels d\Jring the National Constitutional Assembly. These groups sought to develop a clear legislative agenda and plan the new constitution's design and implementation. These work groups. however. were not re~assembled in fol~ lo" ;ng years. and the task of continuing to develop an Indigenous policy was left to the regional organizations which gener· ally lack the advice and resources available to Indigenous Senators. ON TH E E L EC T O R A L PROCESS paigns without first drawing lines to dis- irresponbilities tinguish the two activities. In this way obtained some important seats (ma)•ors, congressmen. senators), but who lacked leaders of some organizations enter polit- ical life and never return to work with their organizations. This situation has made many indigenous organizations skeptical and concerned about the rela· tionship between politics and the organi- zations. For this reason the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) did not endorse any candidate in this election and does not plan to do so in the future, considering that doing so f could deepen existing divisions. or candidates who training and experience in govemment. Minorities Supported? Operation of the special electOral district which Indian groups fought for so long to establish is now being questioned. Its establishment probably numerically increases minority representation and pennits those sectors less involved with traditional politics to reach office. But there is also the risk that this mechanism could distort the expression of the ethnic Alliances and Alternatives In order to gain access to public office. Indigenous candidates have sought the support of different movements that do not represent Indigenous interests. Several of the Indigenous candidates ran with the Conservative and Liberal parties. communities political will. Since voting within the special districts is not closely regulated, majorities may end up decid- ing \\•ho is elected in the name of the minorities. Many sectors within Colombia request a stricter regulation of the Disuicting. in order to strengthen the eth- The Problems Increase nic communities· participation . In spite of the political space obtained. the participation and inOuence of Indigenous peoples in projects and discussions has been limited due to the dis- The problems described above have resulted in the loss of many votes o f those ·clean" candidates or programs for gov- advantage of having only two senators as ernment. compared The Colombian Indigenous movement is now suffering from a state of apathy, finding hope only in what new laws can offer, rather than pressuring the State through marches and mobilizations. The to ninety from Colombians who did not find new or the Conservative and Liberal parties and ten from other sectOrs. In addition to the corruption of these political entities. Indigenous representatives' progratns have received little respect. As a politically inexperienced minority, the Indigenous representatives have not been able to resist the machinations of the traditional parties. Confusion Between Organizations and Parties presence of the Indian parliamentarians has helped establish the fundamental rights of ethnic groups and to open spaces One of the first Indian scnotors. Anatotio Ouira. played a k<ty rote in promoting Indian potitical participation d uring his tctm in otftec. for participation. However, it is now nee· essary for them to work toward recon· struction or their own fragmented forces in order to jointly face the t raditional political establishment. Common p roposals must be elaborated to fonn an electoral strategy capable of uniting with In addition, the Indigenous movement suffers serious internal problems. The ln consequence, many Colombians who previously saw the Indian candidates as a organizations have not completed enough respite from the political panorama were dis.,ppoimed at these alliances and the appearance that the Indian parties were immediately falling into the same old political customs. These doubts have committed to this end, and the communi· ties themselves will verify its develop been reinforced by the inefficiencies and ment. .., basic work with their members to help them differentiate clearly between the political campaigns and their organizations. Regional organizations frequently support their members' political camVOl. 8 No. 3 other sectors proposals who have tradi· tionally shown solidarity with 1ndigenous peoples. The Indigenous movement is 4 15 �I H T E R H A T I 0 H A L ~_ _ _ _ __ Barbados Ill: On Democracy and Diversity We ptint below excerpts from the third declaration by the Barbados group of social scientists. The Barbados I declaration was an early and extremely Influential document written by an intematlonal group of academics In support of Indigenous people 's struggles. It is accompanied by an introduction by Stefano Varese. one of the group's founding members.' n 1971, on the Isle of &rbados. a Six )'<31'S !:Iter, an 1977, the group met by Abya Yala Press m Quuo) auempt to group of L:mn Amencan anthropolo- again an Barbados. thas ume accompanied clarify some of these problems and conIJlStS met under the auspices or the by a matehang number of Indigenous tribute to the construction of a more just vn"·erstt)' of Zunch, Swuzerland. and the leaders and antelltctuals. By this time, the and dtgniOed future for the Indigenous World Councal of Churches. The meeting Latin American pohtical context had suf. people. took place at a time when the expansion fered a radacal change. The national polit· of development in Amazonian Indigenous ical projects for rcfom1 In Chile, Peru, Barbados Ill Declaration: territories was escalating and when Bolh•ia and Panama had been defeated Articulation of Diversity dependent capitolism's modernization and the most violent forms of State More than two d ecades after our forst project met wilh strong resistance from repression and terrorism had been insti· declaration ( 197 1). the members of the the Indigenous and peasont peoples o f the tuted in a great number of coumries in Barbados Group gathered in Rio de Andes and Meso-America. the region. An armed revolutionary strug· janeiro. Bmzil. to rcOcct on the situation Simplistic political interpretations gle seemed a real possibihty to many of of the lndagenous peoples in Latin which employed an analytical framewo rk the continental Indigenous mO\'Cments. America and to document the persistence overly concerned wath economic issues The &rbados II Decl>rauon reOected this of secular forms of dommation and had the reahty of ethnic conflicts during new reahty. Unfonun:uely us impact on exploitation that affect them. The develthat neocolomal penod. LeftiStS argued nauonal SOCICUes and the organized opment of new forms or colonization th.'i only the tnumph of a socialist revo- lndtgenous mo\'emtnt was not of the ha\·e aggra\'ated th1s SHU3uon. \Ve arc lution would soh·c the problems which same magnnude as the previous one. witnesses 1n each of our countries to the 1ndagenous groups faced. Finall)•. In December 1993. the repeated Y10l3ll0n5 of thetr right tO life, The &rb:ldos I Declaration which Barbados Group met agaan m Rio de their dignity, and to the cultural a.nd resulted from that meeting. and the long Janeiro, 8raztl, tOasses the situation of the human uni,·ersc of their local expressions. book documenung it, had strong reper· Indigenous populations in the context of At the same time we connrm the cussions among ::tcademics, the indigenist the sudden anack of Nco· Liberalism and Indian peoples' will to resist and to live. sectors of the State bureaucracies. renewed fonns of Nco-Imperialism. The expressed through the multiplicotion or Catholic and Protcsumt missionaries, and. new conditions facing the 1ndigcnous their ethno-politlcal organizations, and or most of all. among org.1nized Indigenous movement m the end of the second mil- the daily afr.nnation of cultural speciOcigroups. Barbados I took on a life of its lennium include the collapse of the ties that manifest the resilience of their own among some Indian organizations in socialist "utopia." the veniginous expan· civili.z:ations. Latin Amenca. who adopted it and used it sion of drug trJfficking. the involvement The above stated. together with as an anstrument or struggle. of the Unated States in the promotion and lndigneous peoplrs' demographic - - - repressaon of drug traffickang. and the rise growth. defies the current proJCCI of glob· Sttftl110 \llrnt Is Prc{tsSC< of Nali•'< Ameritml and urgency of envaronmental issues. alization. whach leads us towards a worldand Chila"" Stud~ at lht University of The Barbados lll Declaration. a.nd the \\ide homogemzouon that as enforced by book that attompanaes it (to be published the expansJon of and dominauon by a CalifMil4'" ~ll I 16 �IHT £ RHATIOH A L western-oriented integrationist market system, whose technical, economic and Ideological projects recewe multi-national flnoncing. The umlonnuy bemg pursued has genemted profound political, economic and social asymmetry, C\'eO in the dominant countries. The individualist and competitive Neo-Liberal discourse masks the real make-up or the growing inequality and or the conOict between nauons. ethnic groups, classes and other soc1al groups. creaung an illusory equality, when in reality it confronts nation against nation, people agninst people, community against community. This is contmry to the spirit or solidarity of communities which is mor.: conducive to human kinship. A world without alternate communities, wuhout differentiated social groups, would be a world condemned to a lack ol creativity and fraternal loyolti<s. Just as for centuries each ethnic group was forced to integmtc and incorporate itself into the ineffable vtnues of an illdefined national life. the same compulsive proposition is currently made to latin American countries. wtth the intent of cementing their imegrauon nod incorpora~ tion into a planetary order controlled by a type or transnational oligopoly. Simultaneously. the scientific knowl· edge brought by ecology. together with the well-founded warnings or environmentahsm. ha,·e been mtsmterpre<ed and redefined by a tendency Wlthm this social movement. It seeks to impose the theory or the global management of natural resources but h ignores or minimizes the vernacular 'visdom and knowledge. considering them incapable or creating a global environmental solution. Howe,·er. th1s knowledge constitutes the social bases that maintain the bases or biodiversity m the world. Today. the forces that dominate the regions with the grMtest biodiversity have grown. Territories that were before the exclusive lands of Indigenous peoples \<ol8 No.3 have been opened to colonizing expansion Wlth the purpose of expropriating the trop1cal regions' enonnous natural reserves hke oil. minerals, umber and hydroelectric sources. This distonang tendency presents obstacles to the alliance of the diverse human coznmunilics that defend the ownership and usage of the natural resources under a socio-environ· rnentahst current. which constitutes one of the most accurate and cffcc:dve criti· CISmS of the Neo-liberal premistS of unlimited growth. V...'e observe the existence of processes istic. united. nnd complementarily-articulaced societies. The fragile Latin American Democmctes, still monopohzed by the inttreslS of conservati\'e sectors who in their majority descend Irom old European and colonial elites. have failed to generate the political spaces or legislative and admlnistmtive mechanisms necessary to allow Indigenous people to progress in butldmg their own future. ln pantcular. mihtary 1deologies which frequently degenemtc into geo-political paranoia, see Indigenous societies as potentially subfor ethnic reaffirmation. conducive not versive groups which threaten national only to cultuml reproduction but also to unity, mther than as different peoples. the recovery of loyalties and potrimonies Indigenous peoples demands lor territorwhich were apparently lost. In the face or this the domanont Democracy. as the philosophy of a SOCltty responds with new ronns Western social system. is centered for the destruction or diversity. on the individual and excludes collecwith obstacles and repressive tives like Indigenous peoples i>Oiitical and judicial changes. Furthermore, the persistence of multiple lonns of racism that clisquahly and destroy .. ,periences or alter- ial reorg.1nlzation and more cultural and noll\'( Civilizations is generating processes lingUtsuc •utonomy are thus seen as sepor "de-lndianization: which lgiiOr<S the anutst effons. fact that each culture destroyed or termiWe exhort the presidents ol the nated is an Irretrievable loss lor the whole republics ol Latin America to comply with the promise made to the Indigenous peoof humanity. Democracy, as the philosophy of a ples ht the Declamtion of Guadalajam \Vestcrn social system. is centered on the (Mexico, july 1991). In which they ind1v1dual and e.'cludes coll<ctives like solemnly promised to ensure their ecolnd1genous peoples. ln thts way an objec- nomiC and social well being. as well as to ti\•ely VIable plurality has been denied at the obhgauon of respecting their rights the hngmstic, social, economic and cul- and cultural identity. We also belie"e it tural levels. The deferred democmtization necessary to approve the Chaner of the of L.1tin America will continue to be an Rights of Indigenous Peoples which the empty discourse and favorable only to the UN promoted as well as the International groups with hegemonic power if it does labor Org.1nizat ion~ Convention 169. We hkewise demand that legislative not take mto account the nect':SS.1ry rede· l'inuion of the current States' territorial, and JUdiCI31 powers and pohucal panics pohucal, social and cultuml spaces. frame their Jaws. resolutions and activities Buildang future democracy Wlll require an with respect lor ethnic pluralism and the increase in the presence and representa· inalienable rights to Hie. land. freedom tion of different cultural communities and and democracy. And especially. for them the respect for their political logic, which to carry through an effective effort to •viii contribute to the formation of plural- guarantee the respect for these rights at 11 �INTERNATIONAL tial of political projects upon which Indigenous organizations embark. where Indigenous peoples live. \:Ve recognize the initiatives fonnulated We believe that the Indigenous organiin re<:enl years b)' international organiza.* zations should reflect on these problems tions (United Nations, UNESCO, and re<:tify the individualist and competiOrganization of American States, UNICEF. tive behaviors of those leaders who have OIT and others) in favor of the Indigenous diSianocd themselves from the spirit of solpeoples of the continent and the world. idarity in which their organizations were Nonetheless the results have been limited. fonned. This is the only guarantee for More pressure and vigilance regarding progress toward the crystallization of a just Indigenous peoples' current situation is society. no1 only for the Indigenous people necessary. The imcmational organizations but for all of the oppressed sectors of must pressure the latin American heads-of- humanity. state to ratify and comply with internationMany of Latin Americas intellectuals al conventions on Indigenous peoples.. . continue to produce speeches referring to There is a simplistic and erroneous supposedly homogeneous national com\~Sion of what Indigenous panicip:.:uion munities. devaluing or lending a folk stigshould be in the actions and elaboration of ma to altemate cultural presences. ll is lndigenist policies, in the formulation of equally neocssary 1 mention the historical 0 community programs and of aid, and in the respot>Sibility that belongs tO the right wing polilical process of mobilization of the civil- in the fonnulation of the ideological paraian society itself. Such perspective assumes digms that guide the cultural and physical repression of Indigenous peoples. On the other hand, some A world without alternate communities. dogmatic sectors -guided by thewithout differentiated social groups, oretical mistakes- produced would be a world condemned to a lack political practices that have conof creativity and fraternal loyalties. tributed 1 the repression of eth0 nicity by considering it coumerthat Indigenous peoples simply copy mod· productive to the cla..<S struggle... II is also neocssary to realize a radical els of or ganization fron1 unions or other sectors of the population. The ethnic conti- questioning of some currents in the social nuity of Indigenous peoples cannot be sole- sciences and in ctrtain anthroJX>logy which ly understood as tenitorial control, but il is oriented more toward the aesthetic and requires the incorporation of political con- Sterile critique of its own disciplines than to ceptions that are part of the diversity of political thought and action. This is also the their cultures. case of a sector of linguistics that does not Indigenous organizations have fulfilled cooper.ne with ethnic cotnmunities, as well a fundamental role in the revindication of as not favoring the most appropriate the rights of the peoples they represent and methodologies for codifying. recovering in the construction of spaces for dialogue and consolidating autochthonous lanwith ea.ch other and national and interna- guages. tional powers. V.le cannot omilthat some of There ha\·e been advances in 1he fommtheir leaders have abused the mandate they lation of bilingual and intercultural educareocived from their peoples and communi- tional policies, but these are far from being ties to embark upon a career of personal implememed. Education often plaocs chilaccumulation and power. When they dren against the family environment-even a5Sllme the Criollo model of Clientelismo. from the pre-school level-at critical times and, more than a few times. of com..1ption, of primary socialization and learning of these leaders not only discredit themselves their m.other tongue. This results in a subbut they threaten the continuity and poten- sequent deculturation in which languages the level of the regions or territories 18 are convened into crutches for the acquisition of the dominant language and their own culture is lOSt to the hegemonic society. 'Whereas until now the State as well as private and religious groups has used the formal educat.ional system to undennine ethnic identity. the school can eventual!>' become a factor for cultuml reproduction if Indigenous people effectively appropriate il for their own historical and cultural imer· estS. .. Indigenous people have an undeniable right 1 their history and cultural heritage. 0 II is the obligation of the State and of secular society 1 promote an orderly and effec0 tive process for returning the knowledge collected on such peoples. A process of Latin American democnuization that effectively includes Indigenous peoples 'viii not be viable if it does not take imo account the necessity for geopolitical re-ordering that contemplates the specificities of Indigenous peoples' territoriality. In this sense. the concept of "peoples" corresponds to socially-organized human popu· lations which are ethnically defined and endowed with a spacial dimension that is their territory. This is conceived as the confines defined by the total and struciUred SCI of ecological. social and symbolic relations between a society and the geographical continuous or discontinuous space upon which it acts. This should include the numerous cases in which Indigenous peoples have been divided by State borders. where it is their right to aspire to circulate freely in the tenitory of these bordering r~ations, in accordance wilh their situations. In any case, tenitOrial autonomy ,viii imply not ot\ly decision-making in the case of tt..1..tural and economic resource use but also in political and cultural self-detern>ination, in the framework of a self-dctcnnination COtnpatible with and complementary to the sovereignty of national States. '!I Rio de janeiro. December 10 . 1993. Th~ full ltXl of rhis declaration is a\'ailablt upon request from SAIIC, or can bt fmmd in the SAIIC conj<rtne< (SAIIC.fndlo) on P<actnc<. I>Jyya Y News ala �SE L F DETERM I NAT I ON AND T E R RI T O RY Ecuador: Second Indigenous Uprising Secures Concessions on Agrarian Reform by Robert A ndoUna bill through congress. Over the objections of CONAIE and other popular organizaEcuadorian Indigenous move- tions. President Sixto Dulin Ballen signed mentS capacity to mobilize tnasses of the bill into law on june 13. supponers to defend the interests of this Indigenous organizations rejected country$ Indigenous population . In a numerous aspects of this law that either mobilization reminiscent of the landmark ignored or threatened interests or uprising in 1990, Indigenous org:mizations Indigenous agricuhurnl communities, as nationwide blocked the country$ roads and well as those of 90% of the rural populahighways. in order to prevent implementa· tion. The law would have encouraged the tion of a new ..Law for Agricultural disappearance o£ Indigenous communal Development" enacted by the government lands in order to promote fom>ation of agrias p.tn of its structural adjustment pro- cultural "enterprises." Rodrigo Carrillo, gram. For a tw<Hveek period, commerce member of the press conunission for the throughout Ecuador ground practically to a Indigenous Movement of Chimborazo halt. As with the uprising four years ago. (MICH) explained, "You cannot simply Indigenous organizations paralyzed much conven Indigenous communal production of the country, endured military repression, imo agricultural businesses. This law forcing the government into negotiations, imposes a vision of agriculture that doesn' and finally emerging with significant gov- fit within Indigenous thought and practice: Indigenous organizations were outraged ernmental concessions in hand. Over 3,500 Indigenous communities as not only by the law~ content but by the well as campesino and popular organiza- undemocratic and unconStitutional me.th· tions mobilized under the leadership of the ods used by the Social Christian Pany to Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities railroad it through congress. The National of Ecuador (CONAIE) the National Agrarian Commission (CAN), formed by Ecuadorian Federation of Camj)<Sino and CONAIE and other Indigenous peasant Indigenous Organizations (FENOC-1}, and organizations, had drafted (over a period of the Evangelical Federation of Indigenous two years) a detailed proposal for refom> of Ecuadorians (EFIE). Over the course of two the nations agrarian laws and had submitweeks. at least five Indigenous acth;Sts ted it to the legislature for consideration. were killed and many more were hospital- The President and the legislature completeized, mostly from gun shot wounds. An ly ignored this project. unknown number were jailed. In addition, the PSC failed to submit the Panies from throughout the political proposed law to each member of congress spectrum have debated refonn of the coun- for consideration at least 15 da)'S prior to try$ outdated agrarian ktws for years. On passage, as required by law. CONAIE criti· May 18. the conservative Social Christian cized the politicians for disobeying the funPany (PSC) forced a radically new agrarian damental laws of the land, for excluding the intereSts and participation of Indigenous Robert Andolina is a grad1uzte student in Latin people in the development of the law. and American Studies al the University ofTtx(IS, and for their refusal to develop a law of nationha.s volunt«r<d , ;ch CONAIE in Quiro. al consensus instead of one that serves the T his june, international observers were once again stunned by the Vol. 8 No.3 interests of a small, wealthy sector of the population. For all of these reasons. CONAIE convened an emergency assembly on June 7 and 8 to prepare for a national "Mo,;lizaci6n por Ia Vida" (Mobilization for Life) to protest the law iJ il \vere to go into effect. CONAIE released a resolution calling for repeal of the Agrarian Development law. The resolution addressed other issues, to Stop unrestrained oil exploration and persecution of Indigenous leaders among other demands. Fundamentally, however, the mobilization was called to protest the PSCs Agrarian La'v. Ecuador Paralyzed On june 13, President Dur.ln signed the Agrarian bill into law. Indigenous protes· tors converged on strategic points, building roadblocks that paralyzed much of the country Demonstrations in urban areas and occupations of public buildings also took place. Ten provinces in all 'vere heavily affected. Despite the government and mass mediaS distonion of events. protestors remained firm in the Streets and the blockades were very effective. Albeno Saeteros, Secretary of the Provincial Union of Cooperatives and Indigenous Communities of Cat,ar (UPCCC) Stated, "Here in Cai\ar we met \vith the people in the communities to explain to them the negative effects or the law, and we then wem out to paralyze traffic to the nonh, south, and west." Ignacio Grefa, President of the Federation of Indigenous Organizations of Napo (FOIN) reponed. "We maintained the roadblock for a week -nothing got through." Non-Indigenous campesinos, workers and some urban citizens expressed consid· erable sotidarit)' for the mobilization and 19 �5 ELF 0 E TERM I ~ A T I 0 ~ A~ D TERR I T 0 R Y- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Indigenous Community Center Destroyed uring the "Mobiliuuion for Life," a major community center belonging to the Union of Cooperatives and Indigenous Communities of CaMr Province (UPCCC) was a{{acked and burned to the ground. The UPCCC is Canars regional Indigenous organization and is affiliated with CONAIE. The D following are excerpts from an interview 'vith UPCCC Se<:retary General Albeno S.-u~teros. Why did the auack take p lace? Who kets. nor poisoned the water like they damages, and was involved? claimed. The attack itself was very violent. They came with pistols. homemade cannons, and tear gas. One of our activists, that the government offer compensation . Have you received 3 tl)' financial -As you know. we participated fully in the mobilization called by CONAIE in opposition to the recently passed Agrarian Oevelopmem law. This law was not only illegal, but also threatened the interests of Indigenous people. We cut the area off by blocking the main highways. Because we were winning in the struggle. the followers o f Jaime Nebot and the PSC (Social Christian Pany) decided in desperation to a"ack us. It wasn't just because of the mobilization, but also because of our alternative market which cut the '"'middleman" out of the sale of our products. We were. therefore, competing 'vith the Manuel Mestas Yupa Yupa died from a bullet wound to the head . We also had 38 injuries and a number of disappearances. Many poople are still unaccount· ed for. The community center was sacked and burned. What d id the police and military do during the auack? ·They did a lmost nothing to prevent or inhibit the attack. Moreover, the military shut down our radio station which made it difficult for us to communicate speculators living in the area, many of with the people. to tell them what was whom are Nebot supporters. happening. Indigenous leaders have Additionally. we were a{{acked because of long-standing racism against Indigenous people. been pursued and in some cases jailed. Right now we are conducting investigations into the action or the police and )'OU have demanded help from the state? -No. We haven't received a cent. And from other sources? -A little. Some popular sectors have offered assistance both in terms of money and labor to help us rebuild . \¥e have a couple of new machines in the carpentry center, and we should have a new FAX machine soon. But as you can see, this is a very small part of the rebuilding that needs to be done. For thi.s reason. we are calling on our allies and sympathizers here in Ecuador and in the international community to show their solidarity by sending us financial suppon so that we can rebuild our office and community center. Many people here ' viii benefit if we can rebuild. mili1ary during the a{{ack and during What happe ned during t he auac k itself? -The a{{ack was carefully orchestrated by a relatively small group of people; the general population was not against us, nor were we against them. This small group told all sons of lies in order to make us look bad and to justify what they did. We never auacked the mar- 20 the mobilization as a whole. What was damaged during the auack? -Everything. Nothing was left untouched. The damage t<xal has exceeded 10 billion sucres ($5 million). U PCCC h as argued that the govern- ment is in part responsible for Lhc Do you have any final comments? This attack was motivated by a desire on our enemies pan to break the will of the Indigenous leadership and the movement here in Cat'lar. Although our office is destroyed. our determination is not. 'J!le will continue with our struggle. In fact, we are more determined and unified than ever. ~aYala News �SELF offered their suppon. Ldt and center-left political panies demanded the Agrarian law be revoked. Hector Villamil. President of the Organiz.11ion of Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza (OI'IP) noted , "Some campesinos and workers mobilized with us. We see this as a positive and significant change. ln the 1992 OPIP March on Quito many campesino-colonists reacted against us." According to Rodrigo Carrillo of MICH. · tn general, the people of Riobamba (capital of Chimborazo province) understood the imponant role of Indigenous producers in the supply of staple foods and offered us help during the mobilization." DETERMINATION Security forces also threatened or shut down Indigenous and popular radio sta· tions in Tungurahua. Cotopaxi, Chimbcr razo. and Cat)ar. making it difficult for activists to transmit news tO the population at large regarding human rights violations and violence perpetrated by the military and para-military forces. Fortunately, the military was more restrained in some regions. Hector Villamil , president of OPIP. reponed, · we in Pastaza are lucky not to have experienced repression this time. Before, we considered the military and police to be enemies, so we see this as a TERRITORY include two representatives of lndigenouslpeasant organizations on its executive council. Ownership of water will remain public, and more emphasis 'viii be gi\'en to production of food for internal consumption to meet the needs of Ecuadorian soci· ety. It also recognizes Indigenous agricultural knowledge, and respects the cultural and social valt~es of the ,,.rious peoples who are involved in agricuhural activities. lmponantly, the reformed law also calls for continuation and improvement of the agrarian refom1, including land distribution. as well as increased access 10 credit, good sign. However, we technical assistance. and better infrastruc.. denounce the repression that took place in other provinces. and for that we remain suspicious of the anncd forces... M ilitary Counter-Mobilization A week after the tnobilization began. President Durftn offered to negotiate. CONAIE. however. found the presidents Commission For Dialogue mediation commission wlacceptable. stat- Formed ing that its representation was heavily CONAIE leaders in hiding called for an weighted in favor of the govcmmem and end to the militarization and organized a the landowners. mediation commission composed of The following day, President Duran national and international religious and declared a military "State of Mobilization," human rights representatives. Under conand decreed that blockaders would receive siderable national and intemational pres· one to three year jail tem\s. Arrest warrants sure, the president agreed to lift the state of were issued for Indigenous lc.~ders, includ- mobilization and agreed to a compromise ing the CONAIE leadership. Highways and on the committees formation. Congress Indigenous communities were occupied by also pledged to revise the agricultural law. the security forees. Although protestors Negotiations began on june 30 and contin· abandoned highways peacefully when the ued into mid-July. military arrived, several were killed and dozens or possibly hundreds were injured. The Struggle's Results: Words or Police sa,,.gely beat protestors, includ- Substance? ing children. in the provinces of Cotopaxi The negotiations, like all those where and Chimborazo. In what was perhaps the actors with vastly different interests take MobilizationS worst moment, a mob of pan, were tonuously difficult. Perhaps in Social Christian Pany supponers attacked an effon to save face. President Duran. on and destro)•ed the office and community the one hand hailed the dialogue as a succenter of the UPCCC in Cat ar. The com· cess. while also stating that only words but ) munitycemerserved tosuppon alternative not substance had changed. However, it is fomt of education. commerce and medicine the nature of law.making that words are more suited to the needs of Cm)ar's substance. The refom1ed law-which wem Indigenous and poor peoples. One into effect on Aug. 3-did include real Indigenous activist was killed and thiny- improvements for lndigneous peoples, eight injured in the auack. which also camfJtSinos and Ecuadorian society in gen. reduced a market , carpentry center. library. eral. It will penn it the maintenance of comcomputer center. radio station. fax and munitarian. cooperative. and small-holder photocopy machines. and several \'Chides fonns of agrarian organization. The new to ashes (see accompanying intel"'ocw). state agrarian development agency 'viii Vol. 8 No.3 AND ture. It demands the protection of national parks and reserves, and recognizes Indigenous peoples' rightS to live from and manage forests. Finally. the law calls for the fomlation of markets tltat pennit indige· nous a.nd peasant prod\1 cers to cut out speculati'" middlemen. Indigenous peoples gains in this mobi· lization go beyond these legal refom\S. Again, the movement demonstrated its strength. This time, Indigenous people sat f~ce to f~ce at the bargaining table \vith those who used to be their "patrons" (land· lords). As described by Rodrigo Carrillo of MlCH, "The government now knows that it has to include the interests and panicipa· tion of Indigenous people in the future. We arc now recognized as thinking human beings 'vith rights, not as lazy animals." Ignacio Grefa commented on the process, ..V.le have won new political space and have fonified the space we earned in the 1990 uprising. In that sense this is just a contin· uation or that mobilization and of our struggle for the past 500 years. This struggle 'viii continue in the future." '!I For adclirfonal infonnalion: UPCCC. Correo Centro! CMar. Ca!'lar, Ecuador Fa.x: (593 7) 235 266 To contriblltCIO lite n:buildir;g of llu: UPCCC com· munizy ctntcr . plwsc saul Cashier's Ot«hs ma.cle our to UPCCC, to: CO:-IAIEAv. de Los Gmnados 2553 y 6 de Didembrec.stlb 1717·1235EI 8.11:m. Quito Ecuador. Specify on the chedc that it is for UPCCC. 21 �SELF DETERMI~ATIO~ A~D T ERRITORY Original Nations and Bi Iateral agreements with the Bolivian Government Governments and corporations across Latin America are turning to limited two-party agreements as a means to resolve conflicts with increasingly forceful Indigenous orga· nizations. As experiences in Bolivia demonstrate, this "bilateralism · offers certain gains. but in the process challenges the Indian movement's unity and strength. his year. SAIIC received reports from Bolivia pointing out parallels between several connicts that were settled through bilateral agreemems T Guarani were Hving under conditions of virtual slavery on the cattle ranches of the Gran Chaco. Among those cattle ranchers between Indigenous organizations and the government. h> large pan. these are driven by the new assertiveness of rently practice debt·peonage are several politicians of the the governing MNR party and of the opposition righHving Bolh;a's' National Secretary for Ethnic Affairs, which has take11 a leadership role in brokering such agreements. The three pany. This year, a congressional investigation launched by Guarani congressman Sihri.o Arnmayo and others in Bolivia's who have stolen Guarani lands and cur· cases below offer some interesting exam- house of deputies found that the earlier ples from three very different regions. estimate was extremely conservative, and Guarani: Debt-peonage and Bilateral Commissions that the actual number of Guarani living in debt-peonage is closer to 40,000. The Guarani successfully mobilized on the heels of this publicity. Their Since our report on the Guarani of Mato Grasso do Sol, Brazil, in the last journal. the political conditions for the Guarani lh;ng on the Bolivian side of their territory have improved slightly. Within Brazil, Paraguay, Bolivia and Argentina, the Guarani, remain one of the most tragic examples or systematic racial discrimination in the Americas: living as landless peasants \vithin systems of debt-peonage. Suffering from poverty and repression, \vith a territory that is fragmented by the borders of four nation states, they have been unable to regroup and make their demands as a unified people. Last year, national attention in Bolivia focused for a brief moment on the Guara11i after press accoums that 10,000 22 largest organization. the Guarani Peoples Assembly, threatened to march on the capital if the government of Gonzalo Sanchez de Losada and Aymara Vice-President Cardenas did not respond to their demands of free· dom for all enslaved workers and the return of ancestral territories. The government invited Guarani representa· tives to negotiate. and the march was deferred . Three bilateral commission s com· posed of government representatives and Guarani delegates were formed as a result of this dialogue. Each a imed at solving one of the Guarani$ key problems: land, labor, and political participation. Guarani delegates Guido Chumiray. Envin Cuellar and Marcelino Robles signed the prelirni· nary agreement with representatives from the governmentS two ..supcr·mlnistries'" o, Human Development and Sustainable Development, as well as those of minor ministries such as Ethnic Affairs. Guido Chumiray, stated: · when we implement the agreement to solve the concrete problems of land and labor, the Guarani people 'viii hopefully regain territories and labor rights that belong to us. This is a not a favor given to us by the government. It is our right. V..1e deserve it... Indigenous Organizations Sign with Loggers in the Beni Deforestation continues to spread across the Bolivian Amazon-at the rate of 80,000 hectares last year alone. In the northern Amazonian province of Beni, Indigenous organizations will finally expel three logging companies from the Multi-ethnic Indian Territory (TIM) \vith· in the Chimanes Forest region which stretches from the Andean foothills to the Beni's extensive savannahs. Mojer"to, Movima. Yurncare and Chimane communities won a de jure entitlement to ..sustainably manage· this region in 1991. This summer. the regions Indigenous federation, the Cemral de Pueblos lndigenas del Bcni (CP16). representing the region's M:t-{a Yala News �------------------------'S E.!: f~D E T E R M I NAT I 0 !.!:. L.! ~ Indigenous communmes signed an "upgrading of their habitat." Under the agreement with the Herve!. C IMAGRO, agreement, a study will be carried out of and Montegrande. logging companies the ecological collapse affecting the Uru which will force companies to abandon Nation and potential for governmental the TIM by july, 1995. Paradoxically, Mr. assistance to help them survive under bet· Roberto Velasco. a caHle rancher and ter conditions. This agreement will also owner of Herve! reported!)' presented consider programs for land distribution Traditional Uru-Murato the agreement to be signed by CPIB. programs. with the Secretary of Ethnic Affairs act- authorities also requested the liberation of ing as b roker. The companies and com- Uru Indians Paulino Flores. Rogclio munities have been in a-at times Choque, Anacleto Garcia. Angelica Flores armed-stand-off for years. Since title de Garcia and Justina Opida who have was granted to the Indigenous commu~ been accused of '"environmental vandalnitics. logging companies have post~ ism• for hunting namingos that nock on poned the date of their departure from lakes within their territory. Sadly, it seems the TIM se'•eral times. Although calling easier to find Indians guilty of "environfor ren'IO\ral of the companies, the agree- mental vandalism.. 1han to arrest loggers ment is in effect, yet one more postpone- whose blatantly illegal destruction of the ment-and one which will allow the Chimanes Forest goes far beyond mere companies to extract all the remaining vandalism. valuable woods (mahogany in particular) Each of these bilateral agreements won from accesiblc areas. small advances for Indigenous communiCPIB President, Marcial Fabricano. ties. as a whole. however; the)' may have noted. ·we have to deal \\oth clandestine functioned to undermine the strength of a loggers and chain-sawers who intimidate coordinated Indigenous movement. us with guns. This is one of the problems Unfortunately, the movement has been faced by our communities." He added unable to establish a position of bargainthat, "V../e are also now insisting in the ing power which would allow il to press recognition of our traditional authorities, for their acknowledgement would mean that the Bolivian nation indeed is a full democraC)~,. Fabricano. however. remains skeptical. In 1990 CPIB led the "March for Territory and Dignity" from the Beni to La Paz. This was positively received, and achieved many governmental commit· mems. including establishment of the TIM. None of these, however, had any enforcement power. N AN D TERRIT0 RY for "Territory and Dignity" for all Indigenous peoples. The governments new Secretary of Ethnic Affairs has contributed to this weakness. in ilS attempt to act as sole broker between Indigenous organizations and the government. Bolivian anthropologists have often followed the govemmems lead and contributed to establishing isolation rather than coordination. Finally, there is " 1despread disapointment within the lndigenous movement \vith the performance of the Vice-president Victor Hugo Cardenas. His candida~ cy with the l<atarista pany raised expecta· tions as he is the first Aymara Indian to reach such a high governmental post. He has, however. used his power to little or no effect since taking office. A handful of Aymara Kataristas have been appointed to govemment posts. Unfortunately. these few have made a series of raciSt staternents against non·lndians which are of grave concern to the Indigenous move· ment. Although the vast majority in the movement do not share in these opinions, they already arc suffering from the backlash they have generated. ~ Government and Uru Sign agreement to Improve their Habitat The Bolivian government recently signed a bilateral agreement with the highland Uru Nation. of whom scarcely 2,000 remain . This agreement addresses the need to assist the Uru Nation in lhe 1101.8 No.3 Logging companies have postponed departure from the Multi-ethnic Indigenous Territory tong enough to remove thousands of giant mahogany trees like those pictured above. 23 �SELF DETERMIHA TIO H AHD TERRITORY Organizing from Oaxaca to California ,~~~4 Rufino Dominguez This October. SAIIC had the opportunity to interview Rufino Dominguez. Secretary General of the Organization of Exploited and Oppressed Peoples and Sub-coordinator of the Oaxacan Indigenous Binational Front at his office in Fresno. California. long with Chlap>S, the highland state of Oaxaca is one of Mexico~ most Indigenous regions. The Mixteco people arc one of the many Indigenous peoples living In OaxaC3; they have also Immigrated to the North in larger numbers than any other Indigenous people m Mextco. This exodus has been dnven by a number of factors common to many of Mextco~ lndtan groups. Although MIXleco communities have secured legal =ognnion for communal land titles that predate the Mexican re\·olution, there Is sullinsufficlent land to go around. As In Chiapas. local cadques have consolidated ownership over the best lands. At the same time, years of deforcsuuion has tronsformed much of the ter· United States. These mlgronts have often faced not only the exploitation commonly suffered by migrant fannworkers, but also discrimination for being Indian. The emergence and linking of Indian organizations throughout the p3th taken by this exodus is one of the maS> encouraging and intrigumg examples of cross-border orgamzing on the AmeriC3S. Rufino Dommguez grcw up in Oaxaca's Mixteco temtory. on the town of San Miguel Cue,,as or. Nu..Vucu. which means on top of the mount..'\tn in hls nati\'t language. He C3me to the US for the first time in 1964. Uke many Indigenous immigrants. he h>S conserved much of his community's culture. Indigenous Oaxacan immigrants In the US generally keep conritory into ncar desert conditions. \Vith tact with their communities at home. This insufficient land. and fewer opportunities is perhaps beS> exemplified by formation of for wage employment. a steady stream of the Indigenous O=C3n Binational Front Indigenous lmmtgrants have left to look simuluneously in O:lx.1ca, &ja C.lifornia for work elsewhere. Thousands went to and C.lifornta (U.S.). SAIIC had the work m the fields further Nonh, first in opponunhy to mterview Dominguez the S>ates of Stnaloa, Veracruz, the Federal regardmg hiS work wnh the Front in Oislnct. •nd Bop C.hfornta and later in Oaxaca and the Central Valley of agriculturalarus throughout the Western C.lifot1lla. A 14 Can you tell us about when the Mixtccos began to immigrate. and then later, to organize? -The firS> Ml><tecos beg<ln to immigrate in smaU numbers ln the 1960s. but it wasn't until the period known as "the braceros· in the 1980s when we S>aned immigrating as enurc famthes, and in large numbers. When we amved, we worked in the fields in Orcgon, V.'ashington and Alaska. We MtXtecos ha,-. mostly engaged in field work. The truth Is that we began to organize ourselves back in our communities [in OaxaC31. because there were so many injustices there and the authorities abused many of our people. The authorities then beg.'n to kill and threaten our leaders. burned several houses nnd all thnt. They also imprisoned many of our people. This was In 1981-83. Thus. we organized ourselves and it took us one ye-ar to rtmO\'t those authoriues from office. So those who came here already had expe.rie.nces in organizing at home in Oaxaca? Pbf• Yala News �SELF DETERMI N ATION AHO T ERRITORY ·Yes. but back m our communities. our organiza1ion dtdn't htwc a name. \Ve were was just n community committee. Then. I moved to Sinaloo after having won the battle with those people. My companions in Sinaloa had asked me to help organize an assembly. They thought h neccss..1ry to name the or ganization and continue figh ting. and that in this way. our actions could scr"'e the community in at home. What did you call the organization? -The Org.1no.z.1uon of Exploited and Oppressed People. That was the majorities' cho•ce. They ~•d that we are exploited by the econom•c Situation. and oppressed by the nch. What's the relationship between the Organization of Exploited and Oppressed Peoples ond the Indigenous Oaxacan Binational Front? -Well. the Front is an umbrella group or many org.1nizations. What ore it's objectives? -At the org.1n1zoUonollevel, our objecti\'t tS to mcorpor.uc all the lndigenous organtzations th:u agru wnh our princi· pies and our program of actiOn. And our objecu,·e IS to fight for JUStice for all the Indigenous communiues of Oaxacabecause we ha\'t learned that if we are organized. the go"ernments have to pay attention to us-;tnd ir we arc not, they pay no attention to us. Here In the U.S.. the f-ront is involved in labor organizing. in denouncing rocism against Indigenous people-not just o f white americans. bUl or other latinos as well-m denouncing Governor Wilsons anti·immigmnt attacks and in uniting ""'h other latmo org.1niz.1tior1S to oppose the raciSt ballot measures (in California$ Nov. elecuons). \Ve ~lso work v..fth our members to help them get citizenship and emer the country$ pohtical sysrem. Vol. 8 No. l \Ve The Organization ol Exploited and Oppressed Peoples: 500 years of Mixteco Resistance. have 15-20.000 members in California. \:Ve also suppon the From:S activism in Oaxaca b y pressuring the Mexican consulates here. There. the Front works for to get land. basic services in the communitics; for potable \VOter. clinics, electricity, schools. \Vc ha\·e also entered into agree. mcnts with the Federal and State governments to promote small busmesscs m the commumues. Indigenous peo plts throughout the continent have a 1cndcncy toward autonomy and self-d etermination. Do the Mixteco people have as1>irotions to govcn'l yourselves in thls way? -Of course. We all need common objectives. Its vital for us to struggle for autonomy-because unfortunately the Mixte:co communities are not currently autonomous. 1t's unportant to struggle for the autonomy of our community's customs because these are currently threatened ot their rootS. We heard that the Front's organizations met in Tijuana this past month, what happen<d there? -The meeting '""s for all Indigenous Oaxaquei"'os in exile. We met to change the organization's rtttrnc. because new members were entering who speak differ· em languages. llcforc. we were called the Zapoteco-Mixtcco Bmauonol Front. but it turned out that Oaxaca has more than 16 Indigenous peoples. Our brothers, the Triquis. Mcxes and Others groups who had asked to, JOmed the Front. We now include f\\'e lnd•genous peoples, and renamed the orgamz.1uon the lnd•genous Oaxacan B•nauonal Front. We also decided at the meeung to continue the camp.1ign ng.•inst [Go,·emor) Wilsons rocism. reformed our basic anides. named new officers and established c:ornmiuees or coordination ror each region. However. before the meeting, which took place on Sept. 3, the PAN (the right -of-center Nauonal Acuon Party) governor Ernesto Rufo repressed a march or ours which was commg from S.1n Quintin to Mexicali. They were demandmg th." wages be mcrcascd to a JUst le"el. dignified housmg. rural chmcs ond the introducuon of potable water to San Quintin. 25 �SE L F DETERMINATIO N AND And the government's response? ·Seveml protestors were imprisoned; more than 32 comrades went to jaiL TERRI T ORY The National Solidarity Program paid campesinos so that they would vote for the PRL But, we know that this won't bring us out of the misery. This only happens during the elections. There was also lotS of bad information-tnany attempts to discredit the opposition panics. Are there any parties w hose platforms include Indigenous peoples' rights to a dignified li fe, to autonomy and selfdetermination? -They do it in a very panial, Rufino Dominguez (center) Signing agreements intellectual and campesino form. of mutual respect with the UFW. We don\ believe it should be this way. Rather, they should Thirty were wounded. This was an awful include us, as the Indigenous activists, to response from the government: neverthe- give our point of view regarding our less. we were not deterred. We returned autonomy, and what we really want . to regroup and the government accepted negotiations. Two days later. the govern- ls this campesino (or peasant oriented) ment met all our demands except that for approach a result of the first Zapatista a higher minimum wage. which. they revolution, the revolution of 1917? -The (revolutions o0 1910 and 1917 claimed was under the federal governments jurisdiction. Thanks to the interna- had no effect in the Indigenous commutional community'S intervention. we also nities. I say this because we have seen won release of all our prisoners. no changes. To the contrary. there was (Many thanks to all those who wrote more racism and discrimination toward letters in support or the imprisoned pro- the Indigenous people. We are finally testors, your leuers were critical in secur- seeing change now, with the uprising by ing their safe release. eds.l the Zapatista National Liberation Army in Chiapas. They have provoked a You have said that the PAN d id this in change at the national level. Now there Baja California, but doesn't the PRJ do is talk of autonomy for the Indigenous the same in Oaxaca? peoples, there is talk o f education, peo-Actually. the Pany has never taken ple are talking-but these are demands that altitude toward the Front. that I doubt the government with comply with. Definitely, the previous revoluSo, w hat do you think of the PR!? tions did not benefit the Indigenous - 1 totally repudiate that pany. It has communities. done nothing to bring the Indigenous communitie-s out of their misery. It isn't Do you thin k that the Zapatista posicapable of curing a single Indigenous tions go beyond a merely a campesinista child. 1 don't see the PRI as an option for position? Mexico. Speaking of the last election, I -Definitely, they are very much in know the PRIS tactics in the rural areas. agreeme-nt with the Indigenous struggles and they arc cxpen in maintaining power objectives, because they truly take into because they have a giant lpoliticall account Indigenous peopleS necessities. machine. There was lots of manipulation No other political pany has taken this and lots or money exchanged for votes. position. Their platfornt of anned struggle 26 includes the necessities of the Indigenous peoples. W hat about conditions here in California? Have things gotten any better? -No there have been no changes. The farmworker continues to be exploited. They are not paid minimum wage. They work many hours without the right to rest 10 minutes. Women are sexually abused. The contractors and landowners rush the workers to do more than than human beings are capable of. ls the Front affiliated with any union? We're not affiliated.just one year ago. we signed an agreement of respect with Cesar Chavez's United Fannworkers of America. This is, however, nOthing more than an agreement of respect and cooperation. How do )'OU see Indigenous unity in Mexico and at the continental level? Has there been progress in these last few years in organization. communication and solidariry? -At the organizational level. I believe we still have a lot to do in Mexico. There are a great number of Indigenous organizations, and we haven't united. It's the same at the continental level . We need to get better organized, to strengthen the coordination between the Indigenous organizations if that~ possible. Even though it's tme that we have some organi~ zations that arc already very well connect· ed, still we have a lot to do. In relation to communication, only the most important organizations have good communica· tions, and the others have nothing. With SAilC 1 have seen that there is more communication, not juSI. at the continental level, but worldwide. And l think that is where we should focus ourselves. Our objective is to strengthen this communication at the cominemal and global level between all the organizations...., For Mort informacion, comaa: Frentc ind1gtrta Binacional P.O. Box 183, Uvingswn, CA 95334 Ttl: (209) 577·3077 Fax: (209) 577·1098 Abya Yala News �CHIAPAS UP Update on Chiapas D A T E --- A ugust 6 -9, the National Democratic Convention (CND). organized by th e EZLN in Aguascalientes. Chiapas, emerged as one of the most significant political gatherings in modern M exican history. Six thousand delegates from all over Mexico aLtended. The cemrnl theme was the .. transition to democracy.• Several local. regional and national Indigenous organizations partici· pated (see article below) . Most were not entirely satisfied with either the CND's structure or results. but have chosen to \ \· continue panicipating. October 8 . the Zapatista National Libenuion Aml)' broke off negotiations with the government , stating that the Salinas administration was not acting in good faith , and was preparing a military assault. The EZLN also claimed lO have mined the roads leading to their territory. October 10, peace mediator, Bishop Samuel Ruiz expressed ·grave· concern regarding the tensions in the state, and called on both sides to maintain the ceasefire and return to the negotiating table. October 12. the CND reconvened in San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas. With the support of thousands of local Indigenous supporters, the CND then symbolically and peacefully took over the town. The convention declared itself in permanent session. stating that a civil insurgency is necessary in order to topple the PRI from power. The CND also called for nation·wide mobilization on Nov. 5. to prevent President-elect Ernesto Zedillo from taking office. The EZLN has maintained a p resence in Chiapas's principal city, San Cristobal de las Casas: mini Zapatistas for sale. Six Principles for a New Mexican State he following an icle is based on a proposal titled "Six Principles and Six Proposals" wriuen by the Independent Indian Peoples From (FIPI) T Vol. 8 No.3 and the CommiLtee for the Support and Defense of Indian Rights (CADDIAC). After e xtensive consultations with Indigenous organizations, FIPI con- tributed this document to the working roundtables established at the National Democratic Convention. Although written for Mexico. the analysis could apply 27 �~~ I ~ P_A S ~ P~ ~T E --------------------------------------------C H~ A~ ~~ U~ D~A ~. to the other L.nin American states who · conceive themselves to be mestizo. I. An end to the " Mestizo-cratic" state In Mexico, ethnic homogeneity was considered a necessary precondition in the c remion of the nation·state, and in consolidation of a market cconotn)'· Indigenous peoples have therefore been subject to hostile policies. ranging from physical extennination to "'lndigenista .. strategies whose aim has been to assimilate us. As a result . we have not had. as Indigenous peoples. a dignified place in Mexican society. Not only has our right to exist as a collective entity been denied, bm also our rights as a peoples. Today. we continue living under a neocolonial oppression promoted by the State and perpetuated by mestizo people who ben- efil from this siluation . They, in turn, pr oblems we face, and thus must be mod· believe themselves to be the synthesis of iOed. It was modified in 1992 in a way the Mexican people, the embodiment of that was both limited and has not been the nation, and to have created a State in enforced. Additions to 1\nicle Four recogtheir image and likeness; that is to say, a nize the plurality of the M exican nation, "mestizo-cratic" State. Thus, by the light but this plurality i.s not rcnected in the of comemporary morality. the position of State, which should be structured in the 'Mexican State and the mestizo peo~ order to rcnect this fact. pies is illegitimate: both arc based upon This problem is compounded by the the displacement and the abrogation of fact that Indigenous rights arc located the rights of Indigenous peoples, and under Article Four. which guarantees upon excluding us from collective partic- individual freedoms, rather than within ipation in the nation and the state, which the constitution's principal anicles (ani· has bound us in a neocolonial relation· cles 39, 40, and 41, which have to do ship. with sovereignty and the fonns or go"ern· mem. and ankles 115 to 122, which II. Revise the constitution to eStablish the basis for our federal strucserve as the foundation for a wre). The location or our rights under new, democratic, mult iArticle Four signifies the go"ernmemS national, and popular state refusal to recognize our collective rights The constitution is a key source of the as distinct peoples. recognizing only our looking toward the National Oemocrc.tic Convention. 28 N>ya Yala News �CHIAPAS UPDATE affected the territorial rights of Ind igenous peoples. In many cases, the ejido continues to function in a destrucis a multiethnic nation as it is to recognize tive and assimilationist manner in that Mexico is a multinational state. This Indigenous territories. The new reforms is why the central project is to divest the to Article 27 constitute a fi nal blow constitution of its ..mestizo-cratic" cast. towards the dismemberment of Indigenous territories. the state and the Indigenous peoples: between the Ind igenous and nonIndigenous peoples: between the federation and the elements thereof: between the capital and the provinces: between the p rovinces and the Indigenous regions, etc. Ill. Building a new federalism on the basis of a new understanding of territory VI. A transitional government: towards a multinational state individual rights. This is a fundamental and significant difference, as il is not the same thing at all to recognize that Mexico The ideal of federalism -for which thousands o f citizens, Indigenous and non·1ndigenous, have struggled- has not been realized in our country. From the very beginnings of the Republic, the Mexican people agreed to constitute a federatio n: however, in prac tice our government has been centralist, subject to an overly powerful presidency and to the domination of 1he State by one party, leading in effect to a dictatorship. In order to ful fill the precepts o f fede ralism. it is necessary to redefine the notion that through federation we shall .. unify our diversity". Although t his is a valid concept. it does not acknowledge nor include the continued presence o f distinctive peoples within a federation. Thus indigenous peoples are left out of the fede ral structu re of our cou ntry. Some of the worst consequences o f this exclusion are found in the territorial reorganizations which decisively and negatively impacted the social organization of the original peoples of this land. From that moment to the present, Indigenous territories have been continuously divided. The federalist policies did not take into account the preexisting territories nor acknowledge them as a basis for a re-organization. Instead. they were deeply genocidal, placing Indigenous regions under the tutelage o f the H lndigenista"' ann or the government. Today the few remammg Indigenous territories face new threats. The land redistribution that took place throughout the country based o n an ejido concept of occupancy. instead o f on a communitarian basis. has greatly Vol. 8 No.3 IV. Democracy for Indigenous peoples: only within the context of a democratic nation justice \viii prevail for indigenous peoples only if there is democracy in the rest of the count!)< And democracy can exist only if governments are created that are respectful o f diversity and able to share power, not only 'vith different political parties but also with different ethnic groups. As Indigenous peoples we have often been d enied the vote and been prevented both from choosing our own legit· imate representatives as well as fr exerom cising our right to represent others. As Indigenous peoples, we add our voices to the national clamor for democracy. yet we add that no d emocracy \viii be a true detnocracy if it does not resolve the amidemocratic relationship between Indigenous people and the power of the state, as exemplified in our ability to participate and be represented in the structures of govcrnmem. V. Towards a new covenant between Mexicans The road towards democracy must necessarily take us through a process o f democratizing the relationships between Indians and non-Indians. It is u rgent that as Mexicans we re..1.ch a new national accord, a new social covenant that is based on a new ethic of tolerance and respect towards diversity and plurality that will allow us to live together in peace. But this pact c..1nnot rest only upon individual efforts or moral values; we believe that it must be affirmed by our Constitmion . The State must address this covenant by creating the foundation for a democratic relationship between the State itself and the Mexican people: between It is not possible in this day and age to defend an ethnocratic nation-state. As we seek to give power to the people, we are led to question the legitimacy of the mestizo population being the sole holders of that power. The need for a transilional government means that we need to create a new national model that is no longer an ethnocrntic nation-state, but instead a multi-national state. The creation of a truly multi-national state implies the acknowledgment of the free self-determination of Indigenous peoples, and the embodiment o f those rights through the cr eation of autonomous regions. Six Proposals Included within the six proposals are: !)the constitutional recognition of Ind igenous autonomy through the fo rmation of '"Autonomous Pluriethnic Regions": 2) an addition to Article 42 . and 3) to Article 43 o f a section guaranteeing the existence of the Autonomous Indigenous Regions: 4) refom>s 10 Article 11 5 10 acknowledge the Autonomous Indigenous Regions (referred to as Pluriethnic Regions) as fundamental elementS of the political and administrative struclUrc of the country: 5) modifications to Article 73 and 6) modifications to Articles 52. 53. 54. 55. and 56. which refer to political participation. in order to redraw electoral districts in Indigenous regions. In this way, a sixth d istrict will be drawn to provide for election of Indigenous congressmen and guarantee the presence of six Indigenous senators. '!I 29 �ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT The Convention on Biological Diversity: An Imperative for Indigenous Participation The Biodiversity Convention. one of the world's most important pieces of environmental legisla tion, will be finalized at the end of this year. Whether it will provide tools to defend Indigenous bio-cultural resources remains unclear. By Alejandro Argumedo A t the 1992 U.N. "Earth Summit" in Rio de janeiro, over 150 governments signed the International Convention on Biological Diversity (Biodiversity Convention), which , came into force last December after the required ratification by more than thirty national legislatures. After two-and-a-half years of negotiations, the Conference of Parties (COP) which was eStablished as the Convention's governing body will meet for the first time from Nov. 28 to Dec. 9 in the Bahamas to further define the treaty's implememmion. The Convention has yet to establish the scope and nature of Indigenous peoples' rights to their bio.cultural resources. Thus, this meeting will either help ascenain native rights, or function as yet another intema· tiona! mechanism to legitimate the theft of Indian resources. The Convention is the first global agreement committing signatory nations to comprehensive protection of Mother Earths biological giftS. Provisions stipu· lating specific commitment towards achieving this goal are covered in forty· two legally-binding articles. This legal instrument addresses issues of tremen· dous significance for the world's Indigenous peoples. Alejandro Argumcdo is Q11ec.hua from Peru, a SAIIC board member aru1 Dire<tor of Clllt11ral Survival Canada. 30 Biodiversity and Indigenous Land Up to the nineteenth century, Indigenous peoples exercised de facto control over most of the world's ecosystems. Today, only an estimated 12·19% of the earths land area is home to the four to five thousand Indigenous nations of the world. Even diminished to a mere fragment or what they were, our homelands constitute an important ponion or the globe's relatively intact ecosystems, and shelter an even larger share or its b iologi· cal diversity. ll is no coincidence that the habitats richest in natural diversity are usually home to Indigenous people as well . By some estimates, Indigenous homelands shelter more endangered plant and animal species than all the worldS ..namre reserves" combined. Through millennia we have depended on the diversity of lire around us: uncovering its secrets, and learning how to increase these riches, for example. when we create new genetic diversity within a species. We possess a knowledge that is not only innovative and cognizant of eco· logical processes and uses of biodiversity, but also uniquely holistic for its spiritual and ethical components. That is why the conservation of all components of biodiversity-genetic, species and ecosys· terns--is crucial for our survival as cultures of the land. For Indigenous peoples biodiversity means just that: the land . The recognition of inherent rights to our tra- ditional territories is the foundation both for our survival as peoples and for the conservation and sustainable use of biodi· versity and its components. ln this context the Biodiversity Convention could provide an imponam mechanism to pro· tect Indigenous Peoples' rights over bio· logical resources. The Convention: a Significant but Flawed Tool Disturbingly, there has been liule participation by Indigenous people in developing the Convention. As usual, we have been viewed as the objects (another endangered species) rather than subjects of the process. Most Indigenous people know little, if anything, about the Con· vemion. l'iowever, the treaty does recognize our contributions to biodiversity conservation. In addition, appreciation of our · use of the medicinal, agricultural, and other useful properties of endemic nora and fauna.. i.s increasing. Nonetheless. parties to the Convention are now meeting behind closed doors tO determine what rights we will have over our knowledge. innovations and practices, for which we currently lack any legal Instruments of protection . Bio· cultural pirates are currently plundering these resources \vithout prior infonned consent of Indigenous communities and organizations. Free access for free value is the common practice. For the first time, Abya Yala News �ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT provisions of the Biodiversity Convention may offer opportunities to effectively pro· teet rights to biocultural resources. With the increasing focus on Indigenous territories as reserves of genetic diversity for use in the food. agriculture, pharmaceutical, b iotechnology and other industries, Indigenous peoples presence in the ConventionS develop· ment is crucial. The Indigenous Peoples' Biodiversity Network (IPBN). a global coalition of Indigenous peoples' organizations formed to protect biocuhural resources, has been lobbying for Indigenous peoples' rights within the Convention. In order to promote greater Indigenous innuence within the treaty. the IPBN. SAIIC and the Abya Yala Fund, an Indigenous foundation that supports Indigenous-based sustainable development in the b .tin America, are jointly working to facility increased panicipation Potato crop d iversity developed atongside Andean cultures in the Altiplano region, where hundreds of varieties can be found in tocat markets. of Indigenous peoples from South and Meso America. We need to monitor. ana· lyze, and seek greater mmsparency and accountability from all panics, in addition to promoting policies that protect our local rights and inte rests. The Convention's value lies in the comminnent of signatory nations to work for a common cause. h also supports national sovereignty and each country$ right to benefit from its own biological resources. It funher specifies that each country should ha\re access rights to new technologies. including new biotechnologies. which could assist in conservation efforts or prove useful in the exploitation of biological resources. The Convention does not recognize Indigenous peoples' rights over their traditional tenitories and resources. But it does rc<:ognize the importance of our cultures' survival to the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity. It also recogn.izes that first nations should share in the benefits deri"ed from their knowledge and innovations. Unfortunately, the ConventionS provisions leave it up to n..1tional governments to decide the scope and nature of Indigenous peoples' rights. Currently, few colonial nation-states recogVOl. 8 No.3 nize Indigenous land rights or rights to customary practices on the land (biodiversity). Inserting these adequately imo the treaty is a serious challenge for the signatory members of the Con"emion , and \viii be a tough figh t for the Indigenous peoples working within the process. The ConventionS existing mandates can be grouped into several broad categories. these are briefly summarized below. National Action Plans and Environmental Impact Assessments One of the Convention's central mandates is to ensure adequate planning and decision-making to protect biodhrersity at the national level. Each country will be Environmental Impact Assessments. This Article may provide Indigenous peoples with a forum-which they have often been lacking-for voicing opposition to senseless · mega-development" projects that affect their human and territorial rights, such as the COI\Struction of hydroelectric dams, highways. tourist resorts, tnining. oil exploration and exploitation, and logging. Protection In tem'ls of concrete protective mea· sures, the Convention has three require· mems: control sources of significant injury to biodiversity. establish systems of protection . protected mnural areas, develop and implement policies for in situ conserva· tion. Indigenous participation is critical Indigenous organizations should panici- both in designing protected areas and in pate in designing these plans because new managing them. First, because Indigenous communities often have extensive knowledge regarding the land· scapes at stake. Second to ensure that these actions are complimentary and required to formulate a national action plan for biodiversity policies will affect their communities the most. Implementation of these plans, is of course. another mancr. and Indigenous organizations will have to monitor this process as well. Secondly for all individual projects "likely to have significant adverse impacts on !biodiversity)" governments will be required to develop compatible \vith pre-existing Indigenous land rights, rather than-as we ha,rc seen in some previous cases-an auempl to clrcumvcm them. 31 �ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT The Convention specifically recommends the application of traditional knowledge and conservation practices. This is a very valuable recognition of Indigenous practices, Indigenous organizations will have to be proactive in the implementation, financing and monitoring or these mea- sures. Research and Indian Lands reliable biodiversity indicators than science. Monitoring the status of ecosystem and species can be done by Indigenous peoples along with scientists if the integrity, and rights to our knowledge is respected and protected. At the same time. parties to the Convention are supposed tO identify and monitor activities that are likely to have significant adverse impacts on biodiverslly. In In addition to protecting biodi\'ersity, the Convention is supposed to promote · sustainable use of biological resources through governmenllprivate sector cooper- ] ation. ln the past, such bilateral coopera- ':' tion has nearly always sidestepped ~ Indigenous panicipation (e.g. "Texaco & """ Ecuadorian Government Settlement" on pg. 4, eds.) The Convention continues to favor bilateral rather than multilateral agreements. Multilateral agreements are more favorable for Indigenous organiza- al action plan should include the following economic activities in their list of harmful processes reqltiring monitoring and mitigation: mining, oil exploration, agribusiness, commercial logging and cattle ranching. Financing The Convention mandates the industri· alized countries tO provide developing countries with new and additional funds to meet its implementation costs. The Global Environmental Facility (GEF) ' vas chosen as the Convention's interim financing mechanism. The panies \viii select the per- manent mechanism at this meeting in Nov. and Dec. Institutional Structure And Intergovernmental process At the international level, panies to the Convention will meet regularly in a Conference of the Parties (COP). A tions: these are more transparent and Secretariat will provide administrative str· vices. An interim Secretarial has been estab· involve a range or concerned sectors who can act as our allies, support our rights, and lished in Geneva, $\vitzerland. In addition, a scientific and technological advisory committee will give technical assistance to the COP. At the COP. panies \viii report on compliance's and consider measures for strengthening the treaty. They 'viii also address, among other issues: a) administer- help to monitor the agreement. Indigenous peoples' organizations should consider multilateral agreements for decisions affecting biodiversity in their tenitories. Identification and Monitoring of Priorities and Problems ing the financing of arrangements under Parties to the Convention are required the treaty; b) seuing up a clearinghouse of infom1ation on teclu1olog>1 transfer and other areas; c) establishing cooperative pannerships on research. information sharing. and technology transfer. "!) to identify priority ecosystems. species, and genomes for conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity. These priority areas ";11 largely be congruent with Indigenous terri- tories. and Indigenous communities could benefit from research acti\;ties that help to ascertain territorial rights (e.g. ecosystem research). Since the Convention recognizes the merits of Indigenous knowledge in relation to biodiversity, Indigenous peoples should participate in this research as equals with \Vestem researchers. In addition to biodiversity identification. parties are required to monitor the sta- tus of their countryS biodiversity resources. Here. in particular, Indigenous knowledge has a critical role. In many instances. Indigenous knowledge can provide more 32 Chimane farmer shows just one of the several hundred different domesticated and semi·domesticated plant species he cultivates- a local variety of peanuts. many countries Indigenous organizations are the first to identify and denounce large- scale envirorunemal irnJXl.ClS (see for exam· pie Vol. 8: 1&2. Oil exploration in Peru, eds.). Panies should provide Indigenous groups \vith resources for in-depth and continuous monitoring ofhannf\1 activities 1 in their regions. In addition, every nation- For furt.ll<r infonnation 011 the B:odiwfSfO' Conwnllon and lndig<nQ\~ '-"'«$ p/c<U< """"" d-~ folfq,fr.g; M.s Angela Cropper, fx«uti\'t S«relary Col'l\'tndon on Biological Oi\·crsily IS Ootmindc$,~ncmortS CP 3S6CH·12I9 O.aU:laiu Ccllcva. SuiU:crlaltd Td: (i 1-22)979-9J 11 Fax: (41-22)979·2.512 Tht Abya Yala Fund P.O. Box 2&386 Oakland, CA, USA Td: (510) 834-4263 F<JX: (510) 834 -1264 Indigenous P(Oplt:S' 81odiver'$iry Nc:(w'Ori: 62(), l Nic.holas 5-l. Ouawa. Ontario, CanaM. KJN 787 Td: (613) 241 iSCOFax: (613) 241-2292 Abya Yala News �BOLIVIA : Continued from page 9 stmggled untiringly for the establishment of a commission to verify boundaries between conununal and individual proper· ty: between canton. provincial. and departmental jurisdictions: and imen>ational bor· ders. This mo,-emem had a vast and exten· sive organization which included the Guarani people in the fonn of their Captain Casiano Barrientos as well as leaders of the Indigenous people orTarija and Beni. The llolivian state could not tOlerate an autonomous Indian Movement with such extensive organizational capacity, especially since Eduardo Nina Qhispi. one of its bold· est leaders, favored the "Renewal of llolivia" and to that end declared himself President of the Republic of Qullasuyu. creating a parallel Indian State (He was imprisoned by President Salamanca from 1932·36). Thus, in 1945, the government of President Villarroel, in which the MNR fonned one RECONSTRU CTI NG emerged in the 1970s. This mo"ement exposed the nature of colonial domination and sought to develop an alliance between the different Indigenous nationalities in the country. All of the mainstream panies immediately labeled this emerging Indian THE AYLLU ... Reconstructing Traditional Forms of Organ ization In response to the traditions of political manipulation and \\;,s,em "ci\;lizing" syn· dicalism. Indigenous communities in the highlands are reconstructing Ayllu federa· Movement "'raciSt ... The KatariSta panics. tions which maintain traditional structures supponed as they were by the church and although in segmentary fashion. Thus com· the MIR, also condemned the lndianist munities have begun reconstructing ancient position, the recognition of ethnic differ· identities which the Toledian refonns had ences, and the use of native languages, and destroyed centuries earlier. This movement were obliged to testify for a "llolivian" grounds itself in the rights to tenitorynational idemily. understood as physical space, the soil, sub· The 1980s \vitnessed the Indian move· soil; the place where families are rooted. ments premature collapse, weighed down According to Indigenous organizations, by caudillismo {strong individual leaders what lies within the boundaries of demar· who manipulated organizations for their cmed tenilOries belongs to the community own benefit), corruption, and internal divi· and not to the State. Their demands for sions. The movementS ideological consis-- tights to territory and the e:<ploitmion and tency and institutions could not resist the administration of the resources oomained power (and violence). financial resources. 'vitl\in it, are based on titles granted by the and the privileges (congressional seats, gov· Spanish Crown. The govcnuncmS new pan, moved to co-opt indian organizations. ernment jobs. or cash) of the traditional laws, such as that for "popular panicipa· The government organized an Indigenous panies which. for the sake of capturing tion'" fail to ~cognize this concept. and Congress in which the legitimate leaders of Indigenous votes, incorporated Indian therefore remain null. the movement were thrown out by SC(.Urity cadres into their circles. In contrast to the rural unions. the Ayllu forces. After the triumph of the revolution. By the 1990s. Indigenous political insti· federations have reestablished traditional the MNR (\vith the experience of 1945) tutions were practically destroyed, barely authorities as weU as an autonomous admin· rapidly engaged in organizing campesinos leaving behind acronyms and their con-e· istrntion of economic and social resouras and imo a National Federation of Campesinos. sponding caudillos. Finally, the 1993 elec· of justice. E.'O!mples of this are organiz.1tions NuOo Chavez Oniz, a descendent of the tions resulted in an auctioning ofT of Indian such as FASOR (the F ederation of Ayllus to founder of llolivias second largest city, was panies. the South of Omro) with respea to the placed in charge. This elTon ushered in an At the level of the national unions, the Quillacas-Asan.1ques chiefdom, FAONP (the ern of i><mgutajt politico, or political patron· innuential Aymara Genaro Flores was OtlSl· Federation of Ayllus to the Nonh of Potosi) age. which has endured until toda)< This ed as leader of the nations largest rural jach'a Karangas which reconstituted the large system guarantees Indian bondage to the union, the Single Confederate SyndiC>te of Karang.'\5 in La Paz where FACOPI (the benefit of the Pany and the State. Peasant Workers of llolivia (CSlJTCB), and Federation ofAyllus and First Communities of Nevenheless, the political control which his MRTKL pany divided. Thus, the criollo the Province of lnga,;) revindicated their the MNR and the llolivian State exercised political panics fought to gain control over Pakaje origin. and more recently the fonna· over Indian groups could not last forever. what remt'\ined of the lndigenous-annpesino tion of the Supreme Council of llolivian Ayllus In the mid·l960s Indigenous groups arose, organization-viewing it as war booty. in the depanments of La Paz. Omro, and seeking to reclaim their traditional fonns of This sitt"1tion, although gloomy in its Potosi. FACOPls Organic Statue is insuucti\·e. organizalion and to develop their own ide· outlook, has given way to the strengthening in the way it emphasizes the value of culture, ology. The traditional system of control of grassroots organizations in the Andes. In history, and Indigenous language which con· founded in 1952 'vas also battered by other the Oriente (the upper Amazon Basin). stitute the basis for identity and self-detenni· pressure groups. Among these, the military however, the situation is very different and nation. with ilS own attempt at peasant co-optation more closely resembles the organizational The re·establishment of Indigenous ian· through a military-campesino paCt, and the process of CONAIE in Ecuador. There, guage. culture, identity. territory. and SO\>er· Leftist Revolutionary Movement (MIR) Indigenous organizing has always been cignty is the goal of the Indian movement. 'vith its call for independent labor organi· closely tied to idemit)\ and the Indian orga· represented by a variety of grassroots orga· zations figured largely. niz.ations have not taken up the camptSino nizations working for the rights and dignity Thus, an energetic Indian Movement rc- banner. as often occurred in the highlands. of Indigenous peoples. .., Vol. 8 No.3 33 �W 0 ME N 3. Establish relations with national and inte- national organizations and particr ipate actively to articulate, promote and project the demands of women and Indigenous peoples. In order to achieve these objectives, the committee members established the regional bases for a continental communication and infom1ation dissemination net· Women from around the continent ca me to La Paz to b uild commu· nication and plan future strategies Strengthening the Network: Second Encounter of Indigenous Women from South, Central America and Mexico work. These will be, the Council of Maya Organization of Guatemala. the Workshop of Kuna Women-Association of Napguana (Panama), the Foundation of Educational . Social and Economic Development FUNDASE (Guatemala); the Coordinating Committee of Indigenous Women of Bolivia and the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (USA). The CIMI issued a statement pointing out that eventhough there has been progress in tenns of strengthening com· munication and women's participation in the organizations, there are still abuses against women like physical violence and basic rights , such as education. continue to be discriminatory.( ...) The statement also points out that: ..Neo-Hberal policies of the Latin American governments are he Executive Committee of the T Coordinating Body of Indigenous Women of South and Central America (CIMI) met in La Paz. Bolivia, from july 4·6 of 1994 in preparation for the General Assembly that will take place in Mexico in August of 1995. and for the Founh World Women's Conference of the United Nations in Beijing in 1995. The meeting in La Paz was hOS<ed by Centro de Discusion ldeologioo de Ia Mujer A)onara (COlMA) and attended by delegates from Guatemala, Panama. Mexico. Venezue]a. Nicamgua, Peru. Argentina and a representative from the Coodinadom de Mujeres lndigenas de Bolivia (CMI6). Background: In August of 1990. the Sabmi Women's organizations fron1 Norway organized an international Indigenous \-\'omen's Confe- rence. At that C\'Cnt, women representati\'es from aU coumrics in the American continent 34 were present and decided to ca11 a meeting to set up a network o£ Indigenous \'\bmen from Mexico. Central and South America. The First Encounter of Indigenous \\llmen from South and Central America took place in Uma, Peru. in March of 1991. At that meeting the Coordinating Body was fomted. This Encounter in 1...:'1 Paz was initiated with an Aymara·Quechua ceremony which is the \Va:..:t'a. offer to the Pachamama (mother can h). The committee affimted the following broad objcetives: l. Promote permanent communication between existing Indigenous wo1nen's organiutions in order to develop a network of solidarity at the national and international level. 2. Promote the exchange of cultural and organizational experiences between Indigenous women's organiz..1.tions. putting the Indian communities under more threats. Our territories and the Ecosystems will be more exploited and contaminated."( ...) Members of the Coordinating Body of Indigenous Women are planning to travel to the Fourth \.Yorld ~'omen's Conference in Beijing to organize a Workshop on the issue of domestic violence. "il For mo~ infonnation you can contact: Sm. Maria Riquiac Morales Consejo de Organizacioncs Mayas de Guatemala - l'UNDASE 10 Calle 5-21 Zona 1 CHICHICAS Chirnaltenango . GUATEMAUI Telcfa., : 502-9-561018 Fany Avila Eleta Taller de Mt~eres Kuna Apartado 536. l>anama. Rep. de Panama Ph: 507-696525 Fa." 507·693514 You can also concaa SAIIC. N>ya Yala News �W 0 MEN Drug Trafficking and Strip Searches Place Wayu Women in Peril The following statement regarding "La Requisa lntima"-The Strip Search. was made by Dalla Duran of the Indigenous Movement for National Identity CMOIIN). and appeared in IWGIA he Way(l people have lived on Guajira Peninsula between Colombia and Venezuela since before the Spanish arrived on this conti· nent. This coastal and semi·desert territo· ry of vast planes is the home of our matrilineally organized society. Way(l women are the axis of this society: inheritance and the last name follow the mothers line. Women:S presence and participation arc funda mental in the development and T continuity of each clan . Nonetheless. in the last few years, the menace of drug trafficking has begun to shake the foundation of our community and the position of women Within it. In contrast to many other regions of South America, drugs arc neither grown. nor processed in Guajirn. However. our location , which for years kept us isolated from European innucnces and the missions. has today become our biggest problem . Over the last twenty years, the Guajira has been converted into a giant landingsuip and a port of transit for ships. Drugs arc launched from here to the drug consuming countries of the world . Drug trafficking has had more than a transitOT)' presence. Huge quantities of money have allractcd cheap labor to the region: men • women and children act as guards for the landing strips and illicit ports which appear and disappear as if by magic on the savannas and coasts. Dntgs are stored in the workers' houses, involving entire families in this activity. VOl. s No.3 The quanlllles of money paid to the "mules" work should be stopped. we canworkers transforms our communities' not accept the treatment that our women traditional values. Our society's mea· receive daily on crossing the border check sured balance with the environment, points. The searches that arc carried out based on taking only what is necessary are inhuman and undignified. The from our habitat, is evaporating. At the national guard. police and customs offisame time. violence has grown. as has cials assume that every woman dressed in the nun1ber of anns-which are required traditional clothing or having our featu res in the functioning of the drug trade. is a ..mule." During these searches, even Thus, the model of life based on respect women~ genitals are examined in small for women and on strong commu· nity solidarity is at risk. For five "For five centuries. women have centuries, women have exercised a exercised a fundamental role in fundamental role in the defense of our traditions along the long road the defense of our traditions ... • of European colonization. and the place of women emerged strengthened by this process. Despite the cubicles in front of the other traveling Spanish conquistadors' plundering o f companions and without any kind of san· our society, it never uprooted the status itary control. Only the poor and humble of women in WayU society. \VayU women who travel by truck or bus Throughout the world, drug traffick- are searched in this way. Those who trav. ers use '"mules.. to transport small quanti· el in private cars are not affected. ties of drugs from one spot to another. h is no exageration to call these strip Here, drugs need only be carried the few searches a violation of our fundamental kilometers from Colombia to the frontier rights. The searches violate our dignity as cities of Venezuela. In this activity, Way(l human beings, it is not only an ass.'luh on women are in demand for their stamina, our morality, but only exposes the popuaudacity and capacity to overcome fear. lation to venereal diseases and conNonetheless, the government's actions tributes to the deteriorating physical. to arrest violence generated by the drug emotional and mental health of the Way(l trade have put Indigenous people at the women. We hope that this statement center of a connict which. in many cases, causes renection on this issue. as our jeopardizes women the most. Even people are living under inhuman condithough we understand that the authori- tions under the indifferent glances of the ties reaction is logical, and that the authorities. ~ 35 �ORGANIZATION AND COMMUNICATION Indigenous People's Alliance <IPA> Update countries to panake in the next encounter. Those pre-.sem emri. Indigenous Peoples Alliance (IPA) members auended the Tohono O'odham Human Rights Conference in Sells. Arizona, on july 29-30 in the lohono O'odham Nation, extending alliances across the Mexico/U.S/Canada borders. Following the conference in Sells, the IPA convened in Phoenix for a strategy and planning meeting on Aug. I. Representatives from sioned the promotion and encouragentcnt of elders around the Tonanrzin, Indigenous Environmental Network, En'owkin ciples for the CONIC constitutional convention were distributed for cotnment and discussion on recruitment strategy undenak· en. Members were updated on the situation in Chiapas by was the 1heme of this congress sponsored by the CH1-G (Council of May Education of Guatemala), Aug. 8-11, 1994, in Que1zahenango attended by approximately 350 Ma)'a teachers. In discussing 1he needs of the Maya, their reality and cosmovision, spirituality and philosophy, 1he teachers recommended Marcos Perez Gomez from ORIACH (Organizacion Regional de los Altos de Chiapas). the initiation of Maya curriculum in both rural and urban areas. including: Mayan mathematics. astronomy, medicine, linguis· Center, and Peace and Dignity Project auended. The draft prin- For' mon: information. Contact: Tonatiern. POll24009, Phoenix Az 85074 Tel: 602- 254-5230 Fa." 602-252-6094 First Encounter of Maya Elders and Spiritual Guides in Guatemala Maya elders and spiritual guides met on March 13-22. 1994, at the different cardinal points in Tecpa'n, Guatemala. This gathering wns a chance for an exchange of information on Maya astrology with an ernphasis on predicting cycles which can aid elders in their healing rituals. The Maya Calendar was a major point of discussion. Some people believe that the prophecies o f the calendar will have a great impact over the next 20 years. A council of elders and spiritual guides fonned at this encounter with the intention of unifying Indigenous communia ties. The panicipants also decided to invite elders from other world to practice, exchange, and impan their traditional teachings and healing practices. First Congress of Maya Education "The time has come that we re-initiate the cirdc of light. .... tics, ans. philosophy. productivity and culture. They also called for the opening of more schools for training bilingual MayaSpanish teachers, and the institutionalization of21languages by the Academy of Maya languages. Workshops to Train Indigenous Journalists Planned in Norway SAI IC·Norway representative Sebastian Lara and Sami journalist Unni Wenche Gronvold are establishing an Indigenous journalists Project in Oslo, Norway. The p roject will o rganize training workshops for Indigenous journalists from throughout the conrinent. These workshops will strengthen the lntemalional Association of Indigenous Press (AlPIN) which is currently broadcasting from Mexico City. SAIIC-Norway is seek- ing economic assistance from governments who are sponsoring to 1he U.N. Decade for Indigenous Peoples, as well as from the Spanish News Agency EFE. The Foreign Relations Office of the Norwegian government is now swdying SAllC·NorwayS pro· posal. This project will enable more Indigenous journalists to repon on their own struggles. F4r m4rt infonnatlon and to send a$$fSrancc: SAIIC-Norge. Torgatta 34.0183 Oslo. Norw.>y Free Workshops For the Women of La Quebrada de Humahuaca, Argentina The women of Quebrada de Humahuaca Province. in the Republic of jujuy, Argentina. have been organizing . Recently, this work included designing n ew practical components for the States educational system, including the prac1ice of preserving fruits and vegetables, weaving, hcahh education, ceramics. music and dance, and especially the recuperation of their native language Kechua. This project results from free workshops orgaInd igeno us w o men's committee meets betow the wip h&t& 36 nized independently by women in various localities. Also the educational amhorities. OIGEMAS. and the Ministry of Culture M:Jya Yala News �ORGANIZATION and Education all included the women~ proposals into the state system. The workshops' primary objectives have been to achieve incen- tives for panicipation through collective organiz.. 'l.tion. incentives for production based on a subsistence oconomy, incorporation of modem techniques, re-valuation and advancement of the culture, recovery of the native tongue. Kcchua. and improving the standard of li'""&· For mort: infotmalion~ J~ de Ia lglesia/2238-Cu)"'ya·Son Salvador de jujuy Rcp~blica Argcntin.V Tel: 29605 Ecuadorian Indigenous Women's Forum The forum was held between july and Sept. . in preparation for the Fourth Women$ Conference. Women from the Quichua. Slmar, Achuar. Siona, Cofan, Secoya, lioao. Awa, Chachi, Tsachi and Huancavilcas prepared the document "Women of Yesterday, Women of Today, Always 'Women, \Ve weave the Fmure of Our People.. which analyzes their situation within the communmes and within Ecuadorian society in general. They demand recognition of the different Indigenous nation· alities within a Plurinational state, demarca· tion of Indigenous territories, and the granti· ng of communal ownership over them. At the same time, they requested govern· ment attention to improving agricultural and anis..·m production and commercialization. better infrastruc-ture. education and health services. They also demanded respect for Indigenous peoples human rights and the par· ticipation or women in the processes that affect them. For more informa!lon, or ro obtain tilt meeting~ final dccumcm: Agel'lcia latino:uncrica.na de 1nfonnaci6n (ALAI). Casilla 17-12-$77. Quito. Ec\lador. Av. 12 de oetubre 622 y Paula. Edificio 6ossano. Of. 503. Tel: (593) 2 505 074 Fax: (593) 2 505 073 First Regional Encounter of Mapuche Women in Chile The Mapuche Zomo Ni Unel Xawl"' (First Regional Encounter of Mapuchc Women) was Vol. 8 No.3 AND COMMUN I CATION organized by the Coordinating Commiuee of Mapuche Women\; Institutions of the IX Region on Sept. 5. Participants worked to analyze a number of fundamental cultural concepts in order to understand and implemem them from an Indigenous perspec· tive. Concepts like Mapuche identity; health and its relation to the sacred: education. and its relation to wisdom~ the exercise of memory and precision~ were central themes of the discussion. Finally they addressed the situation of Indigenous women who cominue to live in the communities as well as those who have migrated. �CA L E H D A R 0 F EV E H T S Oct.17-18 Nov. 30-Dec. 2 Seminar on Self-determination for Indian Peoples National and International Conference on NAFTA Indigenous people from throughout Mexico will participate in this conference organized by El Colegio de Mexico, under the leadership of Rodlofo Stavenhagen. The Aukir1 Wallmapu Ngulam (All lands Council) is calling this conference in Temuco, Chile out of concern fo r the governments plans to join NAFTA by the end of next year. Qmtact: Rod~fo Stavtnhagen, tcVfox: 52-5·645·59·55 ContGGt: Au.hifl WQ.Ilmapu Ngulam, General Mackenna 152 Ca.silla 448, Tcmuco. Chile teVfax: 56-45-235-697 Oct. 20- Nov. 15 Big Mountain to Chiapas Good Medicine Run This relay run will begin in Big Mountain and proceed to Brownsville, TX. (Oct.20·29). Second leg is from Brownsville to Chiapas (Nov. l-15). Each night of the run traditional exchanges or Native American cultures will take place. Sacrtd Run Foundation, Inc. PO BX 315 Newport, Kenrutky 41071 Td: (606)581·9456 Fax: (606)581-9458 Dec. 9-10 Summit of the Americas President Clinton has invited the other p residents of the Americas to Miami , Florida, to establish a strategy for develop· ing a new relationship between the American states. Clinton is ex1>ected to pressure the latin American states to accept U.S. patent laws and the international agreements of NAFTA and GATf. Indigenous people " "" work to establish an alternative Oct. 22-24 meeting, and pressure governments to accept Indigenous partie· ipation. Guatemalan Government and URNG Re-open Negotiations Peace negotiations between the Guatemalan government and the Dec. 12 National Revolutionary Union of Guatemala guerilla movement will re~open in Mexico City. lndian groups will be working to gain emrance into these talks which will affect Indigenous communities throughom Guatemala. Nov. 10-20 Symposium: " 502 Years of Denied Rights" The Centro di Doeumentazione della Etniein Firenze, Italy, is organizing this conference focusing on rights to land. spirituality and identity. Contact: Villa Fabbricoui· via Viu. .Emtlntu:lt 64, 50134 Flrcnzc, ltalla, tel/fax: 39-55·48860 Nov. 13 First Indigenous Autochtonous Festival Dancers and Musicians will be coming to La Paz from all over Bolivia to commemorate the deuh of Aymarn heroe Tupac Katari in 1781. Ccntatt: CED1MA (Aymara \Vom<n$ Center for ldcologtcal Dis<u5Sion. tel/fax: 591-2.35-48-74 38 Decade of the World's Indigenous Peoples The United Nations will inaugurate the Decade for Indigenous People during International Human Rights Day in New York City. Indigenous leaders from around the world are expected to attend. Comact: Tonaticrra, 1818 S. 16!h St, Phoenix, AZ 85034 #418 T<l: 602-254-5230 Or conratt SAliC January. 1995 Indigenous Peoples, Customary Law and 'Intellectual Property Rights' Workshop The workshop \viii be held at the SAIIC offices in O..kland. Indigenous representatives from Meso and South America ' vill gather to develop Indigenous strategies for long-term survival in the face of new exploitation aimed at Indian lands. Sponsors are still needed to suppon participation of Indigenous delgates. Comact: SAIIC or the Indigenous PeopleS Biodi\'trsicy Network, Suit< 620. I Nltlrolas St. Ouawa, Ontario, KIN787 Tel: (613) 241 4500 Fax: (613) 241 2292 Abya Yala News �S A I I C News from S S~IIC ... AIIC is tn the midst of many changes. We h.-·e changed our name to the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center to bet· ter rcOcct the focus of our activit<>. Wlule rninee as international relat1ons coordinator. SAIIC board member and women's project coordinator. Wam Alderete fur· thercd her information g.11henng on tm· ditional health systems and auended a infonnation gathering and dissemination conference on women and traditional continue to be major projects fo r us. the health hosted by Way\1 Indians this new name describes more clearly our role September in Venezuela. In conjunction in International organizing: to fight for Indian peoples' rights. In a more concr<te change. we will also be mo,1ng tn No"ember to new office spaces at 171'1 Fmnkhn (3rd Floor). also in downtown Oakland. Tins large new sp3cc "111 acco· modate our expanded team or amcms and volunteers. 0\'CT the summer, we have focused largely on Issues o f biodiversity conserva· tion and Intellectual property rights. which are receiving increasing international attention. SAIIC board member and Cultuml Sur\-ival-Canada. exccutl\'e din:ctor. Alejandro Arnaru Argumedo spent se\'Cml weeks here in Oakland p3r· with The Book Publishing Comp3ny. we ha'" published the second edition of the women's book "Daughters of t\bya Yala" . For the fifth consccuuve ytar. Nilo Cayuqueo represented SAIIC at the UN Working Group on Indigenous Peoples meeting in GenC\•a. He also helped orga· nizc a planning meeting for 1he Coordinating Committee of Indigenous Nations a nd Organizations of the Continent (CONIC) in Bolivia. St\IIC is pleased to announce that Marcos Yoc, Maya·Caqchiquel from Guatemala, mil be joining the board of dtrectors. Marcos has been :acuve m the Chtmahenango area and works m Maya ticapaung 10 e\'tnlS relating to these 1ssues education. and planntng for our upcoming workhop on ''Indigenous peoples, Customary Law and 'Intellectual Propert y Rights."' This workshop " ;II take place in corly 1995 and will bring together Indigenous peoples from Nonh and South America who arc facing constant thrtats to theor survi"al as cuhures of the land. The work· shop \\111 be an opponunoty for lnd.g<nous peoples to dC\·elop pohey and suateg~es to enhance their struggles for ad,·ancing inherent rights and protecting blo-cultural resources and spiritual values. SAIIC assisted in organizing a plan· ning meeting of the Coord inating Committee or Indigenous women of Meso nnd South America. which took ploce in Boliva this june. SAIIC Mil con· tinue pan•dp3t1ng m the steering com- David Tecklin will be l<aving the SAIIC Office Coordinator position to renew work with forest conservation issues. Ch eryl Musch will be managing the office through the winter. We are also happy to welcome MacArthur Foundation Fellow Marc Becker here to work wuh us for the next y<ar. Marc ,viii be using h•s extensive experience with computer nctworklng to help us exp3nd our inforrnauon systems ~N0.3&4 via the internet. Marc li\'ed in Ecuador last year. where he will return ngain next )'C:rtr to finish research for his disscnation. St\IIC has established on electronic con· terence on PeaceNet called S(liic.indio. \Ve \viii be po&ing a voriety of new and histor· leal infonnation on St\IICs acth~ties and the Indian mo\'ement m thiS conference. The full text o( the &rbados Ill Declamtlon e.•cerpted u1 th•s 1SSue has been po&ed there in English and Sp3nish. To join PeaccNet. c:~ll ('115) 442.{)220. If you already ha"e all Internet e-mail account rou can be placed on a mailing list to receh'C the postings to the SAIIC conference by send· ing a note which simply s. ys "subscribe 1 saiic·l.. to majordomo®igc.apc.org. Over the summer, SAIIC has also been organiza· \'try busy Implementing se\'ernl tiona) str.ueg•es m order to strengthen our work. We completed one of the two public awareness c:amp.•igns planned for thiS )"ear. Approximately 5.000 people in the San Fmncisco 6.1y t\rea received news and information about SAIIC-most likely for the first time. This effort will also help to finance the second planned public aware· ness campaign targeting approximately 200 foundations in the United States. Broadening our base of subscribers to the journal IS cn1ieal m our move tov..ard more self-sustaLnabLiity. You can help with this elTon b)• sending us the names and addresses of anyone who might be interested in receiving infonnation about SAIIC and Abya Yala News. You are cordially invited to SAIIC's Offlce Warming Party 1714 Franklin, 3rd A. Monday. December 14. 1995 6:00-1O:OOpm Refreshments Mil be served. Office \vonning gifts glad I)' accepted. We still need office equipment, including: modems, a scanner, Macintosh or 486 PC computers. as well as alithe usual items. 39 �ITEMS AVAILABLE FROM SAIIC Daughters of Abya Yala Video: Rebuilding Our Communities Testimonies of Indian women orga. Indigenous leaders from Central and South America d iscuss the nizing throughout the Continent. SOO-years campaign, which began as an Indian response to the Quincentenary celebration and has developed as an ongoing d ialogue among indigenous activists. Produced by SAIIC. S18 + S 1.75 shipping. Statements from gra.ssroots Indian women leaders from South and Meso America. rndvdes resolutions from Indigenous women's meetings, a directory of Indian women's orga· nizations and key contacts, informa· tion on Indian women's proiects, and poems by Indian women. Forty-eight pages w ith beautijul black and white photographs. Printed on recycled paper. S6 + S1 .50 shipping. An updated, bound edition is also available for S8 + S 1.50 shipping. Video: A Skirt Full of Butterflies Amazonia: Voices from the Rainforest A resource and action guide with a comprehen.sive listing of international rainforest and Amazonian Indian organizatiions sponsored by SAIIC and the International Rivers N etwork, and pub· lished by Rainforest Action N etwork and Amazopia Film Project. 199 0. Available in Spanish or English for $ 4.50 + S 1.75 shipping. 15 minutes. A love poem to the Isthmus Zapotec women of south· ern Oaxaca, Mexico, by filmmakers E llen Osborne and Maureen Gosling. For every purchase made, a se<ond copy will be sent to an Indigenous women's organization as a gift. S19.95 + S3 shipping. Video: Columbus Didn't Discover Us Native people's petSpcctives on the Columbus Quincentennial based on the footage of the 1990 Quito Conference. 24 minutes. A co-produc· lion of SAIIC, CONAIE, ONIC and Tuming 1id<! Productions. Available in Spanish or E nglish. S19.95 + S1.75 for shipping f< handling . 1992 International Directory & Resource Guide An annotated d irectory of over 600 international organizations that participated in 500 Years of Resistance projects. Includes declarations from Indigenous conferences and organizations and information on curriculum resources, speakers bureaus$ computer netw orks, audio-visual resources and print resources. SS + S1.75 shipping. South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAil C) P.O. Box 28703. Oakland, CA 94604 Non-profit O rganization US Postage PAID Oakland,CA Permit No. 79 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. 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