9 12 1190 http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/d1fbdcf6499a3509f5ed9b300c7949fd.pdf 0478db854414776dd5cf625be5aef041 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (22).pdf PDF Text Text I (Colombia) SAIIC learned from Amnesty International of the torture and killing of three leaders of the Arhuaco Indians from the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta, Department of Magdalena. Luis Napoleon Torres, former governor and spiritual leader of the Arhuaco and mediator between the community and the Colombian authortities, was killed together with community leaders Angel Maria Torres and Hugues Chaparro in circumstances suggesting they may have been victims of extrajudicial execution. On November 28, the three set out from Valledupar, the capital of the Department of Cesar, on a bus going to Bogota. According to eye-witness reports, the bus was stopped near a town called Curumani in the south of Cesar by a group of heavily armed men wearing army uniforms, who forced the three men off the bus. On December 13, the bodies of Hugues Chaparro and Luis Napoleon Torres were found in an unmarked grave in Tomalinda, Cesar, showing signs of severe torture. The body of Angel Maria Torres was found on December 14, in El Paso, Cesar, also showing signs of torture. Members of the Arhuaco community and the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) have denounced the killings to the Procurator General, who has a human rights monitoring role in Colombia, and to other national authorities. In recent years human rights violations have occurred on an increasing scale in Colombia. Armed forces counter-insurgency operations have been progres- sively intensified to combat the country's guerrilla groups. In areas where guerrilla forces are active, the local civilian population is often perceived by the armed forces as potential collaborators and has, as a result, been subjected to arbitrary arrest, torture, "disappearance" and extrajudicial execution by army personnel and civilians working for them. Civic and community leaders, including leaders of Indigenous communities in areas where guerrilla forces are active, have been particular targets. The majority of abuses have been attributed by Colombian authorities to civilian "death squads" which it claims it is unable to control. However, independent investigations, including judicial enquiries, have concluded that many such groups operate under the command or with the support of the Colombian armed forces. We urge you to send letters that there be an immediate enquiry into their deaths, the public and results of which should be urging that all possible measures be taken to community leadprotect the lives of ers to ensure that to carry out their lawful activities. Send immediately to: Presidente Cesar Gaviria Presidente de Ia Republica Palacio de Narino Bogota, COlOMBIA Telegrams: Presidente Gaviria, Bogota, Colombia Telexes: 396 41224 CO • I I • Released Due to Urgent Response!! (Bolivia) On the 14th of November 1989, policemen arrested Felipe Quispe Huanca, union leader of the Federation of Campesinos Tupak Katari of La Paz. He was held for several months in the Public Prison of San Pedro in La Paz. The government accused Felipe of being the perpetrator of assaults with explosives against the central offices of two political parties. Felipe vehemently denies these charges, indicating that they are reprisals for his trade union activities among Indian communities. Felipe has worked extensively with Aymara Indian communities. He was arrested on his return from a gathering of 5,000 Indian people, honoring the famed Indian leader, Tupak Katari, killed for his resistance to the Conquistadors. Felipe was held prisoner for months without formal charges or a trial. SAIIC sent out an Urgent Action request in June of 1990 and Felipe Quispe Huanca was released in August. We would like to express our sincere appreciation to all those who responded to the Urgent Action. Please take the time to respond to as many of the Urgent Actions as you possibly can as they are often proven to be effective. 22 SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Felipe Quispe Huanca Arrested!: released Due to Urgent Action Response!! (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Felipe Quispe Huanca Arrested!: released Due to Urgent Action Response!! (Andes) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (22).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/f4200995683fcadb30151060566a0d11.pdf 9e6a934485e2f98bd797dd0115c7b0bf Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (23).pdf PDF Text Text I Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization, Modern Technology and Commerce (Bolivia) AIGACAA (Association of Llama and Alpaca Farmers of the High Andes) is an organization comprised of approximately 800 heads of households from ayllus (traditional Andean community structures) where the principal occupation is that of raising llamas and alpacas. AIGACAA has been functioning as an organization for over ten years. In June, Rene Pacasi, President of AIGACAA and Luis Ticona, the Administrator, were interviewed by SAIIC in Chuquiago, Kollasuyo (La Paz, Bolivia). They spoke of their successful experiences in community organizing. AIGACAA is organized in a manner corresponding with and helping to maintain the ayllu structure, which is the original form of organization in our communities. The ayllu structure continues to exist in most of what is now considered Bolivia. When speaking of the ayllu, we are referring to the territory occupied by the community and the natural resources controlled by the people of that community, such as the llamas and alpacas. · The ayllu has a particular form of leadership, the maximum authority of which is the jilacata. It is not easy to become a jilacata, it is a step-by-step procedure. The jilacata holds this position for one year and is not elected by the Western system of voting. A jilacata must demonstrate good moral conduct and leadership abilities within the ayllu and becomes the authority as a result of proving these qualities. In the process of organizing AIGACAA, we analyzed various organizational structures. We have found that the imported models are not effective. We took a careful look at our own Indigenous forms of organization, which take into account our particular economic situation. We wanted to strengthen the economy of the ayllu. One aspect of our workplan is to train members in methods to increase the production and quality of our animals. Since our organization is primarily concerned with livestock, we provide support by offering trainings to our members. We have an agreement with the University of Puno in Peru, which has been training many of our members as veterinary assistants and veterinarians. These scholarships require that these individuals return to their ayllus of origin to care for the animals of the community. AIGACAA also conducts literacy classes and craft workshops within communities. AIGACAA was successful in obtaining permission from the Bolivian Minister of Agriculture for the commercial use of llama and alpaca meat. This was an important victory for our organization. VoiS Nos3&4 Photo by Guillermo Delgado We collectively market the llama and alpaca wool which our members produce. Each head of household is paid in cash and trade for veterinary tools, medicines and syringes. We exchange the wool for objects of use to the members, because Bolivian currency is not used often within the ayllus. We use the trueque or barter system. The organization selects and processes the wool and is responsible for selling it to the weavers. We rent an industrial plant where we make yarn. One day, we would like to install a textile mill where the people who raise the llamas and alpacas will be processing the raw materials themselves. The present reality is such that the people providing natural resources and the people processing these materials are living in two different worlds. Rene Pacasi is from the ayllu Chacoya, in the Pacajes Province. Recalling that there used to be many more alpacas and llamas in his region, Rene states that, "They say that people who are strangers to the region are purchasing the llamas and alpacas at a very low price. They are hunting them, killing them and driving them to extinction. They say that is why so many of them have disappeared. Before the agrarian reform of 1952, we were united, not divided. We worked in the minka (traditonal work parties). After the agrarian reform, the land was divided and small land-holdings appeared. The distribution of land tore us apart. With the land parcelled out, each family could only raise a few animals. The minka is when families help each other out. I help them one day, and then they help me. We also have a ceremony for branding our animals and we will never lose this ceremony. We still do the challa, which is how we make offerings to Pachamama (Mother Earth). AIGACAA is helping us to rebuild our communities. You can contact AIGACAA at: Casma 6032 La Paz, BOLIVIA 23 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource AIGACAA: Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization, Modern Technology and Commerce (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Thesis Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title AIGACAA: Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization, Modern Technology and Commerce (Andes) Item Type Thesis Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (23).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/5ac922a0e9d1c28befc2c8ca71abab5b.pdf f192bda625fd5a5ba613f2f2c66ddebe Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (24-25).pdf PDF Text Text gs coca in their cheeks. With it they sang hymns of gods. They made a rebellious earth produce ni'le"!l~rprohibits it, these people will respond with the oca has been the object of debate since the Spanish invasion in the XVI century. It originated in Antisuyo, the rainforest region now considered part of Peru and Bolivia. From this region coca spread, thousands of years ago, to the Andean region. The discovery of pouches full of coca and packets of llijta (a lime mixture which is taken with the coca leaves) in gravesites ten centuries old, confirms assertions that coca use constitutes a long-standing tradition in the region. The use of coca was widespread by the time of the European invasion of the Americas and there were no known laws prohibiting its use. During the colonial era, when coca was identified by the dominant Spanish class as an essential factor in the rituals of Andean culture, it was perceived as an evil herb which needed to be eliminated in order to assure the salvation of the Indigenous people 's souls. Presently, attempts to prohibit the use and cultivation of coca are the consequence of the growing illicit use of cocaine, which has wrongly been identified with the coca leaf, from which it is derived. The opposition to the use of the coca leaf is based on the supposition that the coca leaf is a narcotic drug. There is no evidence of this whatsoever. Nevertheless this assumption has been used by the oligarchy in their efforts to repress Indigenous people. The view that the coca leaf is a narcotic drug from which Indigenous people must be protected, is a notion steeped in paternalism, viewing the Indian as incapable of making his /her own decisions. Such an attitude constitutes yet another attempt to destroy the structures and values of Andean culture and Westernize the Indigenous population. Coca is an essential component of the social web and human solidarity in the Andean world. It is used at ceremonies following strict social rules. Coca does not 24 produce harmful effects, nor the social decomposition associated with alcohol use in western social groups. With respect to social relationships, coca is used as an offering which signifies friendship and generosity. The act of sharing coca with other persons is a very important occurrence which seals the fraternal bonds of mutual trust among the participants. "When people care about each other, they invite each other to chew coca. First we chew it a little and thank each other; then we begin to chat" (Ataliano Perez). 'We women have always participated in these rituals. All of us women form a group to chew the coca and to make offerings to Pachamama (Mother Earth), along with the men, because this has been the custom since long ago" (Serafina Cusipoma). On the other hand there is no other remedy with as many nor as vast an array of uses and high efficacy as the coca leaf. In this respect, coca is one of the most outstanding components of popular medicine. It has become indispensable in sustaining the physical and emotional well-being of the Andean person. "Coca is used for just about every sickness. When the stomach hurts, we make a coca leaf tea. It is also used for cramping and swelling. It is very effective in warding off the cold and for curing snake bites. Pregnant women benefit from coca. When it is applied to a wound, the blood stops flowing immediately." (Ines Limachi, Macedonio Mendes, Demetrio Verduguez) Studies of the chemical composition of the leaf have demonstrated that it contains significant quantities of vitamins A, Bl, B2, and C, as well as iron and calcium. All of these vitamins and minerals are necessary to maintaining a healthy diet. In high Andean regions, vegetables and fresh fruits are scarce, making coca's contribution to the diet all the more important. Thus, it can be concluded that the factors which have motivated the prohibition of coca over the past five centuries are not due to problems existing in SAIIC Newsletter �the Andean culture. Nevertheless, the conflict with western culture has triggered the prohibition of coca, a measure reflecting the interests of the dominant classes and certainly not those of the Andean peoples. Coca has been used in the Andes for about 4,000 years, despite continuous reprisals against those engaged in coca use and cultivation during the last 500 years. Those who support the abolition of the coca leaf, view themselves as saviors of the Andean inhabitants. The reality is that they are attempting to free themselves of a particularly western problem: cocaine addiction. This assumes that the Indian is a defenseless child, needing protection from himself. Once again, "integration" without respect for Indian culture is the goal. In fact, this is an effort to destroy the Indigenous culture under the pretext of "progress" and "civilization" in a manner similar to that of five centuries ago, when deep cultural values differing from those of the invading civilization, were ruthlessly attacked in the name of Christianity. The cross has now been replaced by the banner of progress, development and the "war on drugs." This latest assault constitutes one of the worst cultural aggressions in history and has been carried out consciously, without even the excuse of ignorance used retrospectively by the Spanish to disguise the crimes surrounding their invasion. In 1962 the Geneva Convention resolved to eradicate coca cultivation within the next 25 years. This resolution is a violation of the right to free choice of entire peoples and cultures. Furthermore, since this resolution was passed, nothing has been added to the body of knowledge about coca which indicates that the manner in which it has been utilized by the Andean people is damaging to their health and would warrant such radical, unjust, repressive and farreaching legislation. However, in the same way that a culture cannot be altered by the simple passage of a repressive law, the signing of a decree and the implementation of eradication plans which ignore the reality of the Andean people will not be successful in terminating coca use in the Andes. We should ask ourselves seriously if the utopic goal of eliminating drug addiction in the United States justifies cultural aggression against the Andean people. The question should also be asked as to whether eliminating coca in the Andes is going to resolve the problem or simply motivate the international drug traffickers to switch to some other drug, equally desirable to the nation's youth in their quest to escape reality. Meanwhile, the Andean people will be left, having born the brunt of brutal physical and cultural assault on their population. Ralph Bolton from the Anthropological Institute of the University of Trondheim stated back in 1979: international agencies which favor this line of action in combating the drug problem in the United States and Europe. These agencies do not take into account the rights of millions of Indigenous people in the Andes for whom the coca leaf is a sacred and integral part of their daily lives. The decisions adopted by politicians and bureaucrats of diverse nationalities, attempting to ban the use of coca, are a violation of the basic rights of the Quechua and Aymara peoples who wish to maintain their cultures, practice their religions, conserve their identities, and protect their health; that is to say, exercise their right to biological and cultural survival. The coca eradication program, judged by its effects, is a form of ethnocide. (Bolton, R.,1979) Recently, the U.S. has launched an international campaign targeting drug trafficking and focusing on the media in order to influence the public and promote the dominant culture's ideology. This campaign seeks to pressure the producer nations. Military actions have been launched in these countries under the pretext of combating the drug problem. Such was the case in Bolivia in 1986 when the U.S. occupied the nation in an operation dubbed BOL-USA. At present the U.S. has installed military bases in the Peruvian jungle using the same pretext. The true goal of these activities, however, is to establish strategic control zones in areas considered "low-intensity conflict'' zones, as well as in those regions where U.S. interests face imminent danger. In February of 1990, the governments of Bolivia, Colombia, Peru and the U.S met in Cartagena, Colombia, to organize a plan of action against the narcotrafficking industry. While the U.S. insists on "militarization," the coca producing nations have attempted to establish a more integrated development plan. Indian people have been noticeably absent from all of these discussions. Nevertheless, there is no evidence today of a reduction in coca producing activities. Similarly, drug trafficking has continued unabated, and the drug traffickers have not been prosecuted. Since the U.S Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) began operating in Bolivia, the area under cultivation for coca has multiplied a minimum of three times. Likewise, drug trafficking operations now involve capital over five times superior to that of pre-DEA operations in Bolivia. Considering these results, it would appear that the actual mission of this agency is the exact opposite of that which it claims to be. Foreign pressure on the Andean governments to declare the use and production of coca leaves illegal, has intensified lately. These pressures are the result of measures taken by the North American and VoiS Nos3&4 25 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Coca: Symbol of 500 Years of Resistance in the Andes: The Sacred Leaf and the "War on Drugs" Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Coca: Symbol of 500 Years of Resistance in the Andes: The Sacred Leaf and the "War on Drugs" Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (24-25).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/7ebcaae7ff7f8ddb59538e82c8804ef0.pdf 688860d22b09286dc527d8d9866ea5ec Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (25).pdf PDF Text Text the Andean culture. Nevertheless, the conflict with western culture has triggered the prohibition of coca, a measure reflecting the interests of the dominant classes and certainly not those of the Andean peoples. Coca has been used in the Andes for about 4,000 years, despite continuous reprisals against those engaged in coca use and cultivation during the last 500 years. Those who support the abolition of the coca leaf, view themselves as saviors of the Andean inhabitants. The reality is that they are attempting to free themselves of a particularly western problem: cocaine addiction. This assumes that the Indian is a defenseless child, needing protection from himself. Once again, "integration" without respect for Indian culture is the goal. In fact, this is an effort to destroy the Indigenous culture under the pretext of "progress" and "civilization" in a manner similar to that of five centuries ago, when deep cultural values differing from those of the invading civilization, were ruthlessly attacked in the name of Christianity. The cross has now been replaced by the banner of progress, development and the "war on drugs." This latest assault constitutes one of the worst cultural aggressions in history and has been carried out consciously, without even the excuse of ignorance used retrospectively by the Spanish to disguise the crimes surrounding their invasion. In 1962 the Geneva Convention resolved to eradicate coca cultivation within the next 25 years. This resolution is a violation of the right to free choice of entire peoples and cultures. Furthermore, since this resolution was passed, nothing has been added to the body of knowledge about coca which indicates that the manner in which it has been utilized by the Andean people is damaging to their health and would warrant such radical, unjust, repressive and farreaching legislation. However, in the same way that a culture cannot be altered by the simple passage of a repressive law, the signing of a decree and the implementation of eradication plans which ignore the reality of the Andean people will not be successful in terminating coca use in the Andes. We should ask ourselves seriously if the utopic goal of eliminating drug addiction in the United States justifies cultural aggression against the Andean people. The question should also be asked as to whether eliminating coca in the Andes is going to resolve the problem or simply motivate the international drug traffickers to switch to some other drug, equally desirable to the nation's youth in their quest to escape reality. Meanwhile, the Andean people will be left, having born the brunt of brutal physical and cultural assault on their population. Ralph Bolton from the Anthropological Institute of the University of Trondheim stated back in 1979: international agencies which favor this line of action in combating the drug problem in the United States and Europe. These agencies do not take into account the rights of millions of Indigenous people in the Andes for whom the coca leaf is a sacred and integral part of their daily lives. The decisions adopted by politicians and bureaucrats of diverse nationalities, attempting to ban the use of coca, are a violation of the basic rights of the Quechua and Aymara peoples who wish to maintain their cultures, practice their religions, conserve their identities, and protect their health; that is to say, exercise their right to biological and cultural survival. The coca eradication program, judged by its effects, is a form of ethnocide. (Bolton, R.,1979) Recently, the U.S. has launched an international campaign targeting drug trafficking and focusing on the media in order to influence the public and promote the dominant culture's ideology. This campaign seeks to pressure the producer nations. Military actions have been launched in these countries under the pretext of combating the drug problem. Such was the case in Bolivia in 1986 when the U.S. occupied the nation in an operation dubbed BOL-USA. At present the U.S. has installed military bases in the Peruvian jungle using the same pretext. The true goal of these activities, however, is to establish strategic control zones in areas considered "low-intensity conflict'' zones, as well as in those regions where U.S. interests face imminent danger. In February of 1990, the governments of Bolivia, Colombia, Peru and the U.S met in Cartagena, Colombia, to organize a plan of action against the narcotrafficking industry. While the U.S. insists on "militarization," the coca producing nations have attempted to establish a more integrated development plan. Indian people have been noticeably absent from all of these discussions. Nevertheless, there is no evidence today of a reduction in coca producing activities. Similarly, drug trafficking has continued unabated, and the drug traffickers have not been prosecuted. Since the U.S Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) began operating in Bolivia, the area under cultivation for coca has multiplied a minimum of three times. Likewise, drug trafficking operations now involve capital over five times superior to that of pre-DEA operations in Bolivia. Considering these results, it would appear that the actual mission of this agency is the exact opposite of that which it claims to be. Foreign pressure on the Andean governments to declare the use and production of coca leaves illegal, has intensified lately. These pressures are the result of measures taken by the North American and VoiS Nos3&4 25 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The War on Drugs (Coca) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title The War on Drugs (Coca) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (25).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/32054c6d5c82be3a95d5867bb3c9f79e.pdf c03d720d4e1f315288b6e1addfbc3bb3 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (26).pdf PDF Text Text The production and trafficking of drugs is a highly profitable, transnational capitalist activity. At present, the production and trafficking of drugs is one of the most profitable businesses in the world, equal or superior to arms trafficking. Drug trafficking is not an "external evil" of capitalism. The term "illegal" does not explain the economic reality, since capitalism, according to its own logic, accepts any activity which generates the process of capital accumulation, whether this activity be harmful to humanity or not. Thus, we have seen phenomena ranging from the contamination of the environment by legal industrial activities, to the major weapons industries raking in record profits as a result of genocidal wars . The drug trafficker is acting within the framework of the capitalist system, not against nor outside of it. The notion that the narcotics industry is reserved for shadowy criminals is a fallacy. In fact, the narcotics industry forms part of the international economy. Those who control the international trafficking of "illegal" drugs are also those who control"respectable" and "legal" enterprises. Billions of dollars are injected into the world's markets as a result of "illegal" trafficking of drugs. This tremendous sum is invested in all areas of industry and has helped reactivate the economies of major industrial nations. Given this situation, referring to drug production and trafficking as part of an underground economy is profoundly contradictory. Condemning Indigenous people as the source of the problem is more practical and acceptable for policymakers in the industrialized countries than examining and correcting the problems in their own culture. In any event, if cocaine production were to end, the present drug-users would continue to consume legal, illegal, natural and/ or synthetically-produced drugs. This situation has been exacerbated by the North American government's drastic cutbacks in drug treatment programs, among other significant social programs. The official discourse has incorporated two completely different realities into one issue: the reality behind coca and the reality surrounding cocaine use. Lumping these together invokes feelings of social decay and collective guilt. Coca has been stigmatized, its use (whether masticated, used as a medicine, or in ceremonies) has been confused with drug addiction. Coca, as the raw material for cocaine, has been targeted as the critical element in the "crime" of drug trafficking. Therefore, the coca growers, the 26 peasant farmers and the nations located in the coca growing region, have been fingered as the guilty parties. Rather than approaching the problem of drug addiction in a rational and objective manner, human feelings and social values are being manipulated. Without a doubt, the interests of those in power lie behind this discourse. It is necessary to change the manner in which the problem has been approached, analyzing the concrete differences existing between coca and cocaine, two distinct phenomena and two distinct realities. 1. Coca and cocaine are two completely different substances. The first is a natural substance which produces no harmful effects on human health, is of great nutritional value, and possesses medicinal properties. The second is the result of a chemical transformation, denaturing coca in both appearance and effects. Cocaine is harmful. It is a drug which destroys and enslaves. 2. Coca cultivation and cocaine production are two radically different activities with respect to the material and social wealth generated by each. 3. The marketing of coca is completely different from the marketing and transportation of cocaine. The use of the coca leaf in its natural state, whether masticated, employed to cure or as part of a ritual, is a harmless, traditional manner of using the leaf. Drug trafficking is a problem for the producer nations because it involves a new form of economic, political and social aggression by the capitalist system. It maintains and reinforces a dependent relationship with consumer nations, and requires the economic and political subjugation of the producer nations. The clandestine nature of drug trafficking has contributed to the extremely inhumane working conditions for those involved. It has created a social sector which is virtually enslaved. Additionally, the production and trafficking of drugs in the producer nations is encouraging the use of these drugs locally. In light of the dramatic differences between coca and cocaine, it is necessary to change the course of "drug war" policies. The present policies of the consumer nations constitute a direct aggression against the coca producing farmers, namely the Indigenous populations of the Andes. These policies do not represent an effective means of interdiction because they are based on the premise that coca cultivation is at the root of the problem, which is clearly not the case. To lash out against Indigenous farmers is certainly easier, less costly and more prudent than combating the drug traffickers whose origins lie in Western culture. SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Narcotrafficking - Underground Activity or Business Venture? (Coca) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Narcotrafficking - Underground Activity or Business Venture? (Coca) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (26).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/90a9bc0a0693002d57dd907dcb6703b8.pdf c03d720d4e1f315288b6e1addfbc3bb3 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (26).pdf PDF Text Text The production and trafficking of drugs is a highly profitable, transnational capitalist activity. At present, the production and trafficking of drugs is one of the most profitable businesses in the world, equal or superior to arms trafficking. Drug trafficking is not an "external evil" of capitalism. The term "illegal" does not explain the economic reality, since capitalism, according to its own logic, accepts any activity which generates the process of capital accumulation, whether this activity be harmful to humanity or not. Thus, we have seen phenomena ranging from the contamination of the environment by legal industrial activities, to the major weapons industries raking in record profits as a result of genocidal wars . The drug trafficker is acting within the framework of the capitalist system, not against nor outside of it. The notion that the narcotics industry is reserved for shadowy criminals is a fallacy. In fact, the narcotics industry forms part of the international economy. Those who control the international trafficking of "illegal" drugs are also those who control"respectable" and "legal" enterprises. Billions of dollars are injected into the world's markets as a result of "illegal" trafficking of drugs. This tremendous sum is invested in all areas of industry and has helped reactivate the economies of major industrial nations. Given this situation, referring to drug production and trafficking as part of an underground economy is profoundly contradictory. Condemning Indigenous people as the source of the problem is more practical and acceptable for policymakers in the industrialized countries than examining and correcting the problems in their own culture. In any event, if cocaine production were to end, the present drug-users would continue to consume legal, illegal, natural and/ or synthetically-produced drugs. This situation has been exacerbated by the North American government's drastic cutbacks in drug treatment programs, among other significant social programs. The official discourse has incorporated two completely different realities into one issue: the reality behind coca and the reality surrounding cocaine use. Lumping these together invokes feelings of social decay and collective guilt. Coca has been stigmatized, its use (whether masticated, used as a medicine, or in ceremonies) has been confused with drug addiction. Coca, as the raw material for cocaine, has been targeted as the critical element in the "crime" of drug trafficking. Therefore, the coca growers, the 26 peasant farmers and the nations located in the coca growing region, have been fingered as the guilty parties. Rather than approaching the problem of drug addiction in a rational and objective manner, human feelings and social values are being manipulated. Without a doubt, the interests of those in power lie behind this discourse. It is necessary to change the manner in which the problem has been approached, analyzing the concrete differences existing between coca and cocaine, two distinct phenomena and two distinct realities. 1. Coca and cocaine are two completely different substances. The first is a natural substance which produces no harmful effects on human health, is of great nutritional value, and possesses medicinal properties. The second is the result of a chemical transformation, denaturing coca in both appearance and effects. Cocaine is harmful. It is a drug which destroys and enslaves. 2. Coca cultivation and cocaine production are two radically different activities with respect to the material and social wealth generated by each. 3. The marketing of coca is completely different from the marketing and transportation of cocaine. The use of the coca leaf in its natural state, whether masticated, employed to cure or as part of a ritual, is a harmless, traditional manner of using the leaf. Drug trafficking is a problem for the producer nations because it involves a new form of economic, political and social aggression by the capitalist system. It maintains and reinforces a dependent relationship with consumer nations, and requires the economic and political subjugation of the producer nations. The clandestine nature of drug trafficking has contributed to the extremely inhumane working conditions for those involved. It has created a social sector which is virtually enslaved. Additionally, the production and trafficking of drugs in the producer nations is encouraging the use of these drugs locally. In light of the dramatic differences between coca and cocaine, it is necessary to change the course of "drug war" policies. The present policies of the consumer nations constitute a direct aggression against the coca producing farmers, namely the Indigenous populations of the Andes. These policies do not represent an effective means of interdiction because they are based on the premise that coca cultivation is at the root of the problem, which is clearly not the case. To lash out against Indigenous farmers is certainly easier, less costly and more prudent than combating the drug traffickers whose origins lie in Western culture. SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Coca and Cocaine - as Different as Grape is from Wine (Coca) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Coca and Cocaine - as Different as Grape is from Wine (Coca) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (26).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/94558555bb7345905d5febc580607b9b.pdf 368604a5841107710009fb60b34ab10a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (27).pdf PDF Text Text • I • I • I (Peru &. Bolivia) The United States Government offered the Peruvian Government a military aid packet of $36 million, earmarked for updating the equipment of six special infantry battalions to be employed in the high Huallaga area in the "fight against narcotrafflcking and subversion." The military aid was rejected by the Fujimori government which refuses to order the Peruvian military to fight In the "war on drugs," citing more pressing issues. Nevertheless, Fujlmorl has extended the emergencyzone to other provinces. Because of this, the Bush administration Is threatening to cut $63 million in scheduled economic aid for 1991. Following the same political plan, the "war on drugs" has brought ever-increasing U.S intervention in Bolivia, and has made militarization the precondition to any sort of financial aid. In 1989, the Bolivian government had to agree to the eradication of 5,000 hectares of coca groves, either with the collaboration of peasants or against their will, to obtain future loans. By the end of 1990, according to the Bennet Plan for Drug Control, the Bolivian military, police, judicial and intelligence forces will receive $67 million. Another $30 million will go to "approved" alternative development projects. by Amnesty International as one of the worst countries in respect to human rights records. In 1989, approximately 500 people "disappeared" and hundreds more were victims of extrajudicial executions. Peru's armed forces have military and political control of 67 of Peru's provinces, all of which have been declared "emergency zones," which allows the in those military to severely restrict civil regions. Thus the U.S Government declaration that financial aid will be given only to those countries with a clean record on the subject of human rights is pure rhetoric. As Diego Garcia Sayan, executive director of the Andean Commission of Jurists, expressed in an interview with Caretas 14, 1990) "There is great danger In a war that does not clearly distinguish its target, blurring drug dealers, coca growers, insurgency forces and political activists the same " into one In both Bolivia and Peru, the military and police are a continual menace to democracy and human rights. Peru in particular, has been targeted Voi5Nos3&4 27 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource U.S. Promotion of Militarization in the Andean Region Continues Unheeded (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title U.S. Promotion of Militarization in the Andean Region Continues Unheeded (Andes) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (27).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/00000a93b7c39cc1da348edcfeb59a46.pdf c8fa1d16a855f8d43567521b2b954b19 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (28-30).pdf PDF Text Text earing for his life after denouncing the Peruvian Army being responsible for the "Cayara Massacre/' Dr. Carlos Escobar fled Peru with the aid of Amnesty International. He was the appointed Prosecutor for the Ministry of Public Affairs whose jurisdiction included the zone of Ayacucho, Peru, from July 1987 to November 1988. SAIIC had the opportunity of interviewing Carlos Escobar in the end of June. What follows are excerpts of that interview. SAIIC: Why are you now in the United States and what are you denouncing? Carlos Escobar (CE): I was taken out of Peru by Amnesty International due to an investigation I conducted there about a massacre of peasants in the Cayara zone, Department of Ayacucho, in 1988. The military killed 31 persons and "disappeared" another 40. But the idea was to kill them so the massacre could be blamed on Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path guerrilla group). They killed them in front of their families with knifes, axes and machetes. The investigation established that 200 military personnel participated in the massacre. The order was given by a General, the Chief of the Political-Military Command of the zone. On October 14,1988, I turned in the report and by the 18th, my office was shut down by the Attorney General. After that, there was a mandate to close the investigation. No accusation was made and as the days passed, the people who had already given witness in my presence, 41 in all, were detained by the army. In other words the office of the Attorney General gave out the names and addresses of the witnesses. In September, 1989, the most important witness, a nurse of campesino descent who was pressing charges against the General himself, was killed. In our work, my office uncovered evidence of 200 "disappeared" people who were detained in army barracks. Almost all of them showed signs of physical torture. The army detains people for supposed participation in terrorist acts, but nothing is ever proven. The work of our office was to pressure the military headquarters into freeing these people and to obtain evidence of illegal activities by army personnel. SAIIC: How can you be certain that members of the army committed the Cayara massacre? 28 CE: Two-hundred army personnel were recognized not only because of their uniforms, but because they arrived in army trucks and government helicopters. What happened was that the previous day, May 13, in a town called Erusco, ten minutes from Cayara, a platoon was ambushed and terrorists killed 4 military personnel. The next day, the army carne and took over the town. They killed the people in front of the children and in front of their wives. They staged it to look as if Sendero committed the massacre. SAIIC: Before, you mentioned to us an interesting contradiction. You were telling us that the soldiers who committed this heinous act are also Indigenous people. Is this true? CE: The army administration is made up of middle class officials. This class is not Indigenous. Army officials reject the peasants, believing themselves to be superior. They treat peasants like animals. But the army's rank and file includes Indigenous people who are, themselves, manipulated to combat their Indigenous brothers. In Peru, the draft is mandatory at 18 years of age. The Navy has a reputation for being very courageous in Peru. It was funny to see that in the jungle zones, they utilize Indigenous people for protection. From 6pm they are secluded in their barracks and they leave two or three people from a local village with whistles on a platform to alert them if terrorists arrive. SAIIC: What is the status of the investigation now? CE: In Peru it has been indefinitely closed. I was called to Washington on May 14th by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States. This commission is conducting its own investigation of the massacre. If there is sufficient evidence, the case can be taken to the International Court. SAIIC: What is the purpose for militarily organizing civilian patrols in Indian communities? CE: To confront Sendero Luminoso. In the Ayacucho zone, these groups do not form at people's initiative. The army has tried to mandate the creation of these groups but it doesn't always work. SAIIC Nevvsletter �SAIIC: What is the relation between Sendero and the communities? There is information about massacres committed by Sendero in some communities, isn't there? SAIIC: What do you see in the future of the Indian population of Peru and how can solidarity organizations help? CE: For almost two years I have been investigating this and I have not seen even one community voluntarily collaborate with Sendero. People in the communities fear the army as well as Sendero. When the army or Sendero patrols arrive, people collaborate with them only out of fear. CE: The government has never bothered about the poorest zones of the country: Ayacucho, Apurimac and Huancaveliva. That is why Sendero became active there. The population there doesn't have anything to lose. A good way to help them is by communicating directly with the organizations which are truly representative of them. These are organizations of farmers and peasants. The organization of the families of the disappeared has headquarters in Ayacucho. This is where people from many different communities meet. They come with their children, prepare food in a soup kitchen for the orphans, and write down their testimonies to take to the prosecutor's office. SAIIC: But are the accusations about assassinations and massacres of supposed army collaborators by Sendero true? CE: This happens. When an army patrol arrives in a community, the people collaborate out of fear of being beaten up or robbed. Afterwards, when a Sendero patrol arrives, there are people who denounce them so that they will not be beaten or robbed by Sendero. In other words, the Indian people are caught in the cross-fire. SAIIC: Do you have any information of US military bases in the jungle, being used to train the Peruvian army to fight the narcotraffickers? SAIIC: There is great concern about the number of orphans whose parents have been killed in the violence. Is there any support for the communities which have to take care of these children? CE: The important thing is not only to help the orphans, but to prevent the killing of more people. In the Cayara case, a woman whose husband was killed, testified. She escaped with her six children. The military took her as a prisoner and because she was a prime witness, they killed her too, leaving the six children without protection. CE: I have learned that the North American government has One of the witnesses recovering from bullet given economic aid of approxiwounds in a nearby hospital. mately 36 million dollars. A big portion of this goes to the army. Nevertheless, the army in Peru has no legal jurisdiction to fight drug trafficking. SAIIC: Are traditions, like the minka [communal This legally falls under the jurisdiction of Police forces. work] in the Quechua areas, being preserved? Possibly this money is being used to confront subversion, CE: In the entire zones of Ayacucho, Apurimac and that is a completely different situation. and Cuzco, traditions are still strong. The minka is even SAIIC: Governments tend to mix the concepts of being exploited by the army. They make people work for subversion and narco-trafficking. This provides a pretext nothing, utilizing the minka system to build roads. And to repress the population, and ultimately, to fully exploit the people obey because they are used to it, the minka is human and natural resources. part of their upbringing. CE: The government has publicised the fact that SAIIC: Peru has a new government now. Do you Sendero has links with drug traffickers, but I don't know think that there will be changes in the human rights if this is exactly true or simply a way to attract US situation? Will the violations persist? monies. In the Huallaga Zone, drug-traffickers operate CE: The government is not confronting the with small airplanes and it would be impossible for the guerrillas adequately. The political and military control Peruvian airforce not to detect them. In the same way of emergency zones is under the sole command of an that drugs leave the country, sophisticated weaponry army general who doesn't know what human rights are. enters, and Sendero has never attacked a community If he does know, he disregards them. That is why there with sophisticated weaponry. The weapons confiscated from them are those stolen from the police or the army. If are so many disappeared people. The police are controlled by the Public Ministry. The Attorney General can Sendero had some control over the drug-traffickers, if enter all their stations, but he cannot enter any military there were any sort of relationship there, they would headquarters. have sophisticated weapons. The fact is that they don't. Voi5Nos3&4 29 �SAllC: Why can't the Attorney General enter military headquarters, is there a law that prohibits this? CE: No. There is no such law, but there is the gun. The Attorney General is the law, but in remote zones such as Ayacucho where the military is omnipotent, the Attorney General cannot enter their headquarters. That is why, if we suspend emergency zones, we can solve the problem of the disappeared. The emergency zones are at the core of the problem. In Peru the emergency zones include 40 percent of the country. It would be a radical change to send the military back to their barracks. In these zones, the army has created a kind of status quo. They are very entrenched in being there and extorting the people, etc ... When [former President] Alan Garda said the emergency zone status of Ayacucho would be lifted, car bombs immediately appeared in Ayacucho. The Attorney General's office investigated one of those car bombings and we came to the conclusion that it was How You Can Write to the Peruvian President 1) expressing your concern at the murders and tortures in the Ayacucho Province,2) request that a prompt and independent investigation of the tortures and killings be carried out, that the results be made public and those responsible be brought to justice, 3) request that safety of the witnesses be ensured, 4) contact your local media to give publicity to these atrocities. Last-Minute SAIIC was just informed by Amnesty International about more tortures and deaths of Quechua Indian people in the Department of Ayacucho. At least 16 people were tortured by soldiers, as a result of which three of them died, in the province of Vilcashuaman, Department of Ayacucho. On September 25, at 7am, a contingent of soldiers from the Accomarca military base, led by officials · nicknamed "Moreno" and "Gitano," went to the community of Pucapaccana in the Province of Vilcashuaman. They reportedly called the community together and forced them to hand over cattle, money and belongings. The reports add that the names of Bernabe Balde6n Garda, Jesus Balde6n Zapata and Santos Balde6n Palacios were read from a list and they were ordered to accompany the soldiers to Pacchalualhua, bringing the animals with them. Bernabe Balde6n Garda was among the confirmed dead. On their way three women who 30 planted by the army. So the President revoked his order. Today fifty percent of the population of Ayacucho is military or police. SAllC: With the US promoting the militarization of the coca production zones, will the situation in the emergency zones be aggravated? CE: I think the problem of drugtrafficking is wrongly emphasized. The problem is not the production, but the consumption. If there is nobody to consume cocaine, who is going to produce it? The consumption must be attacked and that must happen in the US. Peruvians have been using coca leaves for thousands of years and it's caused no problems, ever! It's part of the tradition. So why try to eradicate the production of coca leaves? For North Americans, it would be cheaper to control their borders, than to spend what they are spending in weaponry in South America, unless, of course, they have other goals... Presidente Alberto Fujimori Presidente de Ia Republica Palacio de Gobiemo Plaza de Armas Lima 1, PERU For more information on human rights in Peru, contact: Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos Horacio Hurteaga 704 Jesus Maria Lima, PERU were grazing their sheep were reportedly raped by five of the soldiers escorting the detainees. When the group arrived at Pacchahuallhua, they were taken to a local government center where they were joined by other men, women and school children, who were being held by soldiers who had carried out similar raids in nearby areas. Ill-treatment and torture reportedly took place in a nearby church. In a written denunciation made by the Federation of Vilcashuaman Institutions (FIPV), its representatives describe the torture to which the peasants were subjected: ...they were tied up with wire and hung upside-down from a beam and whipped; afterwards they were made to lie on the floor, one on top of another, fanning a pile of human bodies such that the person at the bottom carried the weight of all the others and the soldiers jumped on top of them; after this illtreatment they were submerged in ... hot and ... cold water ...until they were dying ... SAIIC Nevvsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Caught in the Crossfire!: Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre of Quechua Indians in Ayacucho (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Caught in the Crossfire!: Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre of Quechua Indians in Ayacucho (Andes) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (28-30).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/6d6f18d08f60df9cb83daeae39137584.pdf 1fdc2da8d454c95996faa5ef26f6d931 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (30).pdf PDF Text Text SAllC: Why can't the Attorney General enter military headquarters, is there a law that prohibits this? CE: No. There is no such law, but there is the gun. The Attorney General is the law, but in remote zones such as Ayacucho where the military is omnipotent, the Attorney General cannot enter their headquarters. That is why, if we suspend emergency zones, we can solve the problem of the disappeared. The emergency zones are at the core of the problem. In Peru the emergency zones include 40 percent of the country. It would be a radical change to send the military back to their barracks. In these zones, the army has created a kind of status quo. They are very entrenched in being there and extorting the people, etc ... When [former President] Alan Garda said the emergency zone status of Ayacucho would be lifted, car bombs immediately appeared in Ayacucho. The Attorney General's office investigated one of those car bombings and we came to the conclusion that it was How You Can Write to the Peruvian President 1) expressing your concern at the murders and tortures in the Ayacucho Province,2) request that a prompt and independent investigation of the tortures and killings be carried out, that the results be made public and those responsible be brought to justice, 3) request that safety of the witnesses be ensured, 4) contact your local media to give publicity to these atrocities. Last-Minute SAIIC was just informed by Amnesty International about more tortures and deaths of Quechua Indian people in the Department of Ayacucho. At least 16 people were tortured by soldiers, as a result of which three of them died, in the province of Vilcashuaman, Department of Ayacucho. On September 25, at 7am, a contingent of soldiers from the Accomarca military base, led by officials · nicknamed "Moreno" and "Gitano," went to the community of Pucapaccana in the Province of Vilcashuaman. They reportedly called the community together and forced them to hand over cattle, money and belongings. The reports add that the names of Bernabe Balde6n Garda, Jesus Balde6n Zapata and Santos Balde6n Palacios were read from a list and they were ordered to accompany the soldiers to Pacchalualhua, bringing the animals with them. Bernabe Balde6n Garda was among the confirmed dead. On their way three women who 30 planted by the army. So the President revoked his order. Today fifty percent of the population of Ayacucho is military or police. SAllC: With the US promoting the militarization of the coca production zones, will the situation in the emergency zones be aggravated? CE: I think the problem of drugtrafficking is wrongly emphasized. The problem is not the production, but the consumption. If there is nobody to consume cocaine, who is going to produce it? The consumption must be attacked and that must happen in the US. Peruvians have been using coca leaves for thousands of years and it's caused no problems, ever! It's part of the tradition. So why try to eradicate the production of coca leaves? For North Americans, it would be cheaper to control their borders, than to spend what they are spending in weaponry in South America, unless, of course, they have other goals... Presidente Alberto Fujimori Presidente de Ia Republica Palacio de Gobiemo Plaza de Armas Lima 1, PERU For more information on human rights in Peru, contact: Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos Horacio Hurteaga 704 Jesus Maria Lima, PERU were grazing their sheep were reportedly raped by five of the soldiers escorting the detainees. When the group arrived at Pacchahuallhua, they were taken to a local government center where they were joined by other men, women and school children, who were being held by soldiers who had carried out similar raids in nearby areas. Ill-treatment and torture reportedly took place in a nearby church. In a written denunciation made by the Federation of Vilcashuaman Institutions (FIPV), its representatives describe the torture to which the peasants were subjected: ...they were tied up with wire and hung upside-down from a beam and whipped; afterwards they were made to lie on the floor, one on top of another, fanning a pile of human bodies such that the person at the bottom carried the weight of all the others and the soldiers jumped on top of them; after this illtreatment they were submerged in ... hot and ... cold water ...until they were dying ... SAIIC Nevvsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Last-Minute Communique (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Last-Minute Communique (Andes) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (30).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/7c492f30d01667a3d207e8042dcea7b1.pdf a064ae8ae3c8759c1a125ec7f0c15efa Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (31-32).pdf PDF Text Text (Guatemala) On December 2, 1990, after midnight, members of the military garrison at Santiago Atitlan fired upon a crowd of 1500 people who were protesting the harassment of civilians from their village. There were confirmed reports of 11 dead and 19 wounded. Other sources claim 26 dead and 71 wounded. By December 4,1990, three more wounded had died, bringing the confirmed total dead to 14. The evening of the massacre, soldiers entered the town, robbing a store and kidnapping its owner. Relatives of the shopkeeper woke other residents by ringing the church bells. When villagers heard the commotion, a crowd of 1500 gathered in the town plaza and proceeded to the Panabaj army garrison to protest the incident, shouting "Leave us in peace!" A short time later, the army opened fire on the crowd. 9 1/U ~ VoiS Nos3&4 1: Santiago Atitlan has been the site of massacres and continuous murders ever since the army permanently occupied the town in 1978. Mayor Delfino Rodas is calling for a rapid investigation into the massacre and f.') prosecution of those found responsible as IJ!..\ well as the removal of the army garrison r~ ~ from Santiago Atitlan. Referring to the army base, he states that "Instead of protecting us, it is they who, under the effects of alcohol, become the assasins of the residents of this area." The people of Guatemala have :; : 31 �expressed their solidarity with the people of Santiago Atitlan pn a huge scale. Many Indian, religious and human rights groups are demanding justice. The people of Atitlan are not allowing themselves to be intimidated and are coming forth to give testimony, in spite of repeated threats to their well-being. The military is emphasizing that the massacre was a "mistake committed by the officers and soldiers of the garrison." According to the Guatemala News, the massacre was no mistake, but part of a well-orchestrated plan to intimidate and hold back the growing tide of popular discontent. The 1978 massacre of over 300 farmers in Panz6s, Alta Verapaz, the killing of 39 political leaders in the Spanish Embassy in 1980 and the "scorched earth" policy that did away with more than 440 villages and countless human beings between 1982 and 1984, were all carried out on orders that filtered down through the military chain of command. Indian organizations in Guatemala are requesting that people throughout the world express solidarity with them by reading the following declaration in their respective languages over local radio and televsion stations: We, the people of _ __ [country, organization, community or Native nationality] express our anger and anguish over the massacre by the Guatemalan army of the people of Santiago Atitlan on the 2nd of December, 1990. We join with the orphans, widows, families and neighbors of those killed in cold blood to demand the immediate removal of the Army and National Police from Santiago Atitlan and that those responsible be brought to justice. With great admiration for your unity and bravery, rooted in the strength of your community we appeal to those who rule Guatemala: the Army, the landowners, the indusrialists, to match your determination for peace and justice. to: 1) Demand the prosecution and punishment of the military personnel responsible the massacre. 2) Demand the respect of the villagers' petition to remove the army from Santiago, A titian. 3) Demand that U.S. gress withhold all U.S. aid Guatemala until the villagers' petition is respected and those responsible for the massacre are brought to justice. 32 messages to: Gen. Leonel Bolanos Ministro de Defensa Ministerio de Defensa Palacio Nacional Guatemala, Guatemala Telex: 305-5321 RELEXTGU Tel: 011-502-253-7472 ext. 2226 Fax: 011-502-2:53and: (Suggested salutation: Your Excellency) Tel: 011 502 1212, 1 502 2266 Fax: 011 253 7472 Telex: 305 5331 CAPRES GU Telegrams: Presidente Cerezo, Guatemala, Guatemala .,. ...., •• action is ur"'""'"'.."" needed! Please feel reprint this and help to ~n~~&~~s:an the word! SAIIC Nevvsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Massacre of Tzutujil Indians in santiago Atitlan (Meso America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Massacre of Tzutujil Indians in santiago Atitlan (Meso America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (31-32).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/7ab15477d204570dfb84458097aae5cb.pdf 6421e43d6a218d7d9a12cf1289f77d89 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (33).pdf PDF Text Text Indians and poor latinos, organized in CUC, urgently denounce the following atrocious crimes before their people and the international community: 1. Each day the pain and anguish suffered by their families, as a result of governmental repression, increases. In the month of June, the number of assassinations rose to 198, in addition to 20 kidnappings and 49 wounded in political violence. In the countryside, the kidnapping of Maria Mejia and the aggression on the part of the civil patrols against the government's Adjunct Ombudsman for Human Rights in Parraxtut, Sacapulas; the attack made on the Mutual Support Group (GAM) in Xepol, Chichicastenango; and the military sweeps carried out by civil patrollers in Huehuetenango, Solola, El Quiche, and other departments, add to the list of repressive actions. 2. Soldiers have threatened the communities of Zacualpa, El Quiche, saying that they are ready to carry out massacres like those of 1981, '82, and '83, which left hundreds of widows and clandestine mass graves. In the township of Chimatzat, Zacualpa, on July 12 at 3:00AM, soldiers dressed as civilians kidnapped Samuel de la Cruz Gomez, and beat his wife, Ignacia de la Cruz Gomez, and son, Genaro de la Cruz Gomez (age 16). In addition, they stole money and other belongings from the family. To justify the kidnapping, uniformed soldiers arrived five minutes later to say that guerrillas had carried out the kidnapping. With methods like these, they try to fool people and force them to participate in the illegal Civil Patrols. The army has occupied several townships of Zacualpa and San Andres. It is increasingly clear that the government and army are getting ready for another massacre like that of El Aguacate, Chimaltenango (November,l988). 3. On July 1, two civil patrol commanders, Santos Chic Us and Catalina Juarez, of Joyabaj, El Quiche, sent a death threat to department authorities to force them to oblige Tomas Lares Ciprian to join the Civil Patrol. Mr. Lares Ciprian has been struggling for his constitutional right to refuse to participate in the Civil Patrols. 4. In Chichicastenango, El Quiche, the military VoiS Nos3&4 commander is threatening people so that they will lie to reporters about the truth of military repression in the community. The army is also harassing members of the community who are organizing development committees and is keeping a strict watch on the markets in order to control how much food people buy. In the township of Chipaca Primero of Chichicastenango, Juan Tiriquiz Perez, 47 years old, was assassinated on July 8. 5. Thousands of displaced families are suffering aerial and land-based bombings, while on foot the army has destroyed many of their crops and houses. In the ghettos of the cities, threats and persecution against these displaced families are increasing. 6. Believing that the recent Presidential elections would divert attention from these abuses, the government and the army began a repressive campaign against the leaders and members of Indian, campesino, and popular organizations like CERJ, CUC, CONAVIGUA (Guatemalan National Widows Committee), GAM, cooperatives, catechists, all of those who are struggling to throw off the illegal Civil Patrols and to provide a little more food for their children. Through this campaign of terror, they are trying to justify a policy of repression in the upcoming months, supposedly to control the violent situation which they, themselves have created. Faced with the tragic situation in which they live, Guatemalans call on all governments, non-governmental organizations, human rights organizations, and people everywhere, to put pressure on the Guatemalan government and the army to investigate these crimes and punish those responsible for violating their human rights. want life peace. contact Comite de Unldad Campesina Postal Angel 000, Mexico DF MEXICO 33 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Campesino Unity Committee (CUC) Calls for Solidarity (Meso America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Campesino Unity Committee (CUC) Calls for Solidarity (Meso America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (33).pdf http://saiic.nativeweb.org/ayn/files/original/794ecd3acb0d5364c6a9e0d3ae388106.pdf 4bbd67fbdb6164b8da8f7625bd78f05f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (34).pdf PDF Text Text II I The National Association of the Indigenous People of El Salvador (ANIS) held its first nationwide gathering of Indian Peoples on September 17-22, 1990 in San Salvador. The National Gathering of Indian People on Culture, Ecology and Justice was well attended by Maya, Lenca and Nahua Indian representatives from throughout the nation, as well as national and international lawyers, environmentalists and human rights delegates. Despite careful invitations to a broad range of representatives which might truly promote peace in the region, government officials, FMLN and most political party representatives were conspicuously absent from the meeting. 12. The Legislative Assembly should write laws which benefit Indigenous and poor people in general; 13. Humanize the army; 14. Lower the price on basic articles of consumption and distribute articles donated by foreign countries and international organizations rather than selling them; 15. Define a policy which recognizes all peoples right to an adequate diet and implement this policy; 16. Investigate and punish all human rights violations and incidences of corruption; Nevertheless, those present made concrete proposals directed specifically at the Salvadoran Armed Forces and the national government. A summary of the conclusions of the September meeting follows: 17. Reject foreign intervention in internal matters and keep government hands out of Indigenous matters; 1. A policy with respect to the conservation and protection of natural resources which stems from a change in attitude as regards Nature; 19. Implement an integral agrarian reform program which includes a food policy, the redistribution of the land, technical assistance, sufficient administrative assistance, establishment of credit and mechanisms for marketing products which benefit the producer rather than the intermediary; 2. A policy with respect to the conservation and protection of Indigenous culture and values and strict adherence to Articles 62 and 63 of the Salvadoran Constitution which refer to the preservation, diffusion and respect for native languages, history, artwork and archeology; 3. A fair application of justice; 4. An end to the repression of all peoples; 5. Subscription to, ratification of and application of all UN treaties designed to protect the rights of Indigenous peoples; 6. Dialogue and negotiation With the FMLN as well as a cease-fire; 18. Respect Indigenous autonomy; 20. Control and elimination of all drug sales beginning with alcohol producing factories and sales, then on to marijuana, cocaine and other substances damaging to humanity and denigrating to the individual. As ANIS leader, Adrian Esquino Lisco subsequently noted at an important march in San Salvador on October 12th, "When the Indigenous people become liberated, the land too becomes liberated ... For the Indian people of El Salvador, and for Indian people throughout the Americas, October 12th is a 'Day of Disgrace,' because it marks the beginning of an invasion which continues today." 7. Respect for brothers and sisters practicing traditional medecine; 8. Distribution of all uncultivated state lands to the Indigenous peoples as these lands were wrongfully taken from them; 9. No forced and illegal recruitment of our children into the armed forces; 10. Absolute respect for human rights; 11. The government and the FMLN should request our consent before entering our lands to carry out any operations; 34 SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The First Gathering of All Indian Nations of El Salvador Held (Meso America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title The First Gathering of All Indian Nations of El Salvador Held (Meso America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (34).pdf