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DETEHMI~ATION

&amp;

TERRITORY

Co~sTITUTIO~AL REVI S ION 1~ BIV\.ZIL:

A Tt !HEAT

TO I N DIGE="Ol'S RIGIITS
BY

e batUe for the rights of the over twO
hundred Indigenous groups in Brazil
seemed to have c.Jaimed a victory at
the end of 1988. Bra:z.il 's newconstitution was
drafted and approved that year, recognizing
the rights of Indigenous peoples, including
the right to their lands. A five year deadline for
the demarcation of these lands was established. After obtaining Indigenous territory
status they would be proleeted by the government against invasions. Only the Indigenous
peoples would be able 10determine the use for
theirlands, including. if they so wished, mining and forestry. This deadline expired on
October 5, 1993, and only 266 of the 532
territories officially rcoognizcd bad been demarcated.
The 1988constitulion also included a clause
for its revision at the end of five years. This
period also expired in October. If this revision
lalces plaoe, the rights granted could be revoked. The validity of the demarcation of
Indigenous territories and the current restrictions on the use of these lands are highly
questioned by many groups that support the
constitutional revision. Invariably, these
groups are part of the elites that have lost
advantages and privileges. The three chapters
central to the debate arc those concerning
agrarian reform, the environmen~ and the
rights oflndigenous peoples. II is feared tha~
if carried through, the revision could lead to
changes toward the Nco-liberal policies supported by the majority of the Brazilian con·
gress. Spocial interest groups lobbying in the
Congress will have great influence over be
results oftherevision. The political climate in
the congress is actually dominated by these
diversctboughgenerallyconscrvativegroups.
The lack of complementary judicial tools that
are also adequate and agile, added to tbe
inoperative power of the executive are also
seriously threatening the conquCSIS made for
indigenous rights.

T:

VOl. 7 NO. 3&amp;4

SLt.L;"o.:L

.J. \.IC\~111.1.&lt;&gt;

One of the most significant conquests was
that over the Yanomami territory in May,
1992. The granting of 9.6 million hectares
demarcated as Yanomami territory is now in
danger of revision. Although the official recognition bas not kept gold prospec!ors away,
some groups contend that this area is ~xeecd­
ingly large for the Yanomarni.
Another argument is that demarcation in
border areas threatens national sovereignty

Minister of Justice recently declared that the
demarcationwillonlyoontinucinareaswbere
there are no conflicts, a requisite nearly impossible to fu1fill, and lbal effectively baits
the process of demarcation until the revision
issue is resolved. This process could take
months or even years. The Minister of Justice
also bad the power of prohibiting access 10
indigenous areas, but the Supreme Tribunal
recently revoked Ibis power. This will have
serious consequences for groups that are still
isolated. Their limited numbers are threatened by the illness and violence that nearly
always follow contact with outsiders.
In the 500 years since the beginning of
European invasions, the population of Indigenous peoples of Brazil bas been reduced
from over 5million to less than 500,000. Their
territories today are only IO%oflbeiroriginal
size. The biggest obstacle to their survival is
theattitudeofBra:zilian society. To the majority of the population, Indigenous rights and
environmentalism are not social priorities..
Hunger and poverty are ranked first These
economic pressures create great tension between the Indigenous peoples and the new
colonistS, poor migrants trying to establish
fanns in their territories. Indigenous people
are thus the most widely discriminated group
in Brazil, frcqucntl yviewed as sicl&lt;, dirty, and
carriers of the Cholera virus. The physical
and cultural survival of Indigenous peoples
is not considered their right, but rather an
eeeenlricity of environmentalists. Many Brazilians arc of the opinion thattbe resources of
the tropical forests can and should be exploited for economic bencfi.ts alone. These
benefits rarely reach !bose actually affeCied
by poverty. This attitude needs 10 change if
the rights establL5hedin 1988 aretobeupbeld
and if the fight for indigenous rights is to be
continued.

by creating practically independent stales.
This argument does not take into account the
fact that Indigenous territories have existed in
border areas for years. Indigenous groups like
the Kayapo and the Guarani are involved in
legal batUes to prove their rights 10 establishing territories thai cover areas in different
countries.
Though it is true that the constiiUiional
revision would not aller tbe present situation
it can risk tbe loss of the judicial principle that
pbilosophically supports the rights ?f indigenous people. Thus, the Yanomarni and the
Kayapo could lose the legal basis to defend
their autonomy and territories, as well as
looiQg the power 10 resolve other issues still
not legally defined, such as their rights over
intellectual property and germ plasma. The
appropriate compensatory mechanisms are
yet to be CSISblished.
Recent events justify the urgency of the
possibility of constitutional revision. The Sources: Porantim, Revisao Constitucional

23

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                    <text>EAL

EPIDEMIC

HITS

COMMUNITIES

OF SAN LORENZO, PERU
n the Peruvian Indigenous communities of San Lorenzo, located
close to the Ecuadorian border, an unidentified epidemic rosem
bling the measles has spread voraciously, killing 5 and infecting
88 others. Symptoms include high fevers, skin eruptions, respiratory
difficullies, hemorrhages, vomiting of blood, diarrhea, and bone pain.
Representatives from tbe Ministry of Health have Oown to the
respective sites to collect samples which are currently being evaluated
in the United States. In the meantime, a vaccine against measles has
been discovered to diminish lbe intensity of the illness, resulting in a
campaign to vaccinate 13,000 people.
The Minisl.ry of Health made an official agreement with the Interethnic Association for the Development of the Peruvian Jungle
(AIDESEP) to develop an"Action for Health" program serving ISO
Indigenous communities of the High Amazonas regions via the San
Lorenzo Health C.nter. Eacb community elects Indigenous youth to
be pall ofthe "Promoters of Health" network that is trained to respond
to the needs of the community during times of crisis. In addition, the
Ministry of Health appoints an lndigeoo+ prescntative to be in
charge of the health needs of 8-IOcomm'"'/rie's. Previous cbolera and
malaria epidemics were effectively brouh{t under control tbrougb

I

(@PTS
JNlrriATIVE ON
INDIGENO U S

HEA,L "PH
fter reviewing the "Heal!! ; the Indigenous Peoples of the
Americas" initiative fonnulated at the Working Meeting on
Indigenous Peoples and Health, held in Canada, from April
13to 17, the Directing Council of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), resolved to adopt Document CD37(JJ) during its
Fourth Plenary Meeting held last September. The document which
describes the initiative, was presented to PAHO by Colombian
Senator Anatolio Quir3, Juan Reategui of Aidesep, Peru, and Mirna
Cuninham, Miskito from Nicaragua.
The resolution urges member governments to take steps in improving the deficient health and living conditions of the estimated 43

A

VOl. 7 NO. 3 &amp; 4

these networks.
This is the second epidemic to reach the San Lorenzo communities in recent years. Malaria Falsiparum, before coming into San
Lorenzo, bad spread in the border petroleum exploitation regions of
the Ecuadorian rain forests with the arrival of obreros (oil workers)
from other partS.
Despite these positive efforts, both !be impacts of disease and
severe water sbortages are driving San Lorenzo into an increasingly
alanning health crisis. As a resul~ AIOESEP, its member organizations and the San Lorenzo Health C.nter are ealling for a revamping
of Peru's bealtb care system for its Indigenous communities.
For more infonnation contact:
AIDESRP
Av. San Rugeoio981
Urb. Santa Catalina-La Victoria
Urna 13, Lima, Peru
Tel: 71~21

·-

Fax: 72-4605

million Indigenous personsoftbe Ameri·
cas as well as the participation of lndig·
enous leaders and representatives in Ibis
process.
The resolution further eallson governments to strengthen the tochnieal, admin·
isuative, and managerial capacity of na·

tiona! and local institutions that are responsible for the health of Indigenous
Juan Reategui or Ald&lt;sep
populations with a view to progressively
1 - - - - - --...J overcoming the lack of infonnation in this
area and ensuring greater access to health services and quality care,
thus contributing to a ttigher degree of equity.
Member governments are further urged to work toward the
transfonnation of health systems and the development of alternative
models of care, including traditional medicine and disease prevention
programs.
The directing council also calls for the ~rticipation of Indigenous
persons and their communities in all aspects of PAHO's work.
For more inl'o: Pan Amtrkan Health Orga.ni1:alion 525 23rd St N.W.
Washington DC 20037, USA

29

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                    <text>A Nineteenth-Century War in the Amazon:&#13;
Indigenous Communities Caught in the Ecuador/ Peru Border Dispute&#13;
by Fernando Rivera&#13;
&#13;
Indigenous people who live in the disputed area between Ecuador and Peru have faced severe hardship and danger during the latest conflict which erupted in January of this year. Forced to fight and caught in wars not of their own design, Indigenous communities in both Ecuador and Peru endured the death of some of their people in battle, the threat of mass starvation, illnesses, and the destruction of their environment.&#13;
&#13;
The recent fighting is an unfortunate continuation of border disputes which have divided the two countries since the wars of independence and is another example of the internal colonialism to which Indigenous peoples are subjected. Each country has based its territorial rights on different treatises and international legal concepts. Each has had its own reasons for waging war. Both Ecuador and Peru, however, have ignored the impact that such land disputes have had on the Indigenous peoples who live along their borders. With every war and every treatise, neither Ecuador nor Peru has been as negatively affected as these Indigenous communities.&#13;
&#13;
The territorial dispute between Ecuador and Peru has been one of the longest and most complicated land disputes on the continent. During colonial times, first the Viceroyalty of Peru and later the Viceroyalty of Gran Colombia administered the Amazonian provinces. In 1829, after gaining independence, Peru and Gran Colombia signed an agreement in which they did not establish borders, but agreed to respect the former colonial divisions. Since the borders in that region were never clearly defined, their demarcation became a topic of constant debate. In 1941 a war broke out between Ecuador and Peru which ended with the signing of the Río de Janeiro Protocol which sought to define the border between the two countries. In 1950, however, Ecuador declared the Protocol null and void because of what it believed to be technical differences in demarcating 78 kilometers of land along the Condor Cordillera. In 1981, another war broke out between the two countries. Some analysts believe that the ruling government of Ecuador began that war as a way to distract attention away from its economic problems. Similarly, some analysts believe that President Fujimori may have begun the current war in order to assure his re-election.&#13;
&#13;
Whatever the motive, it is the Indigenous communities along the Ecuador/Peru border that are the most affected when the two countries decide to go into battle. First, both countries force Indians to fight in the military. This makes neighboring communities along the border and binational communities (communities divided by the border) fight among each other. Much has been said recently about intra-ethnic wars all around the world, but little attention has been paid to the fact that Indian peoples in Ecuador and Peru have been forced to kill each other. Many of these people belong to the same ethnic or cultural groups, as in the case of the Shuar, Achuar, Aguaruna, Huambiza and Quichua Indians.&#13;
&#13;
Second, the toll of the war is felt primarily in Indigenous communities along the border where most of the fighting occurs. Hundreds of families have been displaced by the destruction of their homes, harvests, and cattle. Bombings occur regularly, and deadly diseases are spreading rapidly.&#13;
&#13;
"Indigenous communities have never had borders," says Mino Eusebio Castro, vice-president of AIDESEP (Indigenous Association for the Development of the Peruvian Amazon). "What is occurring is that there is a conflicting interests between two political groups striving for economic control. We have never been consulted over the creation of borders, yet who do they use when there is a conflict of this type? Who provides the food? Who gets recruited to fight on the front lines? Who gets affected by protecting the borders? It is the Indigenous people!"&#13;
&#13;
Luis Macas, president of CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador) reported that the war has directly affected 21 of the 400 Shuar centers (or communities) in the Ecuadorian Amazon because of their proximity to the border. Also, among the 30 Achuar centers, the centers closest to the border have been greatly affected. Furthermore, out of the 25 Quichua communities on both sides of the border (10 in Ecuador and 15 in Peru), the number of affected families reaches 800. Finally, other smaller bordering communities also suffer from the war. These include the Siona, Secoya, Cofan, and the Shiwiar communities. The total number of indians in Ecuador alone affected by this war reaches 20,000. If the conflict continues, Macas predicts the loss of more Indigenous lives, homes, and livelihoods.&#13;
&#13;
A recent article in the Quito daily El Comercio describes the social and economic effect of the war. According to the report, 180 Indigenous communities and approximately 3,000 families "are faced with a social, economic, and psychological crisis because there crops and animals have disappeared and their understanding of their own territory has been changed" since the fighting began. "Life is not the same. Tranquility has not returned to the selva since the ceasefire," said Luis Yampies, a leader of the Shuar community. "Many communities cannot return to their lands because they are mined. That was a defense strategy by the Ecuadorian military, but we are affected."&#13;
&#13;
In formal and informal declarations, Indigenous groups have denounced the violence and demanded that the governments of Ecuador and Peru stop the war. COICA (The Coordinating Body for the Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin), an umbrella group that represents Indigenous organizations from the eight nation-states with territorial claims in the Amazon Basin, proposed the creation of a bi-national park which would demilitarize the conflict zone and guarantee peace for years to come. The proposal was born out of an impending need to protect the environment and the desire to re-integrate the Shuar and Achuar communities in Ecuador with their cultural counterparts in Peru- the Aguaruna and the Huambiza Indians.&#13;
&#13;
Another-perhaps more radical-declaration signed by members of both CONAlE and CONFENIAE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon), demands, among other things, that Ecuador be recognized as a "multinational, multicultural and multilingual country" (see sidebar (page 7) for extracts from the declaration) to guarantee the integrity and respect for Indigenous peoples.&#13;
&#13;
With all of these declarations, Indigenous leaders reiterate the importance that Indigenous participation should have in peace talks. They rightly point out that a meaningful and lasting peace will not be reached as long as the Indigenous peoples who live in the disputed territories continue to be ignored. Still, the governments of Ecuador and Peru are not listening. The government of Peru, for example, has proposed a plan to strengthen its borders by giving away Indigenous land to colonizers from different areas of the country.&#13;
&#13;
But peace will not come through the further colonization of Indigenous people. On the contrary, peace will only be achieved when Indigenous land is rightly and justly protected, and the Indigenous way of life secured. A joint declaration from AIDESEP and CONFENIAE states:&#13;
&#13;
"Nowadays, it is in vogue to speak of integration. However; we have lived for thousands of years in peaceful communion with our Indigenous neighbors on both sides of the border. Furthermore, borders that the white people created have divided communities like the Shuar, Quichua and Cofan. But we continue to feel as though we were part of one Indian continental nation: the ancient Abya Yala."&#13;
&#13;
Additional declarations and information from Indigenous organizations on this border conflict are in SAlIC's PeaceNet conference saiic.indio as well as on the Internet at:&#13;
http:IIulwnaix.cc.ulwns.edu/-marc/geography/latinam/ecuador/border_main.html.&#13;
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                    <text>EDITORIAL&#13;
State borders, rather than cultural borders, are one of the largest obstacles blocking Indigenous peoples from communicating, working together and reinvigorating our cultures. For this reason, we have dedicated this edition to publicizing Indigenous thinking and discussion on nation-state border issues. The 1995 war between Peru and Ecuador has rekindled interest in this ongoing debate. Reminiscent of the formative nineteenth-century nation-state independence wars in Latin America, this recent war is a bloody conflict between nation-states fought with Indigenous lives.&#13;
Twentieth-century examples of similar situations include the 1932-1935 Chaco War between Paraguay and Bolivia which took 40,000 Indigenous lives, the so-called Soccer War in 1968 between El Salvador and Honduras, the never-ending strife on the Colombian-Venezuelan border, and the hardships which the Miskitu people in Nicaragua and Honduras and the Kuna Nation in Panama and Colombia have endured.&#13;
European colonizers first, and then American States, delineated borders. Outsiders divided the continents' geographical space and states, provinces, departments, municipalities, and counties replaced cultural territories of Indigenous origin . The Spanish Crown, after decimating and exploiting Indigenous peoples, decided to give some territorial rights through the systems of "Mercedes lndivisas," "Cedulas Reales," and other communal rights. Indigenous peoples exercized autonomous rights to those territories.&#13;
However, after the Criollo (descendants of Spaniards) elites expelled the Spanish monarchy in the so-called War of Independence, they took away those territorial rights, and imposed on Indigenous peoples a new ideology of "citizenship." Indigenous peoples were forced to enroll in the Criollo Independence Army. Needless to say, they were used as cannon fodder. The new governing elites decided that it was their turn to rule the vast territory which is today America. The Criollo elites reshaped, according to their individual interests, what today are considered the Latin American states.&#13;
Indigenous peoples were not consulted to evaluate that process. With our populations decimated, borders were imposed on us, subdividing our Indigenous nations. Although the decline of the Spanish empire and the emergence of the Criollo elite ushered in the recognition of some of our own traditional territory, Indigenous "uprisings" throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were constant reminders of the denial of our immemorial rights to our own territories which we have occupied for thousands of years.&#13;
New legal systems based on individualistic Roman judiciary tenets contradicted the collective cultures of Indigenous peoples. Today, the Latin American states continue to deny and ignore Indigenous peoples' conception of justice and government.&#13;
Today, the Indigenous movements demand to be heard. It is important that throughout this Decade of Indigenous Peoples our different conceptions of political rights to self-determination and autonomy be reexamined. Our cultural practices and our reproduction as collectives requires having control over our territories. We are more conscious about the need to be heard as "collective entities." Indigenous peoples' demands need to be heard and met by new rules that cannot be defined by westem laws and cultures. It is imperative that governments and societies recognize our rights as distinct and original peoples of the world.&#13;
Borders are but one of several obstacles we face as Indigenous peoples. Each demarcated border line has been created by the process of colonization and violence against Indigenous nations. Whether domestic or international, borders bear the same colonial logic. Ultimately, they mean our demise. In light of this fact, the articles in this issue will update the tremendous pressures we must face due to anachronistic colonial legal structures, by now obsolete, that deny us our rights as original Indigenous peoples.&#13;
&#13;
SAIIC Board of Directors&#13;
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                    <text>Guajajara Murdered in Brazil&#13;
Manuel Mendes, a Guajajara Indian, was killed following a land invasion in the state of Maranhao, Brazil. Mendes' assassin, Jaime Jardim, was an invader of the Krikati Indian territory, located in the Brazilian state of Maranhao. According to his daughter; Manuel Mendes had been receiving death threats for some time. Tension had been building in that area since a group of invaders prevented a team of technicians from demarcating the Krikati territory.&#13;
The minister of Justice issued a directive ordering the Krikati territory to be demarcated in July of 1992. However, because of pressure from local politicians, land invaders and the family of ex-president Jose Samey, the demarcation has been interrupted.&#13;
Meanwhile, Krikati land continues to be illegally occupied. Invaders have settled on about twenty farms and in a Krikati village. In December of last year, when technicians were once again sent to demarcate the area, invaders burned the entrance bridges and blocked access to the area.&#13;
&#13;
Information supplied by CIMI-Conselho Indigenista Missionario (Indian Missionary Council)&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
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Xicaque leader Julio Soto recently denounced the Honduran government’s failure to demarcate their lands and assure their survival. “We’re in a bad state. The government will not say the land is ours, and allows the wild ‘ladinos' (non-Indians) to throw us off the land our ancestors left us,” he said.&#13;
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Due to strong opposition by the Ngobe-Bugle community of Panama to the mining of their lands, the government has drawn up a bill that will grant the community autonomy over its territory. The Ngobe-Bugle people claim ownership of over 11,000 square kilometers of land in the western part of Panama.&#13;
Marcelino Montezuma, a Ngobe-Bugle leader, explained that his community rejected the mining of their territory out of concern for environmental degradation. The Ngobe-Bugle people felt that without autonomy over their land, they would be powerless to regulate the mining process. “First of all, we want independence, then we will see if mining will suit us," he said.&#13;
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A commission of twenty-three Xucuru Karirir, WassuCocal, Geripanko, Kariri-Xoko, Nand Karapoto Indians from Alagoas, along with Xoko Indians from Sergipe, went to Brasilia to denounce acts of violence against Indians and demand measures for the demarcation of their lands. The commission was heard by audiences at FUNAI, the Office of the Attorney General, and the Chamber of Deputies. Citing one of the most serious incidents, the Karapoto warned that at least eight mysterious fires had destroyed crops, fences and grazing land in their 1,810-hectare territory, which has been the object of litigation for two years.&#13;
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The Nicaraguan Ministry of Economics recently awarded a permit to the Nycon Resource Company of Canada to search for gold and other minerals in the Bossawas Reserve, on the border of Honduras in northwest Nicaragua, continues to be the site of mining, logging, and subsistence farming operations that endanger Indigenous populations and the environment. According to MARENA, there are now 700 non-Indigenous families living on the borders of the reserve who have cleared thousands of acres of forest for crops and cattle-grazing. Loggers have begun to haul tropical hardwood from the area to Managua, and flights over the reserve reveal huge clear-cut areas on the western and southern edges. Sumu leaders have demanded the cancellation of the mining permit.&#13;
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                    <text>Indigenous Assembly Grapples with Suicides&#13;
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Suicides among the Guarani Kaiowa, which have been on the rise for the past ten years, were the main subject discussed this past May at an Assembly of the Aty Guassu Organizzation in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil, he Assembly brought together shamans, Indian leaders and chiefs from 22 villages to try to learn why 22 Indians have committed suicide this year.&#13;
	The suicide rate among tghe Guarani Koaiowa is unusually high. The World Health Organization considers that an estimate of over one case in 10,000 per year is abnormal. According to FUNAI, 161 suicides, most of which were committed by young Indians, were registered among the Guarani Kaiowa from 1985 through May of this year.&#13;
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Information courtesy of CIMI - Conselho Indigenista Missionario&#13;
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                <text>Suicides among the Guarani Kaiowa, which have been on the rise of the past ten years, were the main subject discussed at an assembly of the Aty Guassu Organization in Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil.</text>
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                    <text>Ecuadorian Indigenous Nationalities to the nation and world:&#13;
&#13;
The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAlE) and the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) met in an Encounter of Solidarity for Peace and Dignity in the city of Sucua, Ecuador, at the headquarters of the&#13;
Interprovincial Federation of Shuar-Achuar Centers (FICSHA), on February 21·22, 1995. After analyzing recent conflicts between Ecuador and Peru, we declare the following:&#13;
&#13;
In the countries of Latin America and around the world and, particularly among countries which are in conflict, we comprise a diversity of peoples and cultures which are historically located in our own territories.&#13;
The border conflicts that today lead to bloodshed in neighboring populations and destroy their harmony and lifestyles, are not in our interests. Rather, they have lead to a stalemate and a deepening poverty for the communities involved.&#13;
For these reasons, we Indigenous nationalities propose:&#13;
That Ecuador be constitutionally recognized as a pluri-national, multicultural, and plurilingual state, because the recognition of and respect for different peoples is not an obstacle to the unity of a diverse country, but rather a resource that will strengthen its cohesion.&#13;
In homage to the International Decade of Indigenous Peoples that the United Nations declared, we demand of International organizations and the guarantee nations of the Rio Protocol that Indigenous peoples in Ecuador and Peru be included in the peace negotiations as active participants in the search for a definitive solution to the conflict.&#13;
That the Ecuadorian State permanently suspend the colonization programs in the ancestral lands of the Indigenous nationalities of the Amazon Region.&#13;
The legalization of Indigenous territories in the border area and in the Amazon Region as a fundamental guarantee of the security and territorial integrity of the country.&#13;
That the National Parks, Protected Forests, and Forest Reserves be given to and administered directly by Indigenous organizations for the appropriate use and management of their natural resources,&#13;
That we be repaired for the socio-economic and environmental impacts caused by the war; a guarantee of the return of displaced peoples to their Indigenous communities; and the establishment of a fund for the relatives of civilians killed in the conflict.&#13;
That the budget for the Intercultural Bilingual Education program be augmented.&#13;
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